Category: DR PATHAN – CHRONOLOGY

  • CHRONOLOGY ON LIFE & ACHIEVEMENTS OF ALLAMA I.I.KAZI

    CHRONOLOGY ON LIFE & ACHIEVEMENTS OF ALLAMA I.I.KAZI

    علام آءِ . آءِ قاضي جي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جو خاڪو ڪرانالاجي جيروشني ۾ .

    ڊاڪٽر در محمد پٺاڻ

    تعارف. علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي اسان جي ڏيھ جو ڏاهو انسان هو . هنپنهنجي حياتيءَ جو هڪ هڪ پل علم کي عام ڪرڻ ۾ صرف ڪيو . سندس انهي امر ڪهاڻي جيابتدا “مبلغ” جي صورت ۾ ٿي ۽ پڄاڻي “معلم” جي حيثيت سان ٿي .

    سنڌ جي وڏن انسانن جيان پاڻ سچو سيلائي پڻ هئو . کين ديسپرديس گهمڻ ۽ ڏسڻ جو موقعو مليو . انهيءَ حوالي سان سنڌ ۽ انگلينڊ کي خوب ڏٺائون .هنن ئي ملڪن ۾ رهيا ، پڙهيا ۽ پاڙهيائون . درس وتدريس جي سلسلي ۾ پهريون “تعليمڌارين لاءِ” جي اصول کي قائم ڪندي ، لنڊن ۾ تبليغ جو مرڪز قائم ڪيائون ، سندن انهيجذبي جو محرڪ برنارڊشا جي تحرير بڻيو . وري سنڌ جي حالتن کين انهي ڳالهه تي مجبورڪيو ته پاڻ خاص طور ته مسلمانن ۾ ديني ۽ دينوي تعليم کي عام ڪن . سندن انهي سوچپٺيان سنڌي عوام جي غربت ۽ جهالت ، مٿيئن طبقي جي بي حسي ۽ حڪمران طبقي جي پرماريتاهم ڪارڻ ٿيا . علامه مرحوم علم کي علم ڪرڻ لاءِ سنڌ جي هلنديءَ پڄنديءَ وارن ۾اميدون رکيون . اتان موٽ نه ملڻ تي سنڌ مدرسي ۾ ملازمت ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪيائون . هتيبه ڪجهه نه ٿيو ته پنهنجي گهر ۾ خانگي طور تي تعليم ڏيڻ شروع ڪيائون ۽ ائين مايوسٿيڻ بدران هر موقعي کي غنيمت ڄاڻي علم کي عام ڪندا رهيا . پر جڏهن کين سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجهڙو ادارو مليو ته پنهنجي محبت ۽ محنت ، لياقت ۽ صلاحيت جي پالوٽ ڪري ڏيکاريائون.

    علامه مرحوم “مبلغ” ۽ “معلم” جي حيثيت ۾ ڄاتو سڃاتو وڃي ٿو. ليڪن سندن نجي زندگيءَ تي ڪنهن قلم نه کنيو آهي . پاڻ ڪيتريون شاديون ڪيائون؟“ايلسا قاضي” جو داستان سنڌ جي ٻين رومانوي داستانن سان ڪهڙي هڪ جهڙائي رکي ٿو؟ هناهم سوالن تي ته اڃا تفصيل سان روشني وجهڻ جي ضرورت آهي .

    علامه مرحوم اهل علم کان سواءِ اهل قلم پڻ هو . سندن ڪتابن۽ مقالن کان سواءِ اڻ ڳڻين خطن ۽ خطبن جو خزانو اڃا عوام جي اڳيان ڪونه آيو آهي .پاڻ ڪنهن ڪنهن ڏانهن “قرب ناما” موڪليائون ۽ ڪيتريون جمعن تي نمازون پڙهائي خطباڏنائون؟ محققن کي اها معلومات پڻ گڏ ڪرڻي آهي . خوش قسمتي سان انهي معلومات جاذريعا ۽ وسيلا اڃا موجود ۽ محفوظ آهن ان کان سواءِ پاڻ جن ادارن ۾ تعليم حاصل ڪيائوناهو رڪارڊ پڻ موجود آهي. “سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ” جي رڪارڊ مان سندن علم کي عام ڪرڻ جوناهم ڪوششون نمايان ڪري سگهجن ٿيون . اهو سمورو ڪم منظم تحقيق کان سواءِ ڪري نه ٿوسگهجي .

    اميد ته انهي ڏس ۾ “علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ميموريل ڪاميٽي”پاڻ ملهائيندي .

    هن موقعي تي جڏهن “پاڪستان اسٽڊي سينٽر” سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيباني ۽ محسن جي ياد رکي تازي ڪرڻ لاءِ سيمينار سڏائڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو ته انهي سلسلي ۾20 مارچ 1989 ع تي پاڪستان اسٽڊي سينٽر جي ڊائريڪٽر ۽ سيمينار ڪاميٽيءَ جي ڪنوينر حڪم ڪيو ته سيمينار ڪاميٽيءَ جي سيڪريٽريءَ جيحيثيت ۾ ٻانهن ٻيلي ٿي ڪم ۾ هٿ ونڊايان . محترم پروفيسر ڊاڪٽر عبدالغفار جوڻيجي ۽اسان ٻنهي کي گڏجي سيمينار ، ان جي پبلسٽي ۽ پلاننگ، سووينئر ان جي مواد جي ميڙيچونڊي ۽ ترتيب ، نمائش جي اهتمام کان وٺي اشتهارن جي حصول لاءِ ڏينهن رات هڪ ڪريڪم ڪرڻو پيو . انهي مصروفيت دوران هڪ ڏينهن جي مهلت ملي ته پنهنجي ميڙي چونڊي کياڳيان رکي هئي ڪرانالاجي تيار ڪئي اٿم ، جيڪا اڌوري ۽ اڻپوري هوندي به علامه مرحومجي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جو خاڪو پيش ڪري ٿي . انشا الله تعالي مٿي ذڪر ڪيل علامه مرحومجي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جي ٻين پهلوئن تي پڻ هن کان پوءِ تحقيق ڪري ، پڙهيندڙ اڳيان جامعڪرانالاجي پيش ڪئي ويندي .

    NOTE: YEAR AND DATE IS GIVEN ON LEFT SIDE, WHEREAS, MONTH IS GIVEN IN SINDHI AND ON RIGHT HAND>

    1886 (9 )اپريل)  علامهآءِ . آءِ .  قاضي جي پاٽ ، ضلعي دادو ۾ولادت ٿي .

    1891  علامه مرحومآخوند ميان عبدالعزيز وٽ ابتدائي تعليم وٺڻ شروع ڪئي .

    1902  علامه مرحومکي اسڪول ۾ داخل ڪيو ويو علامه مرحوم صوفي فقيرن جي صحبت اختيار ڪئي . جن مان احمدفقير ٿيٻو خاص اهميت رکي ٿو .

    1904  علامه مرحومخانگي طرح سنڌي فائينل جي تياري ڪري ، امتحان ڏنو . هن امتحان ۾ فارسي زبان ۾پهريون نمبر کنيائين .

    1904 علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ٻن مهينن لاءِ سنڌ مدرسي جيشاگرد ٿي رهيو .

    انهي عرصي دوران پاڻ پرنسپال وائنس جي بنگلي جي هيٺئن حصي ۾رهيو

    1905 بمبئي يونيورسٽيءَ مان خانگي طرح مئٽرڪ جو امتحان پاسڪيائين .

    1906 اعلي تعليم حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ علي ڳڙھ ڪاليج پڙهڻ ويو، پرڪجهه عرصي بعد اتان واپس هليو آيو.

    1907 اعلي تعليم حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ انگلينڊ هليو ويو.

    1909 علامه مرحوم لنڊن جي اسڪول آف اڪنامڪس ۾ داخلا ورتي ۽ڊاڪٽر ڪئنن وٽ پڙهيو . ساڳي وقت ڪنگس ڪاليج ۾ ڊاڪٽر برائون وٽ نفسيات جي تعليمورتي ۽ ڊاڪٽر آرنولڊ کان فلاسافي پڙهيو .

    1910 علامه صاحب جي ملاقات ايلسا سان ٿي ۽ ساڻس شادي ڪيائين.

    1911 علامه مرحوم“لنڪن ان” مان بار ايٽ لا جي ڊگري حاصل ڪئي۽ ان بعد وطن واپس وريو .

    1913 (16 مارچ) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي ايلسا قاضي عيد جيموقعي تي پنهنجي سهري قاضي امام علي کي لنڊن مان عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1915 علامه مرحوم يورپ دورو ڪيو . انهي سفر دوران اٽلي ۽جرمني پڻ ويا . پاڻ 1919 ع تائين ٻاهر رهيا .

    1920 (ڊسمبر) “سنڌ زميندار” سکر اخبار ۾ علامه مرحوم جو“ڀائرو، جاڳو، پر براءِ خدا ڪر ٿورا موڙي” جي عنوان سان مضمون شايع ٿيو .

    1921ٽنڊي محمد خان ۾ ماجسٽريٽ مقرر ٿيا .

    1922 (1 اپريل) علامه مرحوم خيرپور رياست ۾ ڊسٽرڪٽ ائنڊسيشن جج مقرر ٿيو . پاڻ هن عهدي تان آگسٽ 1927ع ۾ دستبردار ٿيا .

     1923 (نومبر) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيمادام ايلسا قاضي خيرپور ۾ مير علي نواز نازجي هڪ غزل جو انگريزي ۾ منظوم ترجموڪيو .

    1924 ع انگلينڊ جي پوئٽري سوسائٽي مخزن “دي پوئٽري رويو” ۾علامه مرحوم “مشرقي شاعري” جي موضوع تي مقالو شايع ٿيو. هن مقالي جي قدردانيءَ طورکين سوسائٽيءَ جو نائب صدر مقرر ڪيو ويو ، جيڪو عهدو پورا پنجويهه سال ماڻيائون .

    1924 علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي جي ڪوشش سان خيرپور ۾“پوئريسوسائٽي” قائم ٿي جنهن کان پوءِ ان جون شاخون لاڙڪاڻي ۽ حيدرآباد ۾ به قائم ٿيون .

    1925 (28) جون) مير علي نواز خان لاهور جي اقبال بيگ عرفبالي سان شادي ڪئي . محترمه ايلسا قاضي ۽ بالي جي وچ ۾ دوستيءَ وارو رشتو قائم ٿيو.

    1925 (11 )سيپٽمبر) “پوئٽري سوسائٽي” جي حيدرآباد شاخ جيگڏجاڻي شمس العلماءَ مرزا قليچ بيگ جي صدارت هيٺ ٿي جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم ۽ سندسگهرڌياڻي شرڪت ڪئي .

    1926 ( 23) اپريل) پوئٽري سوسائٽي لاڙڪاڻه شاخ طرفان مشاعروٿيو جنهن ۾ شمس العلماءَ قليچ بيگ، علامه مرحوم ۽ سندس گهرڌياڻي شرڪت ڪئي.

    1926   کين خيرپوررياست جي ايزيڪيٽو ڪائونسل جو هوم ميمبر مقرر ڪيو ويو .

    1927 علامه آءِ . آءِ قاضي ۽ مير علي نواز خان ناز جي وچ ۾پوليس ناظم شيخ حفيظ الله غلط فهميون پيدا ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي . جنهن جي نتيجي ۾ کيسپنهنجي نوڪريءَ مان هٿ ڌوئڻا پيا .

    1927  (31-) آگسٽ) علامه صاحب خيرپور رياست جي نوڪريتان دست بردار ٿيو . پاڻ اتي ڊسٽرڪٽ ائنڊ سيش جج کان سواءِ رياست جي ڪائونسل جاهوم ميمبر پڻ هئا .

    1927 علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ جو دورو ڪيو هن دوري دوران “ديفلاسافر” رسالي ۾ ڪنهن محترمه جو “فلسفي ڪير آهي” جي عنوان سان شايع ٿيل مضمونپڙهيائون جنهن تي پوءِ تنقيد ڪيائين .

    1927 علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ اسلامي تبليغ جو ڪم شروع ڪيو ۽ انسلسلي ۾ ايسٽ اينڊ ۾ هڪ مرڪز کوليائين . هن مرڪز ۾ لڳاتار ٻه سال ڪم ڪيائين .

    1928 لنڊن اسڪول آف اورينٽل اسٽڊيز ۾ استاد ۽ ممتحن جيحيثيت سان خدمتون سرانجام ڏنائين. 

    1928 فلاسافيڪل سوسائٽي انگلينڊ جي مخزن “دي فلاسافر” جيجولاءِ ، سيپٽمبر پرچي ۾

    “فلاسافرڪير آهي؟ ” جي عنوان سان تنقيدي خط شايع ٿيو . هنخط جي بنياد تي ئي کين فلاسافيڪل سوسائٽيءَ صوفيا ۾ ٻيهر شايع ڪيو ويو .

    1929 (1-) جنوري) علامه مرحوم مختلف سنڌي اڳواڻن ڏانهن نئينسال جون مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1929 (13-)مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽انهيءَ موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1929 (20) مئي) علامه مرحوم پنهنجي وطن ۾ حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ان موقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1929 حيدرآباد ۾ وڪالت شروع ڪيائون ۽ کين حيدرآباد  ضلعي جو پبلڪ پراسيڪيوٽر مقرر ڪيو ويو.

    1929 (1) جولاءِ) ڪراچي جي ٿياسافيڪل هال ۾ “ڪردار” جي موضوعتي علامه مرحوم ليڪچر ڏنو .

    1929 (18 آگسٽ) “دي سنڌ هيرالڊ” جي “پيغمبر نمبر” ۾ علامهمرحوم جو “ڪردار” جي موضوع سان ليڪچر شايع ٿيو . جيڪو پاڻ هن کان اڳ ٿياسافيڪلسوسائٽي ۾ ڏئي چڪا هئا .

    1929 ( 5-) سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحوم ڪراچيءَ ۾ وڪٽوريا روڊ جيبنگلي نمبر 4 ۾ رهيو .

    1929 ( 6)- سيپٽمبر) ڊي . جي سنڌ ڪاليج ۾ ڪلچرل شو ٿيو .جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي صدر ايلسا قاضي ڪئي .

    1929 ( آڪٽوبر) سنڌ جي فرقيوارنه ماحول ۽ حالتن تي علامهمرحوم ڏکوئجي مسئلي جي حل لاءِ ويچارڻ شروع ڪيو ، ۽ خاص طور تي انهيءَ ڳالهه تيتوجهه ڏنائين ته ڪنهن نه ڪنهن طرح سنڌي مسلمان مطالعي ، مشاهدي ۽ تجربي جي بنيادتي پاڻ کي ڪارائتو انسان بڻائي حالتن جو مقابلو ڪري .

    1929 ( 5-) آڪٽوبر) “سنڌ هيرالڊ” جي هن پرچي ۾ ايڊيٽر هندو مسلم فرقيواريت کي هوا ڏيڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي .اها ڳالهه علامه مرحوم کي پسند نه آئي جنهن جو اظهار پنهنجي خط وڪتابت ۾ ڪيائون .

    1929 ( 7)- آڪٽومبر) علامه مرحوم سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ سنائيڏي خط لکي کيس “پرائمر آف پاليٽڪس” ڪتاب پڙهڻ جو تاڪيد ڪيو ۽ سندس توجهه “ سنڌهيرالڊ جي 5 – آڪٽوبر واريپرچي ۾ شايع ٿيل مسلمان ڪارڪن بابت رمارڪ طرف ڇڪرايو علامه مرحوم انهي ڏينهن تي ڪراچي۾ قيام پذير هئو .

    1929 ( 17)- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم جو حيدرآباد ڪئنٽونمينٽ واريبنگلي نمبر 4 ۾ قيام پذير هئڻ جو پتو پئي ٿو . انهي تاريخ تي پاڻ خط وڪتابت پڻڪيائون .

    1929 ( 26-) ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حيدرآباد مان مختلف سنڌياڳواڻن سان خط وڪتابت ڪئي ۽ سندن توجهه سنڌي عوام جي غربت ۽ جهالت طرف ڇڪرايو . هنخط لکڻ کان اڳ ڪيترا دفعا پاڻ آس پاس جي ڳوٺن ۾ ويندو رهيو ۽ حالتن کي ڏسندو عوامسان ملندو رهيو .انهيءَ تاريخ تي لکيل خط ۾ پئسن گوئي ڪري ٿو جيڪڏهن حالتون نهبدلايون ويون ته ويهن سالن اندر تباھ ڪن نتيجو نڪرندو .

    1930 ( 13) فيبروري) اڍائي مهينن کان غربت ۽ جهالت واريونحالتون ڏسي ، سنڌي مسلمان ڌن –ڌڻي ۽ اڳواڻ طبقيجي بي بسي کي محسوس ڪري علامه مرحوم هفتيوار اخبار ڪڍڻ جو خيال ڪري چڪو هو .انهيءَسلسلي ۾ هن تاريخ تي حيدرآباد مان ڪن ماڻهن سان خط وڪتابت ڪيائين .

    1930 ( 3)- مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽ انموقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي پڻ خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .

    1930 (14) – اپريل) همشيرهجي نياڻيءَ جي بيمار ٿي پوڻ ڪري علامه مرحوم جن حيدرآباد ۾ ئي موجود رهيا . اتيکين معلوم ٿيو ته سنڌ جو ڪمشنر “ينگ ڪرشچن ائسوسيئيشن” جي سرپرستي ڪري ٿو . کيناحساس ۽ خيال پيدا ٿيو ته جيڪڏهن مسلمانن طرفان کيس سرپرستيءَ جو سڏ ڏنو وڃي ۽شايد هو قبول نه به ڪري مسلمانن جي اهڙي نڌڻڪائي کيس خط وڪتابت ذريعي حال اورڻ تيمجبور ڪيو .

    1930 ( 10 )مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تيپنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1930 ( 30) – سيپٽمبر) ڪراچي۾ محمد علي جناح کي دعوت ڏئي سنڌي مسلمان اڳواڻ سان “سنڌ جي بمبئي کان علحدگي”واري مسئلي تي خيالن جي ڏي وٺ ڪئي . هي گڏجاڻي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ جي بنگلي تي ٿي، جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم پڻ شرڪت ڪئي .

    1930 (21 نومبر) ڪراچيءَ ۾ سنڌي مسلمان اڳواڻن ۽ دانشورنجي گڏجاڻي ٿي ته جيئن انگريزي اخبار جي اجرا لاءِ سوچ ويچار ڪري سگهجي ، علامهمرحوم هن گڏجاڻي ۾ شرڪت ڪئي .

    1930 (ڊسمبر) جنگشاهيءَ “اڪبر آشرم” ٺاهڻ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪئي ۽ان سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي رهبري حاصل ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪيائين .

    1931 ( 1) جنوري) نئين سال جي موقعي تي علامه مرحوم سنڌ جيڪيترن ئي اڳواڻن کي خطن ذريعي نئين سال جون مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1931 ( 5)- جنوري) ريلوي ذريعي علامه حيدرآباد کان دادو ويا۽ انهيءَ ڏينهن وري اتان واپس ٿيا . لڪي ڀڳي ٽوڙي جي پر لطف نظاري کين متاثر ڪيو ،جنهن جو اظهار خط و ڪتابت ۾ ڪيائون .

    1931 ( 7) جنوري) علامه مرحوم نئين سال جي موقعي تي جن ماڻهنکي مبارڪون موڪليون هيون ، تن جي کين موٽ نه ملي ، ان ڪري خطن ذريعي موٽ نه ڏيڻواري ڳالهه تي تعجب جو اظهار ڪيائون سنڌي مسلمان سياستدانن کي “سياسي علم” حاصلڪرڻ ۽ وڌيڪ مطالعي ڪرڻ لاءِ جيڪا اڳ ۾ علمي ۽ قلمي تحريڪ هلائي چڪا هئا . ان سلسلي۾ محترم جي . ايم سيد ڏانهن “روم جي مختصر تاريخ” ۽ افلاطون جو “ريپبلڪ” ڪتابموڪلي ڏنائون .

    1931 ( 9- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم طرفان اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط  مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته پاڻ ڪو رسالو جاري ڪيوهيائون . جنهن جا فقط ٽي پرچا نڪري سگهيا . هن خط جي پڄاڻي ۾ لکن ٿا ته “افسوس اهواٿم ته مونکي سنڌي مسلمانن جي ٻڏندڙ قوم جي بچائڻ لاءِ ڪو رستو ڏسڻ نه ٿو اچي ڪاشهي وڏا زميندار سندن ذاتي مفاد کي ڪجهه پاسيرو رکي ، قوم لاءِ ڪجهه ڪندا .”

    1931 ( 20- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي۽ ان موقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .

    1931 (20 – فيبروري) معلومٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم شاھ لطيف جي ڪلام جو تفصيلي مطالعو ڪري رهيو هو . ان ڪري خطوڪتابت ۾ پڻ لطيف سائين جا بيت حوالن ۾ شاهدن طور ڏيڻ شروع ڪيائين اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾لکيل هڪ خط ۾ راءِ قائم ڪئي اٿن ته ساڌو وسواڻي کي هندو موٽ ڏئي رهيا آهن ، مگر هوپاڻ جيڪڏهن اهڙي ريت تعليم ۽ تبليغ جو ڪم شروع ڪندو ته کين مسلمانن وٽان اهڙي موٽنه ملندي .

    1931 (مارچ) مهيني جي آخري هفتي ۾ علامه مرحوم جن سنڌ مانپرڏيهه لاءِ روانا ٿي ويا .

    1931 (31 – مارچ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ ڏانهن ويندي سيئز واھ پهتو . جتان پڻ سنڌ جي اڳواڻن مان ڪن خاصاڳواڻن سان خط وڪتابت ڪيائين .

    1931 (29 – اپريل) علامهمرحوم حج عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي عيد مبارڪونموڪليون .

    1931 (مئي) مئي جي شروعات تاريخن ۾ علامه مرحوم لنڊن پهچيويو . جتي اولڊ براڊ اسٽريٽ اي . سي جي گهر نمبر 22 ۾ رهيو .

    1931 (14) – مئي ) علامهمرحوم خط لکي اها خواهش ظاهر ڪئي ته هن ۾ جيڪڏهن کين تبليغي ۽ تعليمي مرڪز قائمڪرڻ ۾ مدد ڏني وڃي ته هو انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ وطن واپس موٽڻ لاءِ تيار آهي . پر پاڻاها راءِ قائم ڪري چڪا هئا ته ٿيا سافسٽن سان گڏجي اهڙو ڪم نه ڪندا ڇو ته اهيپنهنجي نظريئي کي هڪ نئون قومي ۽ دستوري فرقو بنائڻ گهرن ٿا .

    1931 (15)– مئي ) علامهمرحوم ڄيٺل پرسرام جي انهي تجويز جي مخالفت ڪئي ته سنڌي صورتخطيءَ کي اهميت ڏيڻ نهگهرجي . علامه مرحوم راءِ ڏني ته لفظن جي صورتخطي بدلائڻ سان انهن جي معني بدلجيويندي .

    1931 (21) – مئي ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ مان خط لکي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي پنهنجي انهي خواهش کان ٻيهر تفصيلسان ٻڌائڻ گهريو ته پاڻ سن ۾ جيڪو تدريسي ۽ تبليغي مرڪز قائم ڪرڻ گهري ٿو . ان جوسيد صاحب جي مصروفيتن ۽ مالي ذريعن تي اثر نه پوندو

    1931 ( 13 )– آگسٽ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضي سنائي ڏي خط لکي اڳ ۾ 21 جولاءِ واري خط جي موٽموڪلڻ جو تاڪيد ڪيو .

    1931 ( 9-) سپٽمبر) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضيسنائي ڏي خط لکي يادگيري ڏياري ته هن وٽان کيس 21 جولاءِ واري خط جي جوڳي موٽ نهملي آهي ، ان ڪري کيس ٻڌايو وڃي ته شاھ صاحب پنهنجي ڪيل وعدي تي قائم آهي يا نه ؟شاھ صاحب اهو وعدو ڪيو ته علامه مرحوم کي سن ۾ تعليمي ۽ تبليغي تربيتي مرڪز قائمڪرڻ ۾ مدد ڪندو .

    1931 ( 9-) آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ ۾ مطالعي ۽ غور فڪر۾ مصروف رهيو ، ان جي جهلڪ سندس اڄوڪي تاريخ تي لکيل خط مان ملي ٿي . جنهن ۾“گرنٿ” ۽ قرآن شريف مان حوالا ڏنا اٿن . سيد غلام مرتضي ڏانهن لکيل اڄوڪي خط جيپڄاڻي هنن لفظن سان ڪري ٿو ته “مسلمان زميندار هر سال جيترو پيسو وڪيلن جي فين تيخرچ ڪري ٿو . ان مان وڏو ڪاليج هلي سگهي ٿو.

    1931 ( 2 )– ڊسمبر) برطانيهجي وزيراعظم سنڌ کي جدا صوبي بنائڻ جو اعلان ڪيو علامه مرحوم اڄوڪي تاريخ تي سنڌجي ڪيترن اڳواڻن ڏي خط لکي نئين صوبي جي مستقبل ۾ تعمير ۽ هندو مسلم اتحاد جيمسئلن تي سندن خيال معلوم ڪرڻ گهريا .

    1932 لنڊن جي اسڪول آف لينگويجز ۾ شيخ گوما ۽ پروفيسر ڊاڪٽرٽريٽن کان عربي ٻولي جي سکيا ورتائون .

    1932 (27- جنوري) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي مدرايلسا قاضيسيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکي انهي ڳالهه تي خوشيءَ جو اظهار ڪيو ته “حڪمت مرڪز”جو قيام ۽ وطن واپسي جو بندوبست ٿي رهيو آهي .

    1932  ( 9- فيبروري)علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستناحبابن کي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1932 ( 12- اپريل) مدر ايلسا قاضي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خطلکيو ، جنهن جي پڄاڻي هنن لفظن سان ٿئي ٿي “مون کي آرام ، شانتي، شعر ۽ دائميت جيحصول جي ضرورت آهي . مون کي هتي جي ڊانسنگ هالن جي جازي پيازن کان ڳوٺاڻي نار جوآواز وڌيڪ پسند ايندو.

    1932 ( 12- اپريل) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي مدر ايلسا قاضيلنڊن مان اي . ڪي. بروهيءَ کي خط لکيو جنهن ۾ فارسي بيت ته “ڪئين گل مٽيءَ کيخوشبو پهچائي ٿو” جي تشريح ڪئي.

      1932 ( 17- اپريل)علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ انهيءَ موقعي تي پنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعيعيد مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1932 ( 27- اپريل) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ مان خط لکي سيد غلاممرتضي شاھ کي ٻڌايو ته هو ٻه ٽي مهينا ترسي پوءِ وطن واپس ٿيندا . انهيءَ خط ۾ڄيٺل پرسرام جي جيل پوڻ تي کيس خراج تحسين ڏيندي افسوس جو اظهار ڪيو اٿس ته سنڌ جامسلمان اهڙي قرباني ڏيڻ کان به ڪيٻائين ٿا .

    1932 ( 22- آگسٽ) علامه انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏيخط لکي اها شڪايت ڪئي ته کين سندن خطن جي موٽ نه ٿي ملي . حاتم علوي ۽ شاھ صاحبکيس جواب نه ٿو ڏئي .

    1932 ( 6- آڪٽوبر) ائين ٿو محسوس ٿئي ته علامه آءِ . آءِ .قاضي وطن واسين جي اڳواڻن جي سرد مهري ڏسي پنهنجي وقت کي انتظار ۾ وڃائڻ بدران ،انگلينڊ ۾ رهي تبليغ تربيت ۽ تدريس جو ڪم شروع ڪرڻ جو فيصلو ڪري چڪو هو . اهڙيتاثر هن تاريخ سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏانهن لکيل خط مان ملي ٿيو .

    1933 علامه مرحوم پنهنجي گهرڌياڻي سان گڏ انگريزي ۾“ايڊوينچر آف دي برائون گرل ان سرچ آف هر گاڊ” لکيائون . دراصل برنارڊ شاجي هڪڪتاب جو رد هو .

    1933 انگلينڊ ۾ “جميعت المسلمين” جو پايو وڌائون ۽ اتياسلامي تبليغ شروع ڪيائون .

    1933 ( 28)- جنوري) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن کي احبابن عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .

    1933 ( 6-) اپريل) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1934 ( 5-) جنوري) علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ جمعي جي نماز پڙهائي ۽خطبو ڏنو ، ۽ پوءِ هر هڪ جمعي تي نماز پڙهائيندا ۽ خطبو ڏيندا رهيا . اهو سلسلوآڪٽوبر 1934 تائين هليو .

    1934 ( 27-) مارچ) علامه حج جي عيد لنڊن ۾ ملهائي ۽ ان موقعيتي وطن واسين مان ڪيترن ڄڻن کي عيد واڌايون موڪليائون .

    1934 ( 21)- جون) معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ جاءِمٽائي اولڊ براڊ اسٽريٽ جي گهر نمبر 28 ۾ رهڻ لڳو جتان هن تاريخ تي سيد غلام مرتضيشاھ ڏانهن خط لکيو اٿن ته “هاڻ اسان کي خط ڇو نه ٿو لکين؟” ڇا ، دنيا جا معموليمعاملا توکي اهڙو مشغول رکيو ويٺا آهن جو دوستن کي وساري ڇڏيو اٿئي .

    1934 ( 6)- آگسٽ) علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي انگلينڊ مان سيدغلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکيو ته جيڪڏهن تون وعدو ڪرين ، هڪ مسجد، هڪ خانقاھ ، هڪليڪچر روم ۽ پنجاھ شاگرد ميسر ڪري سگهين ته آئون سڀاڻي ئي ايڏانهن هليو اچان .هنمهيني جي آخري تاريخن ۾ پاڻ ولايت ڇڏي سنڌ ڏانهن روانا ٿيا .

    1934 ( 5)- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم سکر مان پنهنجي ساٿين سان خطوڪتابت ڪئي .

    1935 (جنوري) علامه مرحوم ڪراچي پهتو ۽ برٽوروڊ جي گهر نمبر934 ۾ رهائش پذير ٿيو .

    1935 ( 7- جنوري) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن کي مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1935 ( 3-مارچ) علامه مرحوم جي ڪوشش سان ڪراچي ۾ “ انجمنتبليغ اسلام” جو اجلاس ٿيو .

    1935 ( 16- مارچ) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليائين .

    1935 (اپريل) شِخ عبدالعزيز ڪتابن شايع ڪرائڻ جو خيال ڪري ،علامه مرحوم سان صلاح مشورو ڪيو ۽ کين پاڻ سان شريڪ ٿيڻ جي گذارش ڪئي .

    1935 ( 30- جون) سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ جي ڪوشش سان ڪراچي ۾سنڌي سياستدانن ، مدبرن ۽ دانشورن جي گڏجاڻي ٿي ۽ صوبي جي نئين انتظامي جوڙجڪ جيروشني ۾ نئين سياسي پارٽي ٺاهڻ لاءِ ويچار ڪيو ويو . هن گڏجاڻي ۾ علامه مرحوم پڻشرڪت ڪئي .

    1935 ( 28- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽پنهنجي دوستن احبابن ڏانهن خطن ذريعي مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1936 ( 5- مارچ) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1936 ( 16- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1937 ( 22- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهنمبارڪون موڪليون .

    1937 ( 17- اپريل) علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ ئي موجود هيو ۽ هنتاريخ تي سنڌ جي مختلف اڳواڻن ڏانهن خط لکيائون ، جن مان سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏانهنلکيل خط پڻ هڪ آهي .

    1937 ( 5- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1938 هن سال جي شروعات ۾ علامه مرحوم لنڊن ڇڏي وطن واپسوريا .

    1938 ( 11-فيبروري) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽل جي مسجد م جمعي جو خطبوڏنائون ۽ ائين لڳاتار هر هڪ جمعي تي خطبو ڏيندا رهيا .

    1938 ( 12 – فيبروري) علامهمرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن عيد جو مبارڪونموڪليون .

    1938 ( 3- مئي) علامه مرحوم جو ڪراچي ۾ رهڻ ثابت ٿئي ٿو ،پاڻ انهيءَ تاريخ تي خط وڪتابت ڪئي اٿائون معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته هن دفعي کين سنڌ مدرسي۾ وائيس پرنسپال ٿيڻ جو خيال پيدا ٿيو ليڪن مدرسي بورڊ اها ڳالهه منظور نه ڪئي .

    1938 (16- جون) “سنڌ مدرسه بورڊ”  جي گڏجاڻي ٿي ، جنهن وائيس پرنسپال جي آساميڀرڻ لاءِ ويچار ڪيو ويو علامه مرحوم پڻ انهي آساميءَ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪئي هئي . ليڪن کينمايوس ڪيو ويو .

    1938 ( 15- جولاءِ) سنڌ جا سياستدان ۽ اڳواڻ سنڌ اسيمبلي ۾جيئن سياست جي مٽي پليد ڪري رهيا هئا ، انهن ڳالهين کان متاثر ٿي ، علامه مرحوم هڪخط ۾ لکيو آهي اڳواڻ انهن هزارن ماڻهن کان بهتر ڪونه آهن جن کي هر سال 11 قلم هيٺبند ڪيو وڃي ٿو .

    1938 ( آگسٽ) “ دي مسلم اسٽوڊنٽ” ڪراچي جي پرچي ۾ سندنانهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو ، جيڪو پاڻ هن کان اڳ ڪراچي جي فارسي ڪميونٽي کي ڪريچڪا هئا .

    1938 ( 24- نومبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوست ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1938 ( 15- ڊسمبر) ڪراچي جي خالق ڏني هال ۾ “اردو ڊي”ملهايو ويو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي . پاڻ ان موقعي تي جيڪو خطاب ڪيائوناهو سندن ڪتاب “ڪيزيوئل پيپس ائٽ صوفيا ” ۾ شامل ڪيو ويو .

     1939 سنڌ سرڪارطرفان يونيورسٽي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ ميران محمد شاھ جي چئيرميني ۾ 15 ڄڻن جي هڪ ڪاميٽيٺاهي وئي . جن ۾ علامه مرحوم کي پڻ ميمبر طور کنيو ويو . هن ڪاميٽيءَ جون جملي 39گڏجاڻيون ٿيون جن مان قاضي مرحوم ٻن گڏجاڻين ۾ شرڪت ڪئي .

    1939 ( 1- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1939 ( 12 مئي) علامه مرحوم ڪراچيءَ ۾ پنهنجي تبليغي ۽تربيتي تحريڪ کي جاري رکيو ۽ ان ڏس ۾ اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط  مان معلوم ٿيو ته پاڻ ڪراچي ڇڏڻ لاءِ في الحالتيار ڪو نه آهن البت مولانا عبيدالله سنڌي جي سهڪار جي خواهش ضرور رکن ٿا .

    1939 ( 26- آگسٽ)اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم کي ڪورٽ آف وارڊس طرفانمقيم شاھ بخاري جي تربيت ۽ سنڀال جو ڪم سونپيو ويو هو، ۽ انهيءَ عرصي دوران پاڻزميندار ماڻهن جي اولاد لاءِ ساڳي نوعيت جو ڪم ڪندا هئا .

    1939 ( 13- نومبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1940 ( 16- جنوري) علامه مرحوم“مسجد منزل گاھ تحريڪ” کي ناپسند ڪيو ۽ اهڙن جذبن جو اظهار اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط۾ ڪيائين. خط ۾ لکن ٿا ته مسلمانن جا سمورا ادارا مسلمانن هٿان برباد ٿي رهيا آهن. مسجدون ويران ٿي رهيون آهن . تعليمي ادارا ردي حالت کي پهچي رهيا آهن ۽ پوءِ بهمسلمان هليا  آهن مسجد منزل گاھ تحريڪهلائڻ!

    1940 (21 جنوري) علامه حج جي عيدملهائي ۽ خطن جي ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1940 ( 7- جون) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽلجي  مسجد ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون .

    1940 ( 8- جون) تڏهوڪي تعليميوزير سنڌ فزيڪل ڪلچر سٽ جي آسامي ڀرڻ لاءِ هڪ اميدوار کي انٽرويو لاءِ علامه آءِ .آءِ . قاضي ڏانهن ڏياري موڪليو ، جنهن جو انٽرويو ورتو ويو .

    1940 ( 13- ڊسمبر) يونيورسٽي قائمڪرڻ واري ڪاميٽيءَ جي گڏجاڻي ٿي، قاضي مرحوم خط لکي ان ۾ شريڪ نه ٿيڻ جو اطلاع ڏنو. مسلم هاسٽل ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون .

    1941 ( 9- جنوري) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1941 ( 19- فيبروري) ڪجهه وقت کانوٺي علامه مرحوم اڌ ڊزن کن شاگردن کي پاڻ وٽ رهائي تعليم ۽ تربيت جو خانگي تجربوڪيو. ڪن حلقن اها تنقيد ڪئي ته علامه مرحوم جن ڏوڪڙن ڪمائڻ گهرن ٿا . هن تاريخ تيجي. ايم سيد ڏانهن خط لکي علامه آمدني ۽ روانگيءَ جا تفصيل ڏنا ، جن مان معلوم ٿئيٿو ته ماهوار آمدني يارهن سو روپيا هئي ، جڏهن ته خرچ تيرهن سو روپيا ٿي آيو!

    1941 ( 13- مارچ) علامه مرحومخانگي طور تي تعليم جو جيڪو سلسلو شروع ڪيو ، ان تي ڪم ڪندي وقت بوقت شاگردن جيوالدين سان خط وڪتابت ڪندا هئا ۽ کين حال احوال ڏيندا هئا . هن تاريخ تي پڻ اهڙاخط لکيائون ، جن مان هڪ خط سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي پڻ لکيو ويو .

    1941 ( 22- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوست ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1941 ( 29- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1942 ( 11- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1942 ( 18- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1943 ( 3- مارچ) سيد غلام مرتضيشاھ سنڌ اسيمبلي ۾ پاڪستان جي ٺهراءُ پيش ڪرڻ وقت تقرير ڪئي، جنهن جي متن جو گهڻوتڻو مواد علامه مرحوم جن مهيا ڪيو .

    1943 ( 22- مارچ) 3- مارچ تي سنڌاسيمبليءَ ۾ پاڪستان ۾ شامل ٿيڻ واري ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيڻ کان پوءِ هندو مسلم اتحاد کيخطرو لاحق ٿيو . ان سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم ڌرتيءَ جي قرض لاهڻ لاءِ نهچلداس ۽ ٻينسان ڳالهه ٻولهه ڪئي، پر مثبت نتيجا نه نڪتا . انهن ڳالهين جو اظهار اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾لکيل هڪ خط ۾ ڪيو اٿس .

    1943 ( 29- مئي) علامه مرحومپنهنجي جاءِ تي خانگي تعليم جو جيڪو سلسلو جاري ڪيو هو ، ان سلسلي جي ڪڙيءَ طورشاگردن جي والدين کي اطلاع ڏنو ويو ته جون کان کين ويڪيشن ڏني پئي وڃي .

    1943 ( 3- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم سيدغلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکي آل انڊيا مسلم ليگ ڪانفرنس جي استقباليه ڪاميٽيءَ جي صدرطور پيش ڪندڙ خطبي جي متن تي پنهنجي راءِ ڏني .

    1943 (7- ڊسمبر)  علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1943 ( 24- ڊسمبر) ڪراچيءَ ۾ ٿيلآل انڊيا مسلم ليگ اجلاس ۾ محترمه جي. ايم. سيد جيڪو صدر استقباليه طور خطبو پڙهيو،ان جي متن جي تياريءَ ۾ علامه مرحوم سندن مدد ڪئي .

    1943 ( 31- ڊسمبر) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽلجي مسجد ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون . اهو سلسلو 1938 ع کان شروع ڪيو هيائون .

    1944 ( 6- جنوري) علامه مرحوم خطلکي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي صلاح ڏني ته هو سنڌ مدرسي جي اسٽينڊنگ ڪاميٽيءَ جي خاليٿيندڙ جاءِ تي ميمبر ٿي اچڻ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪري .

    1944 ( 24- مئي) علامه مرحومپنهنجي گهر واري ۽ خانگي شاگردن سميت سولن ۾ رهيو

    1944 ( 18- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1944 ( 26- نومبر) علامه مرحوم جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1945 ( 17- جنوري) شيخ عبدالمجيد سنڌيءَ1924 ۾ هڪ ليڪچر ڏنو جيڪو “هندوستان جي سياسي مسئلن تي هڪ نظر” جي نالي سان رساليجي صورت م شايع ٿيو .هن تاريخ جي علامه مرحوم ان جو تعارف لکيو .

    1945 ( 2- مئي) علامه مرحوم آرام۽ سير سفر لاءِ سولن ، شملا روانو ٿي ويو .

    1945 ( 3- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومپنهنجي گهرڌياڻي ۽ شاگردن سميت سولن کان ڪراچي لاءِ روانو ٿيو.

    1945 ( 9- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1945 ( 29- سيپٽمبر) علامه آءِ .آءِ . قاضي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي خط لکي پارت ڪئي ته ڏيپلي جي قاضي احمد ايڊوڪيٽکي سنڌ اسيمبلي جي اميدوار جي ٽڪيٽ ڏني وڃي .

    1945 ( 29- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1945 (ڊسمبر) سنڌ اسيمبلي جي اميدوارن ۾ ٽڪيٽ ورهائڻ جي مسئلي تي سنڌ مسلم ليگ ۾ اختلاف پيدا ٿي پيو اهي اختلافيڳالهيون علامه مرحوم ختم ڪرائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي ، پر کين ايتري ڪاميابي ڪانه ٿي .

    1946 ( 6- اپريل) علامه مرحومپنهنجي شاگردن جي ابتدائي تربيت ڪرڻ کان پوءِ کين سٺن اسڪولن ۾ داخل ڪرائڻ لاءِپاڻ ڪوشش وٺندا رهيا . ان سلسلي ۾ مختلف ادارن جي پرنسپالن سان رابطو رکيو اينداهئا . اها ڳالهه اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان ثابت ٿئي ٿو .

    1946 ( 29- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1946 ( 5- نومبر)  علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1947 ( 26- اپريل) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجو قيام عمل ۾ آيو.

    1947 ( 26- اپريل) علامه مرحومسيد غلام مرتضي شاھ طرفان موڪليل “نئين سنڌ لاء جدو جهد” ڪتاب جو مسودو ڏسي پوروڪيو ۽ انهيءَ لاءِ راءِ ڏنائين ته ڪتاب دلچسپ آهي . پهرين نون فصلن ۾ وڌيڪ وضاحتٿيڻ گهرجي .

    1947 ( 19- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنيج دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1947 ( 3- سيپٽمبر) ڪراچي ۾ راڪهائوس ۾ اجي. ايم. سيد “شاھ لطيف جو قومي تخيل” جي موضوع تي تقرير ڪئي . جنهن کيعلامه مرحوم پڻ ساراهيو .

    1947 ( 26- آڪٽوبر) علامه  مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجيدوستن ۽ احبابن  ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1947 (آڪٽوبر) هندوستان جي تقسيمکان پوءِ ننڊي کنڊ ۾ قتل وغارت جي جيڪو ماحول پيدا ٿيو . تنهن علامه مرحوم کيولايت اسهڻ تي سوچڻ لاءِ مجبور ڪيو .

    1947 ( نومبر) علامه مرحوم هنمهيني جي آخري تاريخن ۾ انگلينڊ پهچي ويو . اتي تعليم جي اهميت تي ڪتاب لکڻ جو ڪمشروع ڪيائين .

     1948 هن عرصي دوران پاڻ لندن جي ايينتو وڊ جيگهر نمبر 45 ۾ رهڻ لڳا .

    1948 ( 7- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم هنسال تائين انگلينڊ جي پوئٽري سوسائٽي جو نائب صدر رهيو .

    1948 ( 14- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1949 ( 28- جولاءِ) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1949 ( 4- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1949 ( 23- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1950 ( 17- جولاءِ) علامه مرحوماڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي لکيل هڪ خط ۾ وطن واپس ورڻ جي خواهش ڏيکاري .

    1950 ( 23- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1951 ( 9- اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ جي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ عهدو سنڀاليو .

    1951 ( 28- اپريل) علامه آءِ.آءِ. قاضي جي ڪوششن سان سنڌ گورنمينٽ کي يونيورسٽي ڪئمپس جي جامع رٿا پيش ڪئي ويئي.

    1951 ( 4- مئي) علامه مرحوم جيڪوششن سان سنڌ يونيورسٽي کي حيدرآباد ڏانهن منتقل ڪيو ويو .

    1951 ( 6- جولاءِ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1951 سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ماھ سيپٽمبر۾ پهريون شعبو (ايڊيوڪيشن ڊپارٽمينٽ) قائم ڪيائون .

    1951 ( 12 سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1951 ( 11- نومبر) دادو ۾ يارهينآل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس ٿي ، جنهن لاءِ علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو لکي ڏياري موڪيلو .

    1952 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي جوانگريزي ناول “اولڊ انگلش گارڊن سيفوني” شايع ٿيو .

    1952 علامه مرحوم لياقت ميڊيڪلڪاليج ۾ “ميڊيڪل اسٽوڊنٽس يونين” جو افتتاح ڪيو .

    1952 علامه مرحوم جي ڪوششن سانسنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچرس جو سلسلو شروع ٿيو .

    1952 ( 25- جون) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1952 ( 1- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1953 ( 1- فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ٿيو، جنهن ۾ پاڻ “سرڪاري ملازم” جيموضوع تي خطاب ڪيائون ..

    1953 علامه مرحوم جي صلاح ۽ ڪوششنجي نتيجي ۾ حڪيم شمس الدين ، ڊاڪٽر بلوچ ، ۽ ٻين “سنڌ طبي ڪاليج ائسوسيئيشن” ٺاهيجنهن اڳتي هلي حيدرآباد ۾ سنڌ طبيه ڪاليج قائم ڪيو.

    1953 ( 14- جون) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1953 ( 21- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1953 ( 30- آڪٽوبر) “شاھ لطيف جودنيا جي شاعرن ۾ مقام ” جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم جو انگريزي مضمون حيدرآباد جي“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو .

    1953 ( 30- نومبر) انگريزي اخبار“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ علامه مرحوم جي تحرير “شاھ لطيف جي دنيا جي شاعرن ۾ حيثيت”جي عنوان سان شايع ٿي .

    1953 ( 3- نومبر) علامه  آءِ. آءِ . قاضي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسيلرجي حيثيت ۾ حيدرآباد جي اورينٽئل ڪاليج جو دورو ڪيو ۽ ان موقعي تي عملي کي خطابڪيو .

    1953 ( 15- نومبر) علامه مرحوموائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت ۾ جيڪو “اورينٽئل ڪاليج” جو دورو ڪيو ۽ ان وقت خطاب ڪيو .انهي دوري جي تفصيلي خبر ۽ خطاب جو متن انگريزي اخبار “ٽارچ فورٽ نائٽلي” ۾ شايعٿيو .

    1953 ( 30- نومبر) يارهين فيبروري1953 تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ ڊاڪٽر حميد جيڪو ليڪچر ڏنو ۽ انموقعي تي علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو ڏنو . انهن جو متن “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايعٿيو .

    1953 ( 11- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم جيصدارت هيٺ سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي سينٽ هال ۾ ڊاڪٽر ڪي. اي. حميد شعبه فلاسافي“ايمان ۽ان جو منهنجي فلسفي تي اثر” جي موضوع تي ليڪچر ڏنو .

    1953 ( 18- ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ يونيورسٽيءَ جي رجسٽرار آغا تاج محمد “هڪ صحيح استاد” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ڏنو . جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي ان موقعي تي صدارتي خطبو ڏنائون .

    1953 ( 25- ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي انگلش ڊپارٽمينٽ جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ پروفيسر جي ڊبيلو سعيد “جمهوريت ۽ اسلام” جيموضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم “اسلام ۾ سيڪيولرجمهوريت” جي عنوان سان صدارتي خطبو ڏنو .

    1954 ( 1- جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ سنڌي شعبي جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ پروفيسر علي  نواز جتوئي گروهڙيءَ جي فلاسافي تي ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ڏنو جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي پاڻ انهيءَ موقعي تي تعارفي خطبو پڻڏنائون .

    1954 ( 8- جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ پروفيسر شفيع محمد ميمڻ “موت کان پوءِ جي حياتيءَ” جي موضوع تيايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي . پاڻ ان موقعي تي تعارفي ۽صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون .

    1954 ( 15- جنوري) اسلام ۽سيڪيولر جمهوريت جي عنوان تي علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ پروفيسر سعيد جيڪوليڪچر ڏنو۽ علامه مرحوم  صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو ، انهنجو متن “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو .

    1954 ( 22 – جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ ۾پروفيسر اين – اي- جي خان “لازمي تعليم” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارتعلامه مرحوم ڪئي . ان موقعي تي پاڻ صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.

    1954 (27- جنوري) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽي جي و ائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت سان “اسٽوڊنٽس يونين” جو افتتاح ڪيو.

    1954 ( 29- جنوري) سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ جي سينٽ هال ۾ڊاڪٽر هاليپوٽي “شاھ ولي الله جو سماج بابت تصور” جيموضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي ۽ ان سلسلي ۾ صدارتيخطبو پڻ ڏنو .

    1954 ( 16- فيبروري) سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ ۾ شروع ڪيل ايڪسٽينش ليڪچرس جي سلسلي جي ڪڙيءَ طور ڊاڪٽر نبي بخش قاضيليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي .

     1954 ( 15- فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي عظيماجتماع کي خطاب ڪيائون .

    1954 ( 19- فيبروري) سنڌيونيورسٽي جي مسلم هسٽري ڊپارٽمينٽ جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ قاضي احمد ميان اختر “ آڳاٽنمسلمانن جو سائنسي کوجنائن ۾ حصو” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . ان موقعي تيعلامه مرحوم ساڳي طرح صدارتي خطبو ڏنو .

    علامه مرحوم هڪ مهيني لاءِ موڪلتي ويو .

    1954 ( 30- مارچ) “سائنسي ايجادات۾ مسلمانن جو حصو” جي عنوان جي علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ جيڪو پروفيسر قاضي اخترسنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ليڪچر ڏنو ۽ علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو . ان موقعي جو متن“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو.

    1954 ( 30- مئي) پروفيسر نبي بخشقاضي جي ڏنل ليڪچر وقت علامه مرحوم جيڪو صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو هو، ان جو متن “ٽارچفورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو.

    1954 (3- جون) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1954 (15- جولاءِ) ٽارچ فورٽنائيٽلي جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جو انگريزي مضمون “شري ڪرشنا جو تاريخي پهلو”شايع ٿيو .

    1954 (26- جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ عيد ملن پارٽي ملهائي وئي، هن موقعي تي علامه مرحوم جن خطاب ڪيو .

    1954 (30- جولاءِ) ٽارچ  فورٽ نائيٽلي” جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جيانهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ پروفيسر شفيع محمد ميمڻ جي ليڪچر “موت بعدجي حياتي” جي صدارت ڪندي ڏنو هئائون .

    1954 ( 10- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1954 ( 15- آگسٽ) “ٽارچ فورٽنائيٽلي” جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جو “رفليڪشن” جي عنوان سان مضمون شايع ٿيو .

    1954 (30- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم جيمضمون رفليڪشن جي ٻي قسط “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿي .

    1955 ( 24- مئي) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1955 (30- مئي) عيدالفطر جي موقعيتي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي استادن کي خطاب ڪيائون .

    1955 (20 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي سينٽ هال ۾ نئينتعليمي سيشن جي شروعات جي موقعي تي علامه مرحوم استادن کي خطاب ڪيو ۽ تعليم جيموضوع تي پنهنجن خيالن جو اظهار ڪيو.

    1955 (31 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1955 (5 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيسينٽ هال ۾ “طبيعات” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ٿيو، جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم صدارتيخطاب ڏنو.

    1955 (19 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيزولاجي ڊپارٽمينٽ جي ڊائريڪٽر فاروقي “فش ڪلچر” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو،جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي، پاڻ انهي موقعي تي  صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.

    1955 (21 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾محترمه نقوئي “دنيا جا ڪئلينڊر” جي عنوان تي ليڪچر ڏنو، ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم“اسلامڪ ڪئلينڊر” جي عنوان سان صدارتي خطبو ڏنو.

    1955 (19 سيپٽمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ “انساني حياتي جا ثقافتي بنياد” جي موضوع تي ڊاڪٽر ڪي. اي حميد جو ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ٿيو، جيڪو سندس پاران شفيع محمد ميمڻ ڏنو، هي ليڪچر علامه مرحوم جي صدارتهيٺ ٿيو ۽ پاڻ موقعي جي مناسبت سان خطاب ڪيائون.

    1955 (1 آڪٽوبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيوائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي “جنرل آف ايڊيوڪيشن” جو عالمانه انداز ۾مهاڳ لکيائون، جنهن جو عنوان هئو “تعليم ڇا لاءِ؟”

    1955 سنڌ يونيورسٽي جو چوٿونڪانووڪيشن ٿيو، جنهن ۾ تڏهوڪي سنڌ جي گورنر نواب آف ممدوٽ چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ شرڪتڪئي، علامه مرحوم ان موقعي تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي رپورٽ پيش ڪئي.

    1955 (8 فيبروري) علامه مرحومانگلنڊ کان واپس ٿيڻ تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي استادن کي خطاب ڪيو.

    1956 (24 فيبروري) “سنڌيونيورسٽي” ۾ تاريخ جي شعبي جي صدر ڊاڪٽر خان “مغل دور” تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو.ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم پڻ انهي موضوع تي صدارتي تقرير ڪئي.

    1956 (27 فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ علامه مرحوم “سائنس” جي موضوع تي تقرير ڪئي.

    1956 (12 مئي) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1956 (19 جولاءِ)  علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1956 (23 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي 57-1956 جي پهرين اڪيڊمڪ سيشن جو افتتاح ڪيائون ۽ “تعليم جو عمل ۽ مقصد” جيموضوع تي استادن ۽ شاگردن کي خطاب ڪيائون.

    1956 (آگسٽ) چند ماڻهن طرفانعلامه مرحوم جي يونيورسٽي بابت پاليسي خلاف اردو اخبارن ۾ پروپيگنڊا شروع ڪئي وئي،۽ ان سلسلي ۾ ڪي خط لکي وڏن ماڻهن ڏي پڻ موڪليا ويا.

    1956 (30 نومبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ “جيالاجي جو تعارف” جي عنوان تي ايس – ايم –  شعيب ليڪچر ڏنو.

    1956 (14 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيزولاجي ڊپارٽمينٽ جي ڊاڪٽر فاروقي “حياتيءَ جو تصور” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽيشن ليڪچرڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي، ان موقعي تي پاڻ صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.

    1956 (17 ڊسمبر) “ٽارچ” جيايڊيٽوريل ۾ “دي پائيونيئر بلڊر“ جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم تعليمي خدمتن تي روشنيوڌي.

     1956 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” نمبر 2، 1956 واري پرچي ۾علامه مرحوم جي سورهين سنڌي ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڏنل پيغام شايع ٿيو.

    1956 ٽه ماهي مهراڻ جي نمبر 2، 1956۾ علامه مرحوم جو اهو پيغام شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ سورهين سنڌي ادبي ڪانففرنس لاڙڪاڻهجي موقعي تي ڏنو هئو.

    1957 (12 جنوري) ڪامن ويلٿ وائيسچانسلر ائسوسيئيشن سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جو معائنو ڪيو، ۽ علامه مرحوم جي بي لوث خدمتنجي واکڻ ڪئي، هي وفد سورهن وائيس چانسلرن تي مشتمل هو.

    1957 (12 جنوري) “ٽارچ” جي اڄوڪيايڊيٽوريل ۾ برمنگهم يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسلر ڊاڪٽر ائٽڪن جي خراجِ تحسين کيڌيان ۾ رکي علامه مرحوم جي يونيورسٽي لاءِ ورتل خدمتن تي روشني وڌي وئي.

    1957 ( 25 فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ محترمه حسن شعبه نفسيات “ذهن ۽ جسم” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو جنهن جيصدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي پاڻ انهي موقعي تي صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون . 

    1957 (2 مئي) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1957 (7 مئي) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽي مان موڪل تي ويو، سندس اها موڪل 18 سيپٽمبر 1957 تائين هلي.

    1957 (9 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.

    1957 (19 سيپٽمبر) موڪل ڪاٽڻکانپوءِ علامه مرحوم وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ چارج ورتي.

    1957 (30 سيپٽمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي ايڊيوڪيشن شعبي ۾ ٽيچرس ڊپلوما ڪلاسن کي خطاب ڪندي استاد جي ذميوارين تي روشنيوڌائون.

    1957 (7 آڪٽوبر) سيپٽمبر 1957 ۾سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ “ٽيچرس ڊپلوما” حاصل ڪندڙ کي الوداعي پارٽي ملڻ واري وقت علامهمرحوم جيڪو خطاب ڪيو، ان جو متن “ٽارچ” اخبار ۾ شايع ٿيو.

    1957 (25 آڪٽوبر) حيدرآباد جيحڪيم شمس الدين احمد ۽ مشهور عالم عبدالعزيز مينائي سنڌ يونيورسٽي لائبريري کيڪتابن جو تحفو ڏنو، ان موقعي تي پاڻ خطاب ڪيائون ۽ ڪتاب جي اهميت تي روشني وڌائون.

    1957 (5 نومبر) ورلڊ يونيورسٽي جيمقمي شاخ سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ اسٽوڊنٽس ڊسپينسري قائم ڪئي، انهي موقعي تي خطاب ڪنديورلڊ يونيورسٽي سروس تي روشني وڌائون.

    1957 (6 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾شرو ڪيل ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچرس جي سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم جن “خلفاءِ راشدين جي دور جهوريتجي موضوع تي مظهر الدين صديقي جي ڏنل ليڪچر جي صدارت ڪئي ۽ تعارفي خطبو ڏنو.

    1957 (13 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾“هيومن رائٽس ڊي” ملهايو ويو،  جنهن موقعيتي علامه مرحوم گڏجاڻيءَ جي صدارت ڪئي ۽ خطاب ڪيو.

    1958 (23 فيبروري) علامه آءِ آءِقاضي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي باٽني شعبي طرفان منعقد ڪيل گلن جي نماءُ جو افتتاح ڪيو.

    1958 (5 مارچ) پاڪستان جييونيورسٽين جي گڏيل ڪوششن سان حيدرآباد ۾ “تحقيق ۽ اعليٰ تعليم” جي موضوع تيڪانفرنس ٿي، جنهن جو افتتاح پاڪستان جي تڏهوڪي صدر، اسڪندر مرزا ڪيو. علامه مرحومانٽر يونيورسٽي بورڊ آف پاڪستان جي چيئرمين جي حيثيت ۾ آڌر ڀائي تقرير ڪئي.

    1958 ( 15 مارچ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيڪوششن حيدرآباد ۾ “آل پاڪستان فلاسافيڪل ڪانگريس” جو پنجون اجلاس ٿيو جنهن جوافتتاح علامه مرحوم وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ ڪيو سندن افتتاحي خطبو ڪتاب “ڪيزيوئلپيپس ائٽ صوفيا” ۾ ڏنو ويو آهي .

    1958 ( 18 مارچ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيوائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ “پاڪستان فلاسافيڪل ڪانگريس” جي پنجين اجلاس کي خطابفرمايو سندن اها تقرير ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1959،1 واري پرچي ۾ شايع ٿي  

    1958 (1 اپريل) ڪراچي ۾ “علامهاقبال ڊي” ملهايو ويو جنهن ۾پاڻ خطاب ڪيائون .

    1958 (21 اپريل) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1958 (31 مئي) حيدرآباد ۾ 18- آلسنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس ٿي، جنهن جو افتتاح علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ڪيو . هيءَ ڪانفرنسسنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ ۾ ٿي .

    1958 ( 9 جون) “ٽارچ ويڪلي” جياڄوڪي ايڊيٽوريل ۾ “سنڌي ادبي ڪانفرنس” جي حوالي سان علامه مرحوم جي خطاب تي روشنيوڌي وئي .

    1958 ( 30 جون) “ٽارچ) اخبار جياڄوڪي پرچي ۾علامه مرحوم جي انهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ حيدرآباد ۾سڏايل 18- آل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڪيائون.

    1958 ( 1 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ مان موڪل تي ويو . سندس اها موڪل سيپٽمبر 1958 تائين هلي .

    1958 ( 1 آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومموڪل تان واپس اچي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ چارج ورتي .

    1958 ( 20 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجي ايڊيوڪيشن شعبي ۾ بي. ٽي ڪلاس کي خطاب ڪيائون .

    1959 ( 19 مارچ) علامه مرحوم موڪلکائي يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت سان چارج سنڀالي .

    1959 ( 10 اپريل) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1959 ( 25 مئي) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ ۾ وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ آخري دفعو آفيس ۾ آيو ۽ ان کان پوءِاستعيفي ڏئي ڇڏيائين .

    1959 ( 17 جون) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1959 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي نمبر 4 – 1959 ۾ “ادب ۽ زندگي” جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم جي اها صدارتي تقرير شايع، ٿيجيڪا پاڻ 18- آل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڪئي هئائون .

    1959 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1- 1959واري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي “پاڪستان فلاسا فيڪل ڪانگريس” جي پنجين اجلاس ۾ ڪيلتقرير جو متن شايع ٿيو .

    1959 (29 مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1960 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيءَجي انگريزي شاعريءَ جو ڪتاب “ٽيرسٽريل ائنڊ سيلسشل اڪوز” شايع ٿيو .

    1960 سنڌ مدرسي جي پليٽينم جوبليملهائي وئي . انهيءَ موقعي تي علامه مرحوم پڻ پيغام ڏنو، جنهن ۾ ٻڌايو ته هو پاڻ1904 ع ۾ هن اداري جو شاگرد رهي چڪو آهي.

    1960 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي نمبر1-2/1960 ع ۾ علامه مرحوم جو اهو مضمون شايع ٿيو ، جيڪو پهريون ڊسمبر 1920 ۾ “سنڌزميندار” سکر ۾ شايع ٿيو .

    1961 ( 19 مارچ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1961 ( 26 مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1961 “سنڌي ادبي بورڊ” علامهمرحوم لاکيڻي لطيف جي فن جي مطالعي تي ڪتاب “اي اسٽڊي آف شاھ عبدالطيف” شايع ڪيو.

    1962 (8 مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1962 (15 مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1963 ( 26 فيبروري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1963 ( 5 مئي)  علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1964 ( 23 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1964 ( 2 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجي اڳواڻي وائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت ۾ سنڌي شعبي طرفان شايع ٿيندڙ مخزن “سوکڙي” لاءِپيغام لکيو .

    1964 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيءَجي انگريزي شاعريءَ جو ڪتاب “ڊپارچر آف ڊسگسٽيڊ ڪانسائنس” شايع ٿيو جنهن جو مهاڳعلامه مرحوم پاڻ لکيو .

    1965 ( 4 فيبروري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1965 ( 13 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1965 سنڌي ادبي بورڊ علامه مرحومجي تقريرن ۽ تحريرن شايع ڪرائڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو . هن ڪم لاءِ ڊاڪٽر بلوچ ، ڊاڪٽرهاليپوٽي ، شفيع محمد ميمڻ ، ڊاڪٽر نبي بخش قاضي ۽ محمد ابراهيم جويي تي مشتمل هڪڪاميٽي ٺاهي وٺي . ته جيئن مواد هٿ ڪري .

    1965 “مهراڻ” نمبر 3-4/1965 ع ۾علامه مرحوم جي تقريرن بعنوان “علم ادب” شايع ٿي .

    1966 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1-2/1966ع واري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي 1954 ۾ ڪيل تقرير “محبت جي ضرورت” جي عنوان سان شايعٿي .

    1966 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” 3-4-/1966 عواري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي انهي خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ ان وقت ڪيوهئائون ، جڏهن سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ کين “ڊاڪٽر آف لا” جي اعزازي ڊگري پيش ڪئي هئي .

    1966 ( 24 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1966 ( 2 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي .

    1966 ( 4 مئي) شاگردن لاءِ پاڻروزانه “عبرت” کي پيغام ڏنائون ، جيڪو “مهراڻ” 1-1967 ع ۾ پڻ شايع ٿيو .

    1966 ( 4 مئي ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَعلامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي کي “ڊاڪٽر آف لا” جي اعزازي ڊگري پيش ڪئي .

    1966 ( 4 مئي) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيڪانووڪيشن جي موقعي تي خطاب ڪيائون .

    1967 ( 13 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1967 ( 22 مارچ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1967 ( 28 مئي) علامه آءِ . آءِ .قاضي جي پياري گهرڌياڻي مدر ايلسا قاضي رحلت ڪئي .

    1967 سنڌي ادبي بورڊ علامه مرحومجي پندرهن مضمونن ۽ تقريرن جو مجموعو “ ڪيزيوئل پيپس ائٽ صوفيا “ شايع ڪرايو .

    1968 ( 2 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1968 ( 10 مارچ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .

    1968 ( 13 اپريل) علامه مرحومرحلت ڪئي .

  • Kala Bagh Dam

    SINDH OPPOSES KALA BAG DAM

     

    This is the very serious and burning issue of our times. Sindh is justified to oppose the construction of Kalabag Dam on the following grounds:

    1. There is no much water left in Indus.

    2. The “Katcho” will die.

    Indus inundated area on both side of the river at an average 5 miles (8km)wide, total about 1/9 million areas, very rich in fertile due to aeons of nutritional silt deposition. Apart from this a thick riverine forest has grown on 598,880 acres (240,000 he ctraces) of Katcho. It depends entirely upon the inundation of Indus. Whernever the quantity of water flowing down the river is nor sufficient sub merge the ‘Katcho’ everything is affected and even wells for drinking water run low. If KBD is constructed/built, than:

    ·        Loss of surface moisture – soil degradation, solinty, winal erosen – turning the land into desert.

    ·        Soil erosen – decline of succession of plants – within 50 years forest will be invisible.

    ·        More than one hundred thousand dependent people will face economic & social ruin.

    ·        Shortage of honey,gum,timber,animals,meat,dairy,poultry & live stock.

    3. Mangrove forests will be affected:

    Most productive, protecting and nurturing thousand of botanical, aquatic & wildlife species,

    Principle components of delta ecosystem, provide ideal nursery grounds for many commercial fish species. Support wild life species: Jackals, reptiles, dolphin, protect sindh coast as forest break the force of waves: hence 200 miles long coast protected, otherwise situation of Bangladesh to be witnessed.

    They have tendency to filter, sand from the sea water and are protecting existing ports otherwise sand might have choked the ports.

     

    4. Pollution of the water Resources:

     

    • Irrigation returns carrying surface salts & pesticides. Pakistan was about 25,000 of organic, phosphorus and organo-chloride pesticides, there are non biodegradable resulting adding of harmful poisons in Indus water.

     

    ·        • Human & industrial effluent from 40 cities and hundreds of villages situated on the river bank add to the pollution.

     

     

     

    ·        Decreasing flow in Indus to warm and draw weather of lower Indus plain further add to the pollution.

    ·        Natural lakes will disappear.

    ·        The changing course of Indus has left thousand of small & large depressions that become natural lakes when fill with water. Sindh is therefore hom to some Asia’s largest lakes like Manchar, Kenjhar, Haleji & Hadero (Thutta) & Chotiari (In Sanghar). Most of them inundation lake. Loss of irrigating land, fish, birds, recreation – social economic loss.

    ·        Salt water Intrusion:

    ·        The flow of water in Indus effectively checks salt water intrusion from the Arabian Ocean into lower flood plains of Indus. If Indus River is chained at Kalabag, the unchecked sea water will start flowing up into Indus and its estuaries.

    ·        The exorbitant cost:

     

    When the economy of the country is reeling under external and internal debt of more than Rs 02 trillion, when each Pakistani is under debt, when the balance of payment is more than $ 3 billion in the red annually, then why to launch is mighty and costly project.

     

    The GUL HAYAT INSTITUTE has prepared chronology of the events and activities to give some ideas about the Sind reaction on the issue. This chronology, though not comprehensive and 100% complete, as the sufficient to give clear picture of the story.

     

     

    No.

    Date

    Activity

    Organized by

    Remarks

    1

    3/5/1985

    Article under the title: “Water problem & Punjabi think-tank”.

    Published in the Daily Newspaper “Aftab”, Hyderabad

    It was reaction on the statement of Hanif Ramy’s statement that “Indus River” be renamed as “Pakistan River”

    2

    18-5-1985

    Distribution of Indus River water must fulfill demands of smaller provinces.

    Syed Muhammad Shah, member Sindh Assembly

    Statement issued to the Press

    3

    18-5-1985

    Mangla Dam must feed 15,000 cusec water per day to Indus River so as to solve the problem of acute shortage of water that is now also affecting Karachi.  

    Abdullah Hussain Haroon, Speaker Sindh Assembly

    Statement issued to the Press

    4

    19-5-1985

    Distribution of water with special reference to Punjab is being observed by our experts. We are just for our due rights.

    Syed Pir Sabghatullah Shah Rashidi, Provincial Minister for Irrigation.

    Statement issued to the Press

    5

    20-5-1985

    The distribution of water must be ensured as per the Water Agreement & reservations of smaller provinces be kept in mind.

    Jamait Islami, Sindh Majlis Shoora

    Resolutions passed in meetings.

    6

    20-5-1985

    Sindh Government disagrees with Punjab Government’s Proposal on distribution of water & demands “Rao Commission” formula must be adopted & implemented.

    Sindh Government

    As per News Item appeared in the Press.

    7

    21-5-1985

    Sindh be provided share of water as per “Fazal Akbar Formula”.

    Sikandar Hayat Khan Khuhawar, General Secretary, Sindh Abadgar Board, Shahdad kot.

    Press statement

    8

    21-5-1985

    Dams on the style of Mangla & Tarbela should be constructed in Sindh to solve the water problem.

    Hamzo Palijo, Senator from Sindh

    Press Statement

           

    Press Statement

    9

    22-5-1985

    Keeping in view the acute shortage of Irrigation water, the effected areas of Sindh be declared calamity-hit areas.

    Abdullah Hussain Haroon, Speaker Sindh Assembly

     

    10

    22-5-1985

    We are getting lower share from the Indus Water & are ready to initiate dialog with Punjabi Politicians & intelligentsia   

    Syed Pir Sabghatullah Shah Rashidi, Provincial Minister for Irrigation.

    Press Statement

    11

    22-5-1985

    Great loss to crops in Sindh predicted.

    Survey reports on the shortage of irrigation water, published in various Sindhi newspapers.

    News Items

    12

    22-5-1985

    Sindh must be given due share if Indus Water to avoid agricultural disasters.

    Pir Ali Bahadur Shah, President PPP Dist. Badin

    Press Conference

    13

    24-5-1985

    The Water Of Mangla Dam Reservoir For Affected Irrigation Land In Sindh, not possible.

    Rao Abdul Razaq, Irrigation Minister, Govt: of Punjab

    Press Statement

    14

    25-5-1985

    Distribution of Indus water on Adhoc basis, has created uncertainly in the economy.

    Pakistan Planning Commission

    Press Report

    15

    25-5-1985

    Sindh disapproves Government’s stand on Indus River water issue.

    Mir Hazar Khan Bijrani, President, sindh PPP

    Statement issued in Jacobabad

    16

    28-5-1985

    Sindh be provided required quantity of water to avoid certain drought.

    Syed Ghulam Mustafa Shah, Ex-Vice Chancellor Sindh University

    Press Statement

    17

    28-5-1985

    Sindh be provided irrigation water according to Sindh Tas agreement

    Jeay Sindh Student’s Federation, Sanghar.

    Press Statement

    18

    29-5-1985

    Peoples’ Party, Khairpur demands due share of irrigation water.

    PPP Office bearer, Distt. Khairpur.

    Press Statement

    19

    29-5-1985

    The situation of irrigation water supply to Sindh Agricultural Land not satisfactory.

    Mukhtyarkar Aqil

    In the column “Sindh ki Diary” published in the Daily “Jang”, Karachi

    20

    31-5-1985

    Tribunal be appointed/constituted to look into the water issue in the country.

    Mir Zafarullaha Khan Jamali, Federal Minister for Water & Power.

    Proposal Through Statement

    21

    31053

    Due share of irrigation water be provided to Sindh

    Jeay Sindh Student’s Federation, Jamshoro & sindh Porhiyat Tanzeem, Village Mahood.

    Press Statement

    22

    31053

    Drought-hit Sindh demands its due share of irrigation water.

    Daily, Hilal-i-Pakistan Karachi

    Editorial

    23

    31053

    Demand of declaration of Sindh as a drought-hit province.

    Daily Hilal-i-Pakistan

    Editorial

    23

    31084

    National Assembly Members from Sindh meet in the Sindh House, Islamabad. Abdul Hameed Jatoi presided. Water issue was discussed in details. Later on meet with the press and demands 20,000 cusec water.

    Sindhi MNAs

    Meet the Press

    24

    15-6-1985

    Sindh is creating undue problem on the water distribution issue, and becoming high risk.

    Malik Ghulam Hyder, M.P.A Punjab Assembly

    Participating/speaking

    25

    31204

    Larkanians Demand For Distribution Of Indus Water On 1945 Water Pact formula.

    Abadgars, Social workers, intellectuals and political workers.

    Joint procession

    26

    31204

    Punjab Assembly Reolution demanding the opening of Chashma Jhehlum link canal criticized.

    Daily “Aftab”, Hyderabad

    Editorial under title: “Pani Mathay Jhoopra, Moorikh unh Mehran”

    27

    31265

    Opening of Chashma Jhelum link canal by Punjab the act of open dacoity.

    Ghulam Muhammad Soomro

    1st installment of the Article published in Daily AFTAB, Hyderabad

    28

    22-11-1985

    Constrauction of KB, no less than ruining of Sindh.

    Sindh Hari Committee, Branch Lalo Wari (Ghotki)

    Resolution passed in the special meeting

    29

    31445

    People to be vacated during the construction of the K.B, will be offered settlement in Sindh. Land to be provided in Pano Aqil Taluka-Move condemned. 

    Islami Jamiat Tulba, Sukkur.

    Statement issued.

    30

    31447

    Chamber of commerece of Lahore, assured to full support of U.S.A

    U.S.A Councel General

    Assurance to the deputation of C.C Lahore.

    31

    31598

    WAPDA submitted revised design of K.B to the Governemnt and insists on the same location for the construction of the Dam.

    WAPDA

    Press News

    32

    31598

    Construction of K.B, high risk for the Sindh economy & environment, evemn for intergrity of the country.

    The Daily Ibrat, Hyderabad

    Editorial

    33

    31598

    Manshar lake be designed and converted into Dam.

    Sindh Taraqi Pasand Malah Tanzeem

    Press statement

    34

    31629

    Statement of Punjab ministers on the Indus water issue developed.

    The “Daily Aftab”, Hyderabad

    Editorial

    35

    15-5-1986

    The Governemnt resolved to construct K.B.

    Ministry of Water & Power Govt: of Pakistan

    Press News

    36

    31724

    To support the construction of K.B is to show enmity with Sindh.

    NGOs Co-ordination Committee, Thatta

    Press statement

    37

    24-5-1987

    The construction of the K.D opposed on varios grounds.

    Sindh Assemenly Committee

    Report submitted to the Chief Minister of Sindh

    38

    14-6-1987

    People & Land of Punjab will be more affected than NWFP. No substitute for KBD.

    Kazi Abdul Majeed Abid Federal Minister for information, Power & Water

    statement

    39

    17-6-1987

    Sindh is being victimized inconnection with getting itys due share from Indus water and is supposed to be ruined by K.B.D construction.

    Abdul Fatah Malik, MRD leader & eminent poet of Sukkur.

    Press statement

    40

    20-6-1987

    Chief Minister Sindh’s firm stands on the construction of KBD.

    The Daily “Ibrat” Hyderabad

    Editorial on Sindh Governemnt’s stand on the issue.

    41

    23-12-1987

    Kala Bagh Dam construction is the clear move of conspiracy against Sindh.

    Rasool Bux Palijo, Secretary Genaral Awami National Party.

    Responding to the question of the journalist at Rawalpindi Airport.

    42

    24-12-1987

    The report of the special committee constituted by Sindh Governemnt on KBD is the realistic and rational reflection of Sindh on KBD.

    Various Sindh Newspapers

    Editorial

    43

    32264

    KBD unacceptable. Its construction will be opposed Iron hands.

    Sindh girls students of various educational institutions.

    Procession & press conference at Hyderabad

    44

    32295

    KBD be constructed as soon as possible. It is in the greater interests of the economy of the country.

    Rais Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Founder National Peoples’ Party

    Statement in Multan

    45

    22-1-1988

    Provisional Governemnt be being taken into confideince in favor of the construction of KBD.

    Kazi Abdul Majeed, Federal Minister of Water & Power.

    Statement in Senate Section

    46

    30-1-1988

    General consensus must for the construction of KBD.

    The Daily “DAWN” Karachi

    Advised the Government in its Editorial.

    47

    14-2-1988

    Kala Bagh Dam unwanted. Project be withdrawn

    Pakistan Peoples’ Party

    Resolution

    46

    19-2-1988

    KBD will be high-risk for the integrity of the country.

    Sindh Committee of “Sindh Baloch Pashtoon Front”. Meeting presided over by Usif Talpur

    resolution

    47

    24-2-1988

    Inspite of outright rejection by Sindh, intentions of the Government to construct KBD is deplorable. 

    Hussain Bux Narejo, Secretary Sindhi Peoples’ National Alliance.

    Press statement

    48

    32205

    KBD construction on the cost of the integrity of the country. The Government will be given tough time.

    Central leader of the sindh peoples’ students federation.

    Press statement held in Hyderabad.

    49

    32236

    Sindh outright rejects the KBD Scheme

    Rasool Bux Palijo, Abdul Hafiz Pirzado, Shah Muhammad Shah, Aftab Shah Jilani, Imdad Chandio, Masood Noorani, Hussain Bux Narejo, Ghulam Muhammad Soomro, Muhammad Hussain Panhwar, (Known as Mitt Panhwar), Mola Bux Chandio & Sattar Rajpar.

    Speeches delivered in the “Anti KBD Conference”

    50

    32266

    KBD construction will be opposed with Iron hands. KBD not acceptable to Sindh. 

    Central Committee of the Sindh Hari Committee. The meeting presided over by Ghulam Rasool Sahito. 

    Resolution

    51

    15-3-1988

    All the districts councils of Sindh have rejected the KBD scheme and its construction Deputation consisting of chairman of various District Councils to apprise the Prime Minister of the situation.

    Makhdoom Rafiq-u-Zaman, ChairmanDistrict Council, Hyderabad

    Press statement

    52

    15-3-1988

    Long march from Kiamari to Kalabagh, if construction of KBD announced by the Government.

    Mumtaz Ali Bhutto

    Press statement

    53

    21-3-1988

    KBD schemen against the interests of the country & will of Sindh.

    Jam Saqi & Hussain Bux Narejo

    Press statement

    54

    24-3-1988

    Disintegration of Pakistan is the sole motive behind KBD scheme. Sindh is the maker of Pakistan and will safeguard the interests of country.

    Rasool Bux Palijo, Shah Muhammad Shah, Hussain Bux Narejo.

    Speeches deliverd in the procession held by “Sindhi Quomi Itihad”  in Sukkur.

    55

    24-3-1988

    KBD-an unwanted sheme

    Procession held at Karachi by Karachi Branch of Sindh Quomi Itihad

    Speeches deliverd

    56

    25-3-1988

    Hyderabad witnesses Anti-KBD Hunger-Strike

    Pakhtoon Shagird Tanzeem

    Anti KBD Hunger Strike

    57

    28-3-1988

    Sindh rejects KBD

    Sindh Hari Committee

    Procession in Hyderabad

    58

    32206

    KBD not to be constructed

    J.U.I Sukkur

    resolution

    59

    32390

    KBD not acceptable

    Sindh Peoples’ Committees working committees   

    resolution

    60

    32390

    The KBD scheme aims to teach Sindh lesson for its contribution in making of Pakistan.

    Sindhi Quami Itihad

    Procession & Press Conference in Karachi

    61

    13-04-1988

    KBD not technical but political issue. Let it be constructed in the greater interests of the country.

    Zahid Anwar

    Article in daily “JANG”

    62

    14-04-1988

    Sindh opposes KBD

    Procession by sindh Quomi Ithad and other parties

    Speeches delivered

    63

    18-04-1988

    KBD scheme is aim at ruin SIndh

    Syed Ali Meer Shah, chairman sindh Abadgar Board

    Statement in Larkana

    64

    28-04-1988

    Consent of all provinces must before construction of KBD

    Raja ZAfar-ul-Haq federal minister

    Statement in Sukkur

    65

    32268

    KBD scheme is demaging national unity, it must be buried.

    Piyar Ali Allama, PPP leaders, Ex- Sindh ministers & Senators

    Statement in Karachi

    66

    23-05-1988

    KBD must not be made talk of the street. It will not be constructed until and unless four provinces do not agree. 

    Kazi Abdul Majeed “Abid” Federal Minister for Information

    Statement at Tando M Khan.

    67

    21-05-1988

    KBD scheme is an agenda of ruining sindh

    Sardar Jam Feroz Unnar

    Statement issued in Nawabshah

    68

    16-08-1988

    KBD for the bright future of the country. Stand of Sindh & NWFP unreasonable

    Chairman WAPDA

    Lahore

     

    17-12-1988

    KBD will pave way for creation of more differences amongst provinces and will make sindh crippled economically. 

    Sindh Assembly

    Debate on the issue

             

    69

           

    70

    19-12-1988

    Sindh Assembly’s stand on KBD issue praised.

    The Daily “Hilal-i-Pakistan”

    Editorial

             

     

    The material/data/information can be provided on request

     

     

     

     

  • SINDHI HINDU’S CONTRIBUTION

    SINDHI HINDU’S CONTRIBUTION FOR SINDH & IN SINDH

    CHRONOLOGYREFLECTING SOCIAL, CULTURAL, EDUCATIONAL, RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OFMINORITIES DURING BRITISH PERIOD.

    (During British Rule , that is from 1843 to1947, Sindhi Hindus played vital role in the development and progress of the Society. Cosequetupon the DIVIDE AND RULE policy of British Government, a few but very seriousdifferences also occured between Hidus and Muslims of Sindh in the fields of politics and religion.However, the role played by Hindus for Noble Cause cannot be under estimetd and ignored.This segment of our Society gave SindhColleges,Hospitals and Gardens.After the partition of India, majority of Hindusleft their Homeland, either by misguidance, or by fear of dark and unproctedfuture.By disownig their Motherland, they deprived themselves of the History and Historicalrecords. 
    Keepingin view the role played by Hindus and making the History of Sindh to someextent COMPLETE STORY, Gul HayatInstitute realised its Historical Research obligations to include the role ofHindus in our Research Project. You will find a lot ofmaterial/data/information on the subject/topic on this website (www.gulhayat.com). Such as Political parties,History of Freedom Movement ,their Social and Culturalorganisations etc. 
    Inthis initiate, we have applied SAMPLE METHOD to narrate the story. Though, alot of material/information/data is available on the subject/topic,but it isimpossible for a single man to complete the task single handed. Gul HayatInstitute and its contribution is my SOLO FLIGHT. Tomorrow, it will be amazingand unbelieving for our young generations to accept that only one man can dosuch a wonderfull job. I am happy that aspects of History covered by me arepart of our Untoled History. I am trying to pave way for further research.(Dr.Dur Muhammad Pathan)

    23.1.1863 
    Bulchandkundanmal Advani is born in Hyderabad. After doing LLB in 1881 statartedpractice, remained Councillsor HyderabadMuncipality for twenty years. He wasMember of Managing Committee of “Khuda Abad Amil Panchyat”. He breathed hislast in 1933
    19/2/1879
    JagatraiIssardas Shivdasani takes birth at Hyderabad.Later on he became Educationalist & writer. After 1947 left Sindh forKotah, Rajistan.
    December1882
    Though dateand month not confirmed but, it is sure that in 1882, first ever organization :Sindh Sabha: takes birth. The association consisting of Hindus & Muslimsworked for social up lift and also influenced the society for working forbetter change. Sindh Sabha took part indirectly in Muncipal elections also.

    15/3/1814
    Consequentupon developing differences with Hindu members in the meeting of “Sindh Sabha”,Mr Hassan Ali Affandi formed “Sindh Muhammadan Association”. It proved to bevery active organization till separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency.
    28/12/1885
    All IndiaCongress Committee takes birth.
    17.1.1889 
    LalsingHazarising Ajwani takes birth in khairpur. Later on he beame Writer & Educationist.in 1919 became professor in Ahmedabad and after some time in D.J.S.Collegekarachi .in 1947 left for Bombay.
    20.9.1889 
    Hashmatrailekhraj Chablani takes birth at Hyderabad. Later on knows as H.L.chablani,welknown Educationist and Leading Sindh Anti Seprationist and Freedom Fighter. He breathed his last in 1933
    5.8.1909 
    Shri SwamiHansaswaroopji Mahraj, the well-known Hindi orator and preacher delivers hisfirst lectrue in Hindhi on HINDU RELIGION at the “Santan Dharama Sabha”,situated on lidbitter Road, Garden Quarters Karachi.
    14.7.1909 
    “Brahma SamajMandir” Karachi, celebrates Sadhu Hirannand Memorial Day at Khalikdina Hall.Seth Harchandrai presides over the function. Prof.S.C.Shahani and prof.T.Lwaswani amongst speakers.
    7.8.1909 
    Karpur SrinvasRao deliver his lecture on the topic of “Vedanta”. The programme was organisedby Brahma Mandir, Karachi.
    8.8.1909 
    P.Vaswanidelivers his lecure oin the topic of “Discourses on the Religion ofrenunciation” in the programme arranged by “Brahma Mandir Karachi.”
    14.8.1909 
    Prof.T.L.Vaswanispeaks on the topic of “Gita” in the lecture programme arranged by BrahmaMandir, Karachi.

     

    20.9.1909 
    Prof.T.L.Vaswanidelivers his lecture on the topic of “The prefect sage” in the lectureprogramme arranged by Brahma Mandir, karachi.
    9.6.1910 
    Prof.T.LVaswanileaves for Barlin, to participate in “Wolrd congress of the Free Christainity& Relogious progress”
    10/2/1911
    KalyanBhulchand Advani takes birth at Hyderabad.Later on he earned name & fame as a teacher, writer and critic. After 1947he migrated to India.
    2/2/1912
    Publicmeeting presided over by Seth Harchandrai records the perfound gratification universally awakened by therecent Royal visit to India.Dr Dhalla, Mr. Nicholas, H.P.Farrell, E. Raymond, Bernard Temple. T.L. Vaswani,Lokomal Chelaram, Gidomal Lekhraj and other amongst participants. 
    23/2/1912
    “The AryaYoung Men’s Association”, Karachiarranged religious debate on the topic of “The evils of flesh eating”.
    21.4.1912 
    The religious debate on “Cremation, or burial of thedead” which had been going on in the “Arya young men’s Association” betweensome Mohammadan & Chrsitian gentlemen for some weeks come to a close.
    27.4.1912 
    Ram Sewaklal opens the discussion on the subject “TheEternity of the Soul and of Matter” arranged and organized by “Arya young Men’sAssociation, Karachi.”
    7.6.1912 
    Mr. youngHasband, Commissioner Sindh, innagurates “Tahilam Khemchand Dharamshala” inKarachi.Tahiram Khemchand entered Municipality in 1887, and became its president in 1896. He breathedhis last at the age of 42. Dharamshala named after him was some sort of homage to be paid to the late for his servicesrendered by him for the Society. Dharamshala sitatued at Harris Road costed 35thousand Rupees and building was desigen by Mea Sham lee.
    27/6/1912
    Mr Tarachanddelivers his lecture on the topic of “The Messege of Dayanand”, the lectureprogram arranged by “The Arya Young men’s Association”, Karachi.
    22/10/1913
    Harumal IssardasSadarangani takes birth at Shahdadpur. Later on became scholar, poet &writer. In 1947 he left for Delhi. 
    25.12.1913 
    TheAll-India Theistic Conference starts at Karachi, Dr.J.T.Sunderland presides.Welcome address by Dewan Tarachand. T.L.Vaswani’s innagural speech veryimpressive. Dr.N.R.Sarkar, K.K.Mitter, V.R.Shindle (General Secretary of theconference), Lalit Mohan Das, Sir Narayan Chandavar kar, Raman Bhai Manipatram,Dr.B.S.Ghosh & Lala Kirshan amongstparticipant. The conference to continue for more three days.
    26/12/1913
    Karachi hosts 28thhAnnual Session of All-India Congress Committee. Details available on Gul Hayatwebsite.( www.gulhayat.com)
    8.1.1914 
    BrahmoMandir observes Death Anniversary of keshub Chandra Seen.
    22.2.1914 
    “BandhuMandal, Karachi, celebrates its 4th Anniversary under chairmanshipof Seth Jasraj Valji. Mohanji M.Varma, Dr.K.B.Patel & Ramji Manji Vaderaamongst speakers”
    7/5/1914
    The “Karachi citizensAssociation” in its Annual General meeting elects Office-bearers as under:
    Harchandri Vishindas(President), G.G .Chagla and Jamshed N.R.Mehta(V.Ps), Durgdas B.Advani & Assanmal B.Advani Secretaries.
    ManagingCommittee: Lokomal Chelaram, Motilal, Framroz E.Panthakey, Chapsi, Wadhoomal Udhram,Abdul Rahman, Deepchand Chandumal & Tikamdas
    15.6.1914 
    Shriamn MahatmaMunshiramji, Governor of the Guru Kula Kangri, Hardwar delivers his lecture onthe topic of “Our Education l needs” at
    Khalikdina Hallon the invitation of Karachi Arya Smaj. Yesterday topic of his lecture was“What is the Arya Smaj”
    18/7/1914
    “Shri BirahKhashtri Shayat Mandli” takes birth in Karachi.Seth Naraindas Vairam Chatpar, Dr. Narsidas Pitambardas Sodha, JamnadasVilabhdas Sadani, Rochiram Gangaram Sadani, Manikal Maghomal Jethmilani andPahlajrai Haromul are the founder members.
    18/2/1915
    Gobind SinghMansukhani takes birth at Hyderabad.He left for Delhiafter 1947. Did M.A, L.L.B & Ph.D and earned name & fame as educationist& writer.
    23.1.1916 
    BhaghatNarumal of Manjhad gives a discourse on “Shewa” at “Prem Mandli” Office,situated in the Faiz Hussaini Building at Bunder road, Karachi.
    9/2/1916
    In wellattended gathering organized by the “young Amil’s Association,” Karachi, PanditJewanlal delivers Lecturer on the topic of “Social drawbacks of Hindhs”.Hotchand Chandanmal, Ghulam Ali Chagla, Mohan Lal, Dulatram Rewachand, DargdasB.Advani & Dr.D.G.Advani amongst participants.
    17/2/1916
    In thegathering arranged by the “Young Amils’ Association, Karachi, Rewachand Vassanmal delivers lectureon the topic of “What should our Pandat do.”
    24/2/1916
    AdvocateKhemchand Gopaldas delivers lecture on the topic of the “wanted a leader.” Thegathering was organized by the “young Amil’s Association,”Karachi.
    2/3/1916
    EminentWriter & Teacher Pahlajrai Lilaram Vaswani delivers his lecture on thetopic of “Practical ways and means toimprove ourselves.” The “Young Amils’ Association,” Karachi organizes the function.
    5/3/1916
    “KarachiSocial service league” celebrates its first Anniversary in Karachi. Amongst participants: Prof.Shahani(Patron of the League), Jethmal Parsram, Wadhumal, Lalchand Amardinomal, SethGidumal Fatihchand, Shamdas Gidwani (secretary), Bheromal lekhraj,Dr.Khoobchand, Dr.Doulatram, Advani,Dewan Wasanmal, Nirbhdas Durgdas, Bheromal& Maharchand Advanbi, Partabsing Shahani, H.Mevaram,Esardas Paromal &Toormal etc.
    19/3/1916
    “Karachi Social service League” arranges to stage drama forthe benefit of children studying in Municipal Schools of Karachi.
    27/3/1916
    “The Karachicitizen’s Association” lauds valuable services rendered by Lord Harding for theIndia & British subject.Harchandrai Vishidas presides over the meeting heldin to Khalikdina Hall,Karachi.R.B.Alumal Tikamdas,K.B.Nusserwanjee,R.Mehta,Jamshed N.R Mehta, Gidumal Lekhraj, Framroz E.Panthakey,Durgdas B.Advni, Lokumal Chelaram, D.D.Dhalla and Others amongst speakers.
    4/5/1916
    In thefunction organized by the “young Amils’ Association” Karachi, Dr.Batra delivers his lecture on thetopic of the “First Aid to ourselves”
    19/5/1916
    “The young Amils’Association” organizes lecturer programme. Achalsingh Advani delivers lecture on the topic of “DetiLeti & Amil Marriage”. Vazirmal, Registrar of the Judicial Commissionerchairs the gathering.
    31/5/1916
    SwamiDeyanand delivers lecture on the topic of the “Yoga practice”. The “youngAmils’ Associaion,” Karachiearns good name for arranging such typeof lectures.
    5/6/1916
    In themeeting of,The“Karachi Citizen’s Associatation, decision is taken to start“Gokhale Memorial Fund.”
    10/6/1916
    The “Karachi citizen’sAssociation” arranges series of lectures on the topic of the “Autonomy ofSindh” in first lecture today the speakers favored the autonomy of Sindh onadministrative and economic grounds.
    14/6/1916
    “The youngAmils’ Association,” Karachi,elects its office-bearers for the year 1916 as under:
    Managingcommittee: Durgdas B.Advani, Hotchand Chandumal, Khanchand Parmanand, ChandiramManikraj, Bulchand Khemchand, Gobindram Dharamdas, Shamdas Partbrai, KhanchandGopaldas & Rweachand Vassanmal.
    TahilramKhanchand (Captain Cricket team)
    TulsidasHashmatrai (Captain Cricket team)
    AssadomalHukumatrai (Sec: Tennis)
    18/6/1916
    HaromalPremchand Sharma, Editor of the “Sansar Chakkjar,” delivers lecture on thetopic of “Hindu Religion.” “The young Amils’ Association,” Karachi, organizes the function.
    21.6.1916 
    Swami Devanandadeliver his first lecture to be followed by series of lectures arranged by“Hindu Shewak Mandal” of karachi
    29/6/1916
    ShewasingH.Ajwani of sukkur delivers his lecture on the topic of “Education we need”.“The yound Amils’ Association,” Karachi,provides platform.
    1.7.1916 
    “HinduShewak Mandal” of Karachi celebrates its 1st anniversary at KhalikdnioHall Karachi.
    12/10/1916
    In themeeting arranged by the “The yound Amils’ Association,” Karachi, Dr.Dhalla delivers his lecture onthe topic of the “Nationalism.”
    14.11.1916 
    “Arya Samaj” Karachi, elects its office bearer as under:
    DayaramHemraj (President), Rewachand Bhugtanai (V.President), Chandra Bhanu Shewak(Hon.Secratary), keshavdes Verma (joint secretary), Ram shewaklal Gupta(library incharge),Maoji Master (Treasurer). Managing Committee: Nathoram,lakshmandas, Mahadev & Dialji.
    28/11/1916
    DeumalRijhumal delivers lecture on the topic of “Improvements in marriage customs.”It was arranged by “The young Amils’ Association,” Karachi,

    2/12/1916
    “D.J.S CollegeLiteracy & Debating Society”, Karachi, organizes the lecture of E.M.Pratt,Judicial Commissioner on the topic of “The Ethics of War”.
    7/12/1916
    “The youngAmils’ Association,” Karachi,arranges debate on the topic of “Pardah,” with Khemchand Gopaldas,Advocate asits principal speaker.
    9/12/1916
    Dr. J.Fitzgerald delivers his lecture on the topic of “Young India” in the lectureProgram organised by the D.J.S College Literacy & Debating society, Karachi.
    15/12/1916
    HyderabadDistrict Congress Committee demands for separate Provincial Congress Committeefor Sindh and avoids to be part of Bombay Congress Committee.
    16/12/1916
    Rev. Father Broswin gives lecture on the topic of “TheNature of Beauty”, organized by the D.J,S College Literacy and Debating society.
    31.12.1916 
    “PremMandli,” Karachi celebrates its 2nd Anniversary.
    2/3/1917
    The KarachiCongress Committee by its resolution passed, thanks Mr Justice A.Rahim for his“Minority Report” and urges Government to discontinue indentured Labour immediately.
    3/3/1917
    “NavalraiBalak Vidyala Brahmo Samaj,”karachi, organizes function with Seth Harchandrai Vishindasas the Chief Guest.
    8.3.1917 
    Metharam Sajarsingperforms opening ceremony of the library being opened by “Sat Sari DharamdasShewa Mandal,” Rohri. Its is to be noted that Hasanand Sundredas B.Aestablished this Mandal with aims & objects to stat Sanskrit classes,createreligious awareness and render social servies.
    9.3.1917
    A.Jeejeebhoy delivers lecture on the topic of the COMMERCE AND ITS CULTIVATION, in alecture programme arranged by the Karachi Citizens Association, in its premsis.
    11.3.1917
    4thSindh Provicial Conference starts at Shikarpur. Details available on Gul Hayat website.
    17.3.1917
    Rewachand Wasanmal ,Advocate delivers his lecture on the topic of ANIMAL ECONOMICS. The Young AmilsAssociation, Karachi, organises thelecture gathering.
    25.3.1917 
    “Arya smaj”Karachi provides platform to Tarachand Gajra for deiverin his lecture on the topic of“What should one do for the samaj”.
    31.5.1917
    Mr.Gurbaxanidelivers his lecture on the topic of OUR COMMUNITY , it was arranged by The Young Amils Association, Karachi.
    17.5.1917
    MissK.Vealle speaks on the topic of the THEOSOPHY AND HINDUISM, in a gatheringarranged by The Young Amils Association, Karachi.
    28/5/1917
    In itsmeeting held at Hyderabad, D.J.S CollegeAmature Dramatic Society elects Rejhumal H.B Advani And Prof. T.K. Shahani fromamongst ex-students and Mangharam U.Malkani, Mirchandani, and Advani fromamongst sitting students as office bearers.Society also decides to stage “FerozDil Afroz” drama at Karachi and Hyderabad. 
    28.5.1917
    The CitizensAssociation of Hyderabad elects G.M.Bhugri (President),Mukhi Jethanand (VicePresident),Gopaldas Jhamatmal ( Hon.Secretary),Sarnanand (Joint Secretary) andDharamdas Belaram ( Treasurer) as Office-Bearers for next year.
    2.6.1917 
    “Citien’sAssociation Hyderabad”, celebrates its second Anniversary at Homestead Hall,with Harchandrai Vishindas as president of the occasion. Karamchand Gurmukhdas,Gopaldas jamtmal, jethmal Parsram and Santdas Manghram amongst speakers.
    11.6.1917
    The KarachiCitizens Association elects Harchandrai Vishindas (President),Wadhomal Odharam(Vice President), Mir Ayoob (Vice President),Durgdas B, Advani (Hon.Secretary),R.K.Sidhva (Hon.Secretary), Dr.D.G.Advani (Public Health Incharge),JeramdasDoulatram (Education Incharge),Jamshed Mehta ( Member Managing Committee),Achaldas M. Advani (Member Managing Committee),Abdul Rehman, V.A.Aiyar,Tekamdas Wadhomal, G.G.Chagla, Framroze, Lokomal Chelaram, Motilal and Dr.PopatLal ( All Members of Managing Committee) as Office-Bearers for next year.
    14.8.1917
    Dr.ChithramGidwani gives account ofthe Shikarpur Conference at New High School on therequest of The Karachi Prem Mandli.
    15.8.1917
    TheDy.Superintendet Police serves Notices upon Mr. Jamshed N.R.Mehta ( PresidentLocal Branch of Home Rule League), Marriwalla (Secretary of the PropagandistCommittee) and Ayer (Secretary of the League) prohibiting a procession arrangedby them to prade the City (Karachi) prior to the Party Meeting.
    3/11/1917
    SpecialSindh Provincial Conference held in Hyderabad.It was presided over by Harchandrai Vishiandas while Mr. G.M Bhurgiri was thechairman of the Reception Committee.Details about the Conference are uploadedon the Gul Hayat Website.
    1
    28/5/1917
    The citizensAssociation, Hyderabadelects office bearers: Honourable Bhurgiri (as President), Mukhi Jethanand(U.P), Gopaldas Jhamatmal (H.Sec), Sarnand (J.Sec & Dharmdas Belaram(Treasure)
    7.5.1918
    Home RuleLeague,The District Congress Committee and The Karachi Citizens Associationjoimtly protest against the cancellation of Passport to the Home Rule League Deputationproceeding to England.
    1.10.1918
    Home RuleLeaguers celebrate Birthday of Anni Besant with Jeramdas Doulatram inchair.Shri Kirshadas Lula, R.K.Sidhva, Chairai Virbhdas speak on occasioneulogising the Head of Home Rule League.
    17.10.1918
    The KarachiHome Rule League protests against the decision of the Government of India notto allow a Congress-League Deputation to proceed to England.
    20.10.1918
    The HomeRule Leaguge celebarates the 51thBirthday Anniversary of Mr.Gandhi in a befitting manner.The Public Meeting heldat Khalikdino Hall Karachi.
    14/12/1918
    DistrictCongress Committee of Hyderabad passed resolution to protest against nominationof a large proportion on city Municipality.
    8/3/1919
    Strike inKarachi, Hyderabad, Shikarpur and other cities against “Rowlatt Bill”.
    11/3/1917
    4thSindh Provicial Conference in Shikarpur.Details available on the Gul HayatWebsite.
    30/3/1919
    Sindh observescomplete Hartal to protest against “Rowlaat Bill”. Precession, meetings andgatherings in big cities.
    6/4/1919
    Under theauspices of the District Congress Commitee of Sukkur, a public meeting is heldto educate public opinion on political subjects with special reference toRawlatt Bill.
    13/04/1919
    JallianwalaBagh Tragedy occures in Punjab. Details are uploaded on the Gul Hayat website.
    18/04/1919
    6thSindh Provincial Conference starts at Jacobabad, details available on thewebsite of Gul Hayat Institute.
    21/4/1919
    Large scalesearches of offices & houses of political leaders and their arrests startsin Sindh. Jethmal Parsram, H.D Mariwalla, Narisinglal, Mukhi Jethanand, Dr.Choitram, Shaikh Abdul Majeed and Durgdas arrested.
    24.10.1919
    Bhatia MitraMandal,Rohri, stages drama NARSIA BHAGAT.
    31/10/1919
    Forencouraging local-made items and articles and giving boost to Home economy andimparting love for country Sindh establishes “Sawadeshi Saba” with branches inbig cities.
    3/11/1919
    Dr.Choithram speaks on the present political conditions of the Bharat Varsh andIndians in Punjab, South Africa & Fiji in public meeting held underthe auspices of the District congress Committee of Sukkur.
    17.11.1919
    Home RuleLeague of Hyderabad request Government to remove restrictions on Messrs BipinChandrapal and B.G.Tilak from visiting Punjab, and allow Lala Lajpatrai andHarriman to return to India. The meeting held at Hyderabad (Holmstead Hall )with Hiranand Santokram in chair.
    4.1.1920
    KhilafatConference starts in Hyderabad,a big political Move after killings inPunjab.Hindus and Muslim equqlly determined to show public strength to theGovernment.
    17/1/1920
    The meetingof the Council of the Sindh Provincial Congress Committee deplores at lengththe tragedy of Jallianwala Bagh and decides for organizing “All Sindh Fund” formemorial purpose.
    26.2.1920
    The SanatanAmature Dramatic Society of Old Sukkur stages drama at Railway Institute.(earning of two nights Rs 1150 handed over to The Narsamal Ryatmal Club as Aid)
    26/4/1920
    Inconnection with his programme of visit in Sindh, Gandhi arrives in Karachi.
    30/7/1920
    TheHyderabad District Congress Committee decides by 17 votes to 10 to recommendthe principle of non-cooperation to the special Indian National Congress.
    1/8/1920
    Congresscommittee launches Non-co-operation Movement against the Governemnt.
    28/8/1920
    SpecialSindh Provincial Conference in Hyderabad. Details available on Gul Hayat’sWebsite.
    4.11.1920 
    Prof.M.R.Shirazi delivers his lecture on the topic of “The Bahai movement on theinvitation of the karachi” “Prem Mandli”
    15/7/1921
    KarachiCongress Committee appeals to Sindh Merchants cease importing any furtherfforeign made cloth.
    5.8.1921 
    Gobind Malhitakes birth at tharushah ater on became know writer. After 1947 left sindh forBombay. Contributed more that 19 books.
    2/9/1921
    VishnoSharma,Editor of “Hindu” earn arrest under I.P.C.124 onaccount of his editorialagainst the Government.
    1922
    DistrictCommittees of Sindh C.Committee started awarding scholarship to students.
    12/2/1922
    The NonCooperation Movement launched by the congress against the Government ends.
    16/3/1922
    Sindhi pressinspite of clear cut directives of the Govt, carried an appeal not receivePrince of Wales.
    17/03/1922
    Prince ofWales arrives at Karachi.Complete Hartal by political parties and their workers.
    15.9.1922 On the eveof 10th anniversary.”The Prem Mandli”, Karachi published its Annualprogress Report. The out standing services of the Mandli remained as under:
    1. Freereading room & library established,
    2. Startedhealth circulating library consisting of books on health and physical culture
    3. Lectuiresarranged by its debating society
    4. Sacreddayts celebrated
    5. Nightschool established for untouchables
    6. Dramasstages on the eve of anniversaries
    7. Weekly“The young Builders” founded
    16.9.1922 On the eve of 336th anniversary,the “Arya Samaj” Karachi presents its annual report. The organizationmaintains: “Putri Patshala” (Girls School) at the last of Rs 100/= per month.80 girls enrolled and get free education, DAV.School with monthly cot of Rs200/= responsioble for catering 75 students & Gujrati school with Rs 100/=per month and responsible for educationg 75 boys students.
    18/9/1922
    SindhCongress launches movement for collection of “Tilik Sawraj Fund”. The task tocontinue for fifteen days.
    18/5/1922
    Gandhi ArrestDay observed in Sindh. Hartal and protest procession in cities.
    8/2/1923
    Dr. G.TWrench in his lecture delivered in D.J Sindh college advises Women-folk not totake part in politics.
    13/2/1923
    HariHimtahni takes birth at Moro. Later on he earned name & fame in the fieldof the literature. After 1947 he migrated to India and settled there in Ajmir.
    27/3/1923
    On the jointcall of the Khilafat Committee & Congress 
    Committee, Sindh records it pretest and observe Hartal as to show resentment onGovernment policy regarding Keya Colony.
    20.8.1923 
    Conductingof classes by lalchand amardinomal jagtiani in night school run by “PremMandli” karachio. The purpose of classes to highliught the life &achievements of shah abdul latif bhitai.
    2/12/1923
    LalaLajpatrai in Karachi:Karachi Municipal Corporation presents welcome Address on behalf of citizens ofthe city.
    24.3.1924 The nationalbaby week being celebrated in Karachi. Exahibitionh and lecture programmes atvarious places on various dates.R.K.Sindhua to co-ordionate. Details ofprogrammes as under:
    1. Lyari 24.3.1924
    2. OldTown 26.3.1924
    3. Sadar 30.3.1924

    1. Kiamari 1.4.1924

     

    16/4/1924
    “SindhLeague of Progress” in its Annual General meeting held at Khaliq Dino Hall,elects the committee of Karachi Branch for the forthcoming year as under:
    Harchandrai,Dipchand Chandumal, Wali Muhammad, Hassan Ali, Jahangeer Panthakey, G.MDycekeele, Ardeshir H.Mama, C.F.D Abreo, Jamshed Mehta, E.L. Price & SirMontagu Webb (Hon. Secretary)
    6.4.1924 
    “Local Adulteducation movement” formed in Karachi so as to conduct English classes foradults. Theosophical society to provide Hall for conducting of classes.Prof.Trivedi, Prof.Junnarkar, Mahatma Vairag ya Chandra, Kamat and Joshi behindthe Idea and formation of movement.V.J.Pardhan equested to deliver hislectures.
    5.5.1924 
    ShewaMandli, Garhiyasin, celebrates its 5th anniversary.
    12.2.1924 
    Inspite ofvigrious opposition, non-Muslim Community of sukkur opts for formation of the“Sindh Ladies association”
    3/10/1925
    SindhCongress celebrates “Gandhi Birthday”. Leader’s life and achievementshighlighted in gatherings and meetings.
    31/07/1926
    SethHarchandrai Vishindas performs opening ceremony of the Dayaram JethanandKhilinani library established by Hindu Town Peoples’ Association, Karachi.
    12/8/1926
    JasumalTahilram Kodwani takes birth at Tando Muhammad Khan. After 1947, he migrated toIndia and settled there in Agra. He earned name andfame in literacy circles and was known as Jasumal “Azad”.
    29/11/1926
    TheHyderabad District Council Committee expresses thanks to people for support inelection of Mr. Jai Ram Das as the member of the Bombay Legislative Council.
    11.12.1926 
    Dewanhukumatrai shank areas advani breathes his last. He was born in 1864, remainedhead accountant in phulali cannales. He was mukhi of hirabad, Hyderabad.
    17/4/1927
    The SindhHindu Association passed a resolution in which it termed the separation ofSindh as harmful to the interests if Sindh.
    1/5/1927
    The SindhProvisioal Hindu Sammelan was held under the presidency of Lala Lajpat RaiM.L.A at Sukkur which was attended by as many as five hundred delegates fromall parts of Sindh.
    16.5.1927 
    Kirshanjethanand hemrajani takes birth at sukkur. Later on the left sindh after 1947.Earned name & fame as a wrier & translator became another of a fewbooks.
    29/5/1927
    SindhProvisioal Hindu Sabha held its meeting at Hyderabad to consider the resolution of theAll-India Congress Committee regarding separation of Sindh.
    11/6/1927
    SethHarchandrai Vishindas gave as interview to a representative of “THE HINDU” andreiterated his opposition to the separation of Sindh from Mombay Presidency.
    16/6/1927
    SindhCongress observes death anniversary of D.C. Das.
    20/6/1927
    SethHarchandrai called the leading citizens of the Karachi at his house and issued jointstatement to the press strongly objecting to the proposal of constituting Sindhinto a separate province. 
    25/6/1927
    SethHarchandrai presided over a public meeting in the Khaiqdina Hall which passed astrongly worked resolution against the separation of Sindh from Mombaypresidency.
    687-88Vol-II Septt
    29/6/1927
    MofussilHindu leaders issued statement to the press protesting against the separationof Sindh. 
    3/2/1928
    SimonCommission reaches India.
    12/6/1928
    Sindhobserves and celebrated “Bardoli Day” Sindh Congress organizes meetings andprocessions.
    17/07/1928
    The Hindus,Muslims & other minorities of Sindh entered into a communal pact agreeingto the separation if Sindh.
    3/2/1928
    Sindhobserves Hartal to protest against “Simon Commission”.
    August 1928
    Indian L.Apassed Sir Alexander Muddiman’s Bill empowering Provisional Governments andsearching any press/Newspaper Office & books/documents/etc.
    21/10/1928
    Meeting ofthe Karachi C.C at Khaliq Dina Hall Naraindas Anandji presided over. It wasdecided to boycott the Simon commission. Mir Muhammad Baloch and Sindhi ShaikhAbdul Majeed spoke on the occasion. 1000 volunteers stage protest against thecommission & raised slogan “Simon go back” .
    22/10/1928
    Karachi congress Committee’smeeting presided over by Naraindas Anandji & participated by Swami Govindanand,Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon, Prof. Jhamatmal, Muhammad Khan, Manilal Vyas,,Shaikh Abdul Majeed, Mir Muhammad Baloch, R.K Sidhwa & Warsinghlal.Resolved that to observe Hartal 3.2.1928 to protest against Simon Commission. 
    30/10/1928
    Sindh C.Cfinalizes boycott program to the implemented on the eve of arrival of SimomCommission.
    31/10/1928
    Publicmeeting held in Khaliq Dina Hall presided over by Dr. Ansari, President ofIndian National Congress, Maulana Azad was amongst participants.
    3/11/1928
    Sindhistudents boycott their classes in educational institution to show theirresentment on the “Simon Commision”.
    4/11/1928
    Black flagprocession taken in Hyderabadto lodge protest against Simon Commision.
    12/11/1928
    “SimonCommission” in Karachi, “Sindh Hindu Sabha”presents Memorandum and opposes separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency.
    20.11.1928 
    Eminent ofcitizen of Karachi, seth sobhraj chetumal breathes his last. Born in 1879 atshikarpur. Municipal copunciller for 20 years. President Karachi Indianmerchants association and the socil service league. Vice president of the kanyamaha vidyala and the sindh hindu association. First class hon,magistrate.
    15.12.1928 
    Dewan Hiranandsantookram advani breaths his last. Born in 1872, did B.A in 1892. Remainedteacher in high school practice. He was theoisopohist, dramaartist, socialworker, congress worker and later on president of hoime rule league Hyderabad.
    13.1.1929 
    Goverdhantakes birth. Left sindh ater 1947. By profession he became elect. Engineer andearned name & fame in literary circles of ajmir as goverdhan mahaboobanibharti.
    17/4/1929
    PahlajraiLiharam Vaswani (P.L. Vaswani) breathes his last. He was an educationalist,administrator of Karachi Local Board schools and General Secretary of the“Karachi Social Service League” for years. He was writer & author ofhandsome number of books.
    26/01/1930
    Sindhobserves “Azadi Day” as desired and decided by the All-India CongressCommittee.
    26/1/1930
    Sindhobserves Hartal and stike on the call of the All-India Congress Committee.
    4/3/1930
    TheAll-India Congress Committee Launches “Non-Co-Operation Movemrnt” against theGovernment. Sindh anxious to take part.
    12/3/1930
    Gandhistarts his march to Mandvi to offer civil disobedience through violation of the provisional of the Salt laws.
    16/4/1930
    Policefiring of Congress procession. Two workers breath their last.
    5/1/1931
    All nightraid on Karachion local Satyagrahis and locking andsealing of congress premises. 
    7/1/1931
    Under the“Criminal Law Amendment Act” the Government/Police raid the following officeand sub offices of the congress committee in Karachi as they were declare unlawful:
    1. SindhProvincial Congress Committee
    2. Karachi District C.C
    3. SindhSatyagrah Councel
    4. Karachi Satyagrah Councel
    5. Boycottcommittee
    6. VidyarathMandal
    7. Karachi SatyagrahCommittee
    8. GujratiKumar Sang
    9. NaujawanBharat Sabha
    10. Karachi Vidyarthi Samagan
    11. RashtryaIstri Mandal
    12. ShewakDal
    11/1/1931
    Police LathiCharges congress gathering in Ram Bagh inh\jures 159 of which 50 as seriousmakes arrests of 36 including twenty women.
    4/3/1931
    TheAll-India Congress Committee suspends its Non-Co-Operation Movement.
    25/3/1931
    The workingcommittee of the A.I.C.C meets in Karachiand will continue to meet for several days.
    26/3/1931
    PanditJawahar Lal Nehru presides over the “All-India Studnets Council ” at Karachi. The conferencedisapproves “Gandhi-Irwin Settlement” and resolve to form provisional working committeeof students.
    27/3/1931
    SubhasChandra Bose presides “The Nauhawan Bharat Sabha Conference” in Karachi. Details uploadedon the website of the Gul Hayat Institute.
    27/3/1931
    The AllIndia Congress Committee meets in the subject committee tent at HarchandraiNagar, Karachi.Jawahar Lal Nehru Presides. The meeting confirms the minutes of the lastmeeting and discuss the General Secretaries report.
    29/3/1931
    Sindh hosts45th Session of the All-India Congress Committee. Karachi selected as the proper place forconducting the session.
    1931 March
    Arepresentative Hindu conference, attended by three hundred delegates andpresided over by Mr. Ramanand Chatterji, Editor of the “Modern Review ” passesreolution against the separation of Sindh. 
    1/4/1931
    Mr. SubhasChandra Bose presides “The political Sufferer’s conference in Karachi. Swami Govindanand acts as chairmanof the Reception committee conference pass resolution on various topics andresolves to form an Indian Political Prisoner Relief Committee”.
    11/1/1932
    Publicmeeting organized by Karachi Congress Committee in Ram Bagh Ground, lathicharge by the police.
    19/01/1932
    Undersection 35 of the Emergency Powers Ordinance, 1932 (II of 1932) Magistrates inSindh were invested with powers of special Magistrates to Combat CongressMovement launched against Government.
    31/1/1932
    Sindhobserves “ Civil Disobedience Movement” launched by the Congress Committee,upto 7.4.1934 with break from 9.5.1933 to 1.8.1933
    12/2/1932
    TheGovernor-in-Council under section 16 of the “Indian Crimanal Law Amendment Act,1908 (XIV of 1908)”, declares Hyderabad District Congress Committee and itsaffiliated organization unlawful.
    14/3/1932
    Undersection 16 of the Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act (XIV of 1908), the Governorin Council declares various Districts Congress Committees and their branchesunlawful.
    3/4/1932
    CompleteHartal was observed in Sindh as Gandhi Arrest Day.
    13/4/1932
    Non-MuslimCommunity of Sindh organizes “Anti-Separation” meeting in Karachi.
    26/1/1933
    Sindh HinduConference was held in Karachi.
    26/1/1933
    “Sindh HinduConference” held in Karachi,separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency opposed.
    3.4.1933 
    Speaking onthe “Provincial Criminal; laws supplementary Bill in Indian legislativelalchand novalrai said that this measure is unprecedented calculated to strikeat the root of social order. Such drastic legislation was sure to recoil penthe Govt. he deplored that the high courst under the provisi0ons of variousprovincial criminal law amendement acts ae being subordinated entirely o theprovincial governments.
    16/4/1933
    “The KarachiIndian Merchant’s Association” rejects “White Paper” and terms it againstinterests of people.
    2/8/1933
    The CongressCommittee launches “Nom-co-operation Movement” against the Government.
    26.10.1933 
    “SindhLeague of progress” discusses economic sitatution of sindh. Sir M.de.P.webb inchair, where as jamshed NR.Mehta, Haridas Lalji, Isardas varandmal, Jethmalparsram, Shahnaqaz Bhutto, Ghulam Ali chagla, Abdul Majeed Shaikh, B.T.Thakur,S.M.Lula, Dr.Hingorani & J.Panthakey amongst participants. Great talk inprices of agricultural commodities and disposal of sukkur barrage lands remainedburning issue in agenda.
    7/4/1934
    Non-cooperationMovement launched by the Congress on 2.8.1933, comes to an end.
    28/4/1934
    “TheFrontier Punjab & Sindh Hindu Conference” held at Peshawar. Apart from other issues the issueof the separation of Sindh from Bombaypresidency was opposed unanimously.
    5/8/1934
    “Sindh YoungCongressities League” takes birth in Sindh with Miss Nirmala Lalwani as itsfounder president.
    28/12/1934
    Mrs SarojniNaido on Sindh visit. Karachi Municipal Corporation presents address to her.The next of that addresses available at Gul Hayat.
    23/2/1935
    “The AllIndia Anti-Communal Award Conference” starts in New Delhi. Lalchand Nawalrai and BhaiPermanand from Sind as Participants.
    22.3.1935 
    Mr.R.D.Bell,home member makes a important statements in the council during the debtate onthe adjournment motion regarding the public demand for an immediate enquirtyinto Karachi firing.
    5.4.1935 
    Sir CowasjiJehangir partipated in the discussion in the tariff act Amend (Rice &wheat) Bill. In the Indian legislative Asseembly.
    6.4.1935 
    Sir Cowasjijehangir participated in the discussion an the finance bill debate in thesession of ndian legislative assembly.
    1/4/1936
    Sindhi getsProvincial status. The longest annexation with Bombay stand ceased.
    11.7.1936 
    “LarkanaHigh School Dramatic society” stayed Dram “Bharat Kaniya” students of school(Boys & Girls) took part. Prayer songs and dances were performed byShivdasnni sisters, Mathrani Sisters, Miss chandanani and Miss Hiongorani.
    6/6/1936
    Dr.Tarachand forms Sindh Labour Party.
    18/6/1936
    Firstsession of the “Sindh Congress Socialist conference” starts in Karachi.
    31/12/1936
    “Sindh HinduConference” starts at Sukkur under the presidency of Bhai Parmanand &political development after the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency wasreceived with special reference to the social, religious and political futureof Sindhi Hindus. 
    23/3/1938
    Khan BahadulAllah Bux Soomro forms Government.
    28/2/1939
    Annualmeeting for election for the year 1939-40 of the bearers of Nawabshah CongressCommittee was held at the residency of Noalvi Muhammad Maaz, yhe sittingpresent of the Nawabshah Congress Committee.
    1/4/1939
    NichaldasWazirani & Dialmal Doulatram take oath as ministers.
    16/9/1939
    Hindu actorsof Sukkur, stage drama “Assembly” in Kambar Ali Khan. The drama aim atcriticizing. The role being played by the Sindh Legislative Assembly.
    1.10.1939
    Sindh Muslimleague launches “Masjid Manzalgah Restoration Movement” prior to this MuslimReligious scholars visited Sukkur and delivered speeches to invite SindhiMuslims attention to the Issue.
    26/4/1940
    The MasjidManzilgah issue/dispute probing court records statements & evidence ofFoujdar Umar Khan & Maulvi Sadiq in Karachi.
    17/10/1940
    The Congresslaunches “Satyagarah” Movement against the Government.
    5/11/1940
    SindhCongress organized “Hindu-Muslim Unity Conference” at Nawabshah. It waspresided over by Maolana Abdul Kareem Chishti and lasted for two day. ThePresidential Address in booklet form available at Gul Hayat.
    3/3/1943
    SindhLegislative Resolution passes Resolution in favour of Pakistan.Congress members either in jail or absentees.
    23/3/1946
    Cabinet Mission arrives in Karachi.
    7/5/1946
    Complete hartal in Sindh on the call of Sindh Congress Committee qwing to the death of Bhula Bhai Dessai.
    9/5/1946
    The Hydreabad District Congress Committee expresses great sorrow over the death of Bhula Bhai Desai.

  • CHRONOLOGY OF THE SINDH KHILAFAT COMMITTEE

    CHRONOLOGY OF THE SINDH KHILAFAT COMMITTEE

     

    DATE

    PLACE

    ACTIVITY

    PRESIDENT

    PARTICIPANT

     

    Larkana

    Procession

    Mr Jan Muhammad Junejo

     

    Friday

     

    Gathering

    Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Pir Imam Shah of Jhando

     
     

    Sukkur

    Procession

    Pir Imam Uddin Shah

     

    17-19-1922

    Bahadur Pur

    Meeting

       

    20-03-1919

    Sukkur

    Meeting

       

    06-10-1919

    Karachi

    Meeting

       

    17-10-1919

    Sukkur

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Khalique Moraie

    Molana Taj Muhammad

    Molvi Din Muhammad wafaie

    Mr Virumal

    Mir Mausum Shah

    Purdar Nisham

    17-10-1919

    Hyderabad

    Procession

    Molvi Taj Muhammad

    Shahzada Abdullah jan Sarhadi

    Molana  Hafiz Asadullah Shah

    Syed Abdul Hakeem Shah

    Rais Jan Muhammad Sarhadi

    Mr Abdul Jabbar

    Dr Noor Muhammad

    Molana Taj Mahmood

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    27-11-1919

    Rohri

    Meeting

    Mr. Ghulam nabi kazi

    Kazi Abdul Razak

    Mr. Ali Bux

    01-05-1920

    Bhan

    Meeting

    Local Branches

     

    01-08-1920

    Swhwan

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Nawabshah

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Nasarpur

    Meeting

    Molvi Haji Muhammad

    Mian Muhammad Islmail

     

    01-08-1920

    Amrot Shareef

    Hartal

    Public Meeting

     

    01-08-1920

    Kambar

    Meeting

       

    01-08-1920

    Sonda

    Meeting

    Kazi Abdul Qayoon Farooqui

     

    01-08-1920

    Thull

    Hartal

    Molvi Nabi Bux

     

    01-08-1920

    Khahi/

    Nawabshah

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Badin

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Bhiria

    Hartal/Meeting

       

    01-08-1920

    Sijawal

    Gathering

       

    01-08-1920

    Thatta

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Moro

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Kotri

    Meeting

       

    01-08-1920

    Halla

    Meeting

    Molana khalifa haji Muhammad Ali

    Haji Pir Muhammad

    Molvi Lal Muhammad

    01-08-1920

    Hyderabad

    Hartal

       

    01-08-1920

    Halla

    Meeting/Hartal

       

    01-09-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhakim-u-ddin

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Seth Aminuddin

    15-01-1920

    Larkana

    Meeting

    Mr Jan Muhammad Junejo

    Saraie Jan Muhammad

    Siraie Amrati

    16.01.1920

     

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad

     

    02-09-1920

    District Hazara

    Meeting

       

    03-02-1920

    Karachi

    Procession

     

    Mr Honourable Harichand

    Vishunadas

    Mr jamsheed N.R Mehta

    Mr Ayoub Khan

    Mr Wali Muhammad

    Mr Wadho mal

    Mr Haji Abdullah Haroon

    Mr Muhammad Ali

    Mr. Syed Hussain

    Syed Suleman Nadvi

    Mr Hayat

    03-09-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Mr. Abdul Jabbar

    Local Branches

    19-03-1920

    Sonda

    Meeting

    Mr. Muhammad Ayoob

     

    19-03-1920

    Tando

    Muhammad Khan

    Meeting

       

    19-03-1920

    Nawabshah

    Hartal

       

    19-03-1920

    Nawabshah

    Meeting

    Shahdaza Muhammad Imam Shah

     

    19-03-1920

    Dokri

    Hartal

       

    19-03-1920

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

       

    19-03-1920

    Sakni

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdullah

    Hamdani Laghari

    Rind Sano

    Khasi

    Halipota

    Kambrani

    Syed

    Ranwar

    19-03-1920

    Shakirpur

    Hartal/

    Procession

       

    19-03-1920

    Sehwan

    Hartal/

    Procession

    Molvi Abdul razak

     

    19-03-1920

    Sijawal

    Hartal

    Mian hamadullah

    Local Branches

    19-03-1920

    Kambar

    Hartal/

    Procession

       

    19-03-1920

    Thatta

    Hartal

    Syed Mian Ismail Shah kazmi

     

    19-03-1920

    Cheho

    Hartal/Meeting

    Molvi Mian Noor Muhammad

     

    19-03-1920

    San

    Hartal

       

    20-03-1920

    Larkana

    Meeting

    Pir Tourshi

    Mr jan Muhammad

    Gobind Bux

     

    29-03-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

    Local Branches

    04-10-1920

    Larkana

    Meeting

    Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Molana Zafar Ali

     

    04-11-1920

    Bhit Shah

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Molvi Abdul khalique

    Hakeem Muhammad Muaz

    Muhammad Hashim

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    16-04-1920

    Sehwan

    Meeting

    Moulana Abdul Karim Daris

    Hazrat Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Pir Syed Turab Ali Shah

    Shazada Pir Abdul Satar Khan

    Jan Muhammad Junejo

    Pir Ali Anwar Shah

    Mr. Abdul Jabar

    Mr Amin-u-ddin

    Molvi Fazul Muhammad Hakim

    Molvi Abdul Karim Muhammad Puri

    Molvi Muhammad Siddiqueof Karachi

    Molvi Fatah Muhammad Sehwan

    Shaikh Abdul Aziz

    Molvi Haji Ahmed and Sirajuddin sidique

    17-04-1920

    Sehwan

    Meeting

    Moulana Abdul Karim Daris

    Mazrat Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Pir Syed Turab Ali Shah

    Shazada Pir Abdul Satar Khan

    Jan Muhammad Junejo

    Pir Ali Anwar Shah

    Mr. Abdul Jabar

    Mr Amin-u-ddin

    Molvi Fazul Muhammad Hakim

    Molvi Abdul Karim Muhammad Puri

    Molvi Muhammad Siddiqueof Karachi

    Molvi Fatah Muhammad Sehwan

    Shaikh Abdul Aziz

    Molvi Haji Ahmed and Sirajuddin sidique

    18-04-1920

    Bubak

    Meeting

    Pir Abdul Sattar

    Local Branches

    30-04-1920

    Shikarpur

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Karim Chithi

     

    05-07-1920

    Buta Sirai

    Meeting

    Syed Abdul Haque

    Pir Syed Shah Doran

    Mian Abdul Rahman

    Molana Syed Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Rias Jan Muhammad Junejo

    Pir Syed Turab Ali Shah

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    14-05-1920

    Jatoi/Shakirpur

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul karim Chishti

    Sardar Imam Bux Khan Jatoi

    Pir Syed Amir Shah

    16-05-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Munshi Aminuddin Sahib

     

    19-05-1920

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molana Abdul Karim Darsi

     

    20-05-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Mr Mian Muhammad

    Mr Abdul Jabbar

    28-05-1920

    Shakirpur

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Karim Chishti

     

    06-08-1920

    Jacobabad

    Meeting

    Molana Syed Muhasan Shah

    Molana Abdul Karim

    06-08-1920

    Jacobabad

    Meeting

       

    06-10-1920

    Nawabshah

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Hakim Shamsuddin

    Seth Aminuddind

    Kazi Abdullah Shah

    Molvi Maaz

    Molvi Muhammad Uddin

    Molvi Muhammad Hashim

    Molvi Abdul khalique

    07-04-1920

    Halla

    Meeting

    Molana Fazul Muhammad Hakim

    Syed Abdullah Shah

    Syed Ali Asghar Shah

    Syed Muhammad Alam Shah

    Shaikh Abdul Aziz

    Hafiz Khan Muhammad Karachi

    Moloana Muhammad Abdul Khalique Moraie

    Molana Muhammad Suleman of Bano

    Molana Muhammad Daud of Dadu

    Molvi Shaikh Noor Muhammad of Matariye

    Syed Ghulam Murtaza Shah

    G.M Syed of Son

    Hafz Khana Muhammad

     

    07-10-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Kazi Syed Asadullah Shah

    Molvi Abdullah

    Seth Amin-ul-din

    24-07-1920

    Dakhan

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Karim Chishti

     

    24-07-1920

       

    Shaikh Noor Muhammad widow of Syed Faisal Shah

    Local Branches Meeting of women’s

    08-05-1920

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Mr Abdullah Haroon

     

    08-10-1920

    Nausharo

    Meeting

    Shah Abdul Majeed

    Molvi Makhdoom-u-Din

    Molvi Abdul Khalique Moraie

     Kazi Asadullah Shah

    Rais Najamuddin

    Hafiz Karim Bux

    20-08-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Molvi Haji Muhammad Siddique

    Kazi Muhammad Khuda Bux

    Molvi Abdul Khalique

    24-08-1920

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

    Hazrat Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Molana Abdul karim Chishti

     

    26-08-1920

    Cheho

    Meeting

    Mian Makhan

     

    09-04-1920

    Shakirpur

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Karim

    Mian Amanullah Khan

    24-09-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

     

    28-09-1920

    Abido

    Boycott

       

    16-10-1920

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Pir Ghulam Mujadad

    Seth Aminuddin

    18-10-1920

    Halla

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Hafiz Haji Wali Muahammad

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    19-10-1920

    Bao Dero

    Meeting

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Muhammad Bux

    Pir Gghulam Mujadid

    Kazi Asadullah Shah

    Mr Abdul jabbar

    Kazi Khuda Bux

    21-10-1920

    Nasarpur

    Meeting

     

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Pir Ghulam Mujadid

    Kazi AsadullahShah

    Kazi Khuda Bux

    Abdul Jabbar

    Muhammad Hashim Mukhlis

    Mian Muhammad Yousif

    Mr. khuda Bux

    Muhammad Hashim

    22-10-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Mr Nabi Bux

     

    27-10-1920

     

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Kazi Abdul Rahman

    Mr. Muhammad Khan

    Syed Mustafa Ka,al

    27-10-1920

    Dadu

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Shah

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

    29-10-1920

    Thatta

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Hassan

     

    30-10-1920

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molana Zafar Ali Khan

     

    11-02-1920

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Mr T.L waswani

    Molana Abdul Bari

    Molana Kalam

    Mr Shaukat Ali

    13-11-1920

    Thatta

    Meeting

    Pir Ghulam Mujadad

     

    26-11-1920

    Sonda/

    Talka Thatta

    Meeting

    Molvi Mian Ahmed Siddique

    Molvi Abu bakar

    20-12-1920

    Bano

    Meeting

    Pir Muhammad Baquar

    Molvi Haji Muhammad Suleman

    Molvi Muhammad Yousif

    31-12-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Kazi Nabi Bux

    Kazi Faiz Muhammad

    31-12-1920

    Moro

    Meeting

    Kazi Nabi Bux

    Kazi Faiz Muhammad

    Kazi Abdul Rahman

    16-01-1921

    Nawabshah

    Meeting

    Molvi Khaliq Moraie

     

    21-03-1921

    Karachi

    Hartal

    Students Strike

     

    01-08-1922

    Naushoro Feroz

    Meeting

       

    01-11-1922

    Thatta

    Meeting

    Molvi hafiz Abdul Halim

    Hafiz Muhammad Hussain

     

    14-01-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

       

    30-01-1922

    Nausharo

    Meeting

    Molana Hakeem Fatah Muhammad

     

    02-09-1922

    Goth Bola

    Meeting

       

    03-09-1922

    Tando

    Muhammad Khan

    Meeting

     

    Kazi Asadullah Shah

    Muhammad Hashim Mukhalish

    Mian Asadullah

    Mian Pir Abdul Sattar Jan

    Molvi Ghulam Muhammad of Tano Sain Dad

    Molvi Muhammad Musa

    Kazi Asadullah

    03-09-1922

    Shah Jo Goth

    Meeting

    Molvi Khuda Bux

     

    03-12-1922

    Naushahro

    Meeting

    Molvi Karim Bux

    Kazi Mian Abdullah alies

    Abdul Hadi

    19-03-1922

    Tando

    Muhammad Khan

    Meeting

       

    19-03-1922

    Naushoro Feroz

    Meeting

    Molvi Mian Fazul Muhammad 

    Attended Local Branches

    29-03-1922

    Halla

    Meeting

    Molvi Mina Haji Muhammad

     

    05-11-1922

    Tando

    Muhammad Khan

    Meeting

       

    05-12-1922

    Goth

    Nabi Shah

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Kasim

    Molvi Hafiz Muhammad Hashim

     

    06-10-1922

    Goth Gojar

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Goth Maniro

    Soomro

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Goth Morani

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Goth Mihran Pota

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Goth Talyaio/

    Tharparkar

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Goth Warwai

    Meeting

    Protest against British policy

     

    07-10-1922

    Goth Gogano

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Khario Ghulam

    Shah

    Meeting

       

    07-10-1922

    Islamkot

    Meeting

       

    07-12-1922

    Dhoro Naro

    Meeting

    Molvi Din Muhammad

    Molvi Muhammad Musa

    Sultan Abdul Wahid

     

    08-09-1922

    Shah Jo Goth

    Meeting

       

    08-09-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Mr Aminuddin Bhojraj

    Valecha

    Syed Asadullah

    08-09-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Kazi Ayed Assadullah

    Abdul Jabbar

    Seth Aminuddin

    Mr Shahbuddin

    Muhammad Hashim

    08-09-1922

    Thatta

    Meeting

       

    08-09-1922

    Goth Imamali

    Meeting

    Syed Bachal Shah

    Hafiz Noor Muhammad

     

    08-09-1922

    Shahdadkot

    Meeting

       

    08-10-1922

    Kabool Kerio

    Meeting

       

    08-10-1922

    Kambar

    Meeting

       

    08-10-1922

    Sehar/Dokri

    Meeting

       

    08-10-1922

    Shaikh Bharkia

    Meeting

       

    08-12-1922

    Kambar

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul wahid

     

    08-12-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Sadique

     

    14-08-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

       

    23-08-1922

    Kambar

    Meeting

       

    23-08-1922

    Goth Panhwar

    Meeting

    Hafiz Allah Wasiyo

     

    27-08-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Mian Amin-u-ddin

    Mr Abdul Jabbar

    Mr Abdul Rahman

    Dr Ramchand

     

    09-09-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Seth Abdullah Haroon

    Mr. Muhammad Usman

    Hakim Shamsuddin

    09-09-1922

    Kambar

    Meeting

    Molana Abdul Karim Chishti

    Damanti Devi

     

    09-10-1922

    Tando Jam

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Kasim

    Mr Umaid Ali Talpur

    09-10-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Munshi Abdul Karim

    Mrs Sarseati Devi

    Kirshnanand

    Syed Jamaluddin

    14-09-1922

    Wasi Malook Shah

    Meeting

       

    14-09-1922

    Tando Jam

    Meeting

    Kazi Kamal Pasha

    Local Branches

    14-09-1922

    Ratodero

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Rohri

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Sadullah Jo Goth

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Khipro

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Nau wahan

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Ali Khan

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Daud

    Kazi Azizullah

     

    17-09-1922

    Kambar

    Meeting

    Molvi Ghulam Siddique

    Syed Hassan Shah

    Haji Muhammad Usman

    Ghulam Muhammad pathan

    Muhammad Isa

    17-09-1922

    Badin

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Thatta

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Dhoro Naro

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Goth Mulla Abra

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Wasi Malook Shah

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Jeyo Soomro

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    GothPirSarhand

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Ghotki

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Gharhi Bachal

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Shadi Pali

    Meeting

       

    17-09-1922

    Halla (New)

    Meeting

    Khalifa haji Muhammad

     

    17-09-1922

    Sehwan

    Meeting

       

    18-09-1922

    Kakipota

    Meeting

       

    18-09-1922

    Noohiyoon/

    Sehwan

    Meeting

       

    21-09-1922

    Sonda/

    Talka Thatta

    Meeting

       

    21-09-1922

    Tando Jam

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Kasim

    Mr Thakurdas

    21-09-1922

    Halla

    Meeting

       

    22-09-1922

    Nausharo

    Procession

       

    22-09-1922

    Ratodero

    Meeting

       

    22-09-1922

    Buthi

    Meeting

       

    22-09-1922

    Mado

    Meeting

    Pir Abdullah Shah Rashdi

    Molvi Abdul karim

    Molvi Dur Muhammad

    Pir Illahi Bux

    23-09-1922

    Nasarpur

    Meeting

       

    23-09-1922

    Ghogharo

    Meeting

       

    23-09-1922

    Kandiyaro

    Meeting

       

    23-09-1922

    Dahar

    Meeting

    Kazi Kamal Pasha

     

    25-09-1922

    Hyderabad

    Procession

       

    26-09-1922

    Badah

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

    Hafiz Faiz Muhammad

    Muhammad Ali

    Muhammad Yousif

     

    27-09-1922

    Halla (New)

    Meeting

    Haji Karimullah

    Molvi Shafi Muhammad

     

    27-09-1922

    Halla (New)

    Meeting

    Local Branches

     

    29-09-1922

    Nasarpur

    Meeting

       

    29-09-1922

    Goth Dim Khan

    Meeting

    Munshi Muhammad Suleman

     

    29-09-1922

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

       

    29-09-1922

    Sijawal

    Meeting

    Molvi Mian Muhammad

    Dr Akbar Ali

     

    29-09-1922

    Wasi Shah

    Meeting

       

    29-09-1922

    Ghathar

    Meeting

    Syed Haji Hakim Shah

     

    29-09-1922

    Buthi

    Meeting

    Kazi Azizullah

     

    29-09-1922

    Sehwan

    Meeting

       

    10-11-1922

    Ber/Kambar

    Meeting

    Molvi Fazul Haque

     

    13-10-1922

     

    Meeting

    Molana kakeem Fazul Muhammad

     

    13-10-1922

    Mehar

    Meeting/Gathering

    Molvi Muhammad Suleman

     

    14-10-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

       

    16-10-1922

    Bagiraj

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Hashim

     

    19-10-1922

    Abido

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Hashim

     

    20-10-1922

    Mado

    Meeting

    Pir Abdullah Shah

    Syed Ghulam Rasool

    Molvi Muhammad Salih

    28-10-1922

    Sahal sadhio

    Meeting

       

    11-10-1922

    Kadhan

    Meeting

    Seth Mian Allah Bandu

    Molvi Ahmed

    Molvi Haji Ahmed

     

    19-11-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Seth Amin-ul-din

    Mr. Abdul Jabbar

    Molvi Muen-u-ddin

    Dr Chimendas

    Muhammad Kasim

    22-11-1922

    Kakipota

    Meeting

     

    Molvi Muhammad Hashim

    Hafiz Noor Muhammad

    25-11-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Mr. Din Muhammad

     

    25-11-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

       

    12-09-1922

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

    Hafiz Muhammad Hashim

    KaziAbdul Hakeem

    Muhammad Ishaque Sindhi

    Muhammad Ishaque Lasi

    Kamal Pasha

    Molvi Muhammad Siddique

    12-09-1922

    Tando

    Muhammad Khan

    Meeting

       

    12-09-1922

    Naushahro

    Meeting

    Molvi fazal Muhammad

    Akhund Karim Bux

    12-09-1922

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Kazi Abdullah Shah

    Mr. Abdul Jabbar

    Seth Aminuddin

    Mr. Shahuddin

    Muhammad Hashim Mukhalis

    20-03-1923

    Sijawal

    Meeting

    Molana Haji Suleman

     

    20-03-1923

    Sijawal

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Usman

    Molvi Haji Muhammad Suleman

     

    23-03-1923

    Sopara

    Meeting

       

    23-03-1923

    Guja/Karachi

    Meeting

       

    29-03-1923

    Bela

    Meeting

    Manthar Shah

    Molvi Noor Muhammad

     

    21-03-1924

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

    Molana Taj Mahmood Amroti

    Molana Abdul karim Muhammad Puri

     

    07-01-1924

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

       

    11-05-1924

    Shahdadkot

    Meeting

    Molvi Ghulam Farid

    Molvi Abdul Karim

    Wadero Raza Muhammad

    Abdul Razak of Sukkur

    Mian Muhmmad Siddique

    14-11-1924

    Khabar

    Meeting

    Pir Ghulam Ali Shah

    Molvi Muhammad Hashim

    Molvi Abdul Karim

    Molvi Muhammad Ibrahim

    Muhammad Ali

    Ghulam Hayder

    12,13-07-1926

    Sukkur

    Meeting

       

    18-08-1926

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Sadique

    Mr. Haji Abdullah Haroon

    Molvi Muhammad Sadique

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    18-08-1926

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Shaikh

    Syed Suleman Nadvi

    Molana Shoukat Ali

    Molana Shoukat Ali

    12-06-1926

    Sukkur

    Meeting

       

    14-03-1927

    Sonpara/

    Talka Ghari Bari

    Meeting

    Molana Din Muhammad Wafaie

     

    27-04-1927

    Sukkur

    Meeting

    Wadero Yar Muhammad

    Mr Ahmed Ali

    Haji Muhammad Yaquoob

    Mr Naimatullah

    Dr Muhammad Yamin

    Mr Muhammad Fatah

    Molovi Taj Muhammad

    06-08-1928

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Sidique

     

    July,1928

    Badin

         

    27-10-1928

    Sukkur

    Precession

    Hazrat Molana Hussain Ahmed Madni

    Dr Ansari

    Molana Ahmed Ali

    Molana habib-u-rahman

    Ludhyani

    Seth Abdullah Haroon

    Seth Mir Muhammad Baloch

    Molana Muhammad Siddique

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    Syed Shah Nawaz Shah

    Wadero Muhammad Hassan

    Wadero Muhammad Hassan

    Wadero Muhammad Raza Khan

    Syed Ali Akbar Shah

    Syed Hadadullah Shah

    Molana Abdul karim Chishti

    Molana Amroti

    Molana Muhammad Usman

    Molana Din Muhammad Wafaie

    Molana Ghulam Farid

    Pir Shahibuddin Shah

    Syed Sardar Ali Shah 
    Molana Muhammad Musa

    Molana Taj Muhammod Amroti

    18th of Ramzan

    1929

    Kandiaro

    Meeting

       

    18th of Ramzan,

     1929

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

    Syed Amir Ali Shah

    Molana Tajn Mahmood Amroti

     

    18th of Ramzan,1929

    Jacoba

    Meeting

    Molvi Muhammad Rahim Bux

     

    02-05-1929

    Jacobabad

    Meeting

     

    Jan Muhammad Junejo

    23-03-1929

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

       

    05-03-1929

    Karachi

    Meeting

     

    Prayers for Shah Amanullah

    05-03-1929

    Manjhand

    Meeting

       

    08-03-1929

    Kakipota

    Meeting

       

    08-03-1929

    Jhirki

    Meeting

       

    08-03-1929

    Halla New

    Meeting

       

    10-05-1929

    Kambar

    Meeting

    Mian Muhammad Ghulam Khan

    Molana Abdul Karim Chishti

    Mian Ali Muhammad

    06-06-1930

     

    Meeting

    Molvi Abdul Karim Chishti

     

    16-01-1931

    Amrot Shareef

    Meeting

       

    16-01-1931

    Buthi

    Meeting

    Local Branches

     

    08-01-1931

    Amrot Shareef

    Procession

    Molvi Nizamuddin

    Mian Adul Rahman

    Syed Amir Ali Shah

    Minaji Ali Muhammad

    09-01-1931

    Jacobabad

    Meeting

    Molana Abdullah Karim Chishti

    Molana Syed Abdullah

    Mian Nabi Bux

    Molana Muhammad Ali

    10-02-1931

    Karachi

    Meeting

    Baba Haji Mir Muhammad Baloch

    Molvi Muhammad Usman

    Hafiz Sharif Hussain

    Mr. Fazul Karim

    Shaikh Abdul Aziz

    Shaikh Abdul Majeed

    G.M Syed

    Shaikh Dhani Bux

    Rais Ali Muhammad Mari

    Akund Abdul Wahid

    Hakeem Muhammad Muaz

    16-03-1932

    Goth Mevo

    Meeting

    Molvi Pir Shaibdino Shah

    Mr Ghulam Muhammad

    Molvi Dinal Shah

    07-03-1932

    Ghotki

    Meeting

       

    11-04-1932

    Hyderabad

    Meeting

    Hakim Shamsuddin

    Hakeem Molvi Muhammad Kasim

    Muhakimuddin

    Kazi Abdul Rahman

    Pir Ghulam Mujadad

    Mr Muhammad Pirayal

    Molvi Ghulam Muhammad

    Molvi Ahmed Mallah

    Haji Nazar Muhammad

    Hakim Shamsuddin

    Molvi Muhammad Kasim

    13-07-1977

    Karachi

    Committee

    Pir Abdul Sattar

     
             
             
             

     

     

    DOCUMENTS ON KHILAFAT TAHREEK

     

    Document-1

     

     

    ممبئي سرڪار جو پڌرنامو

    پوليٽڪل ڊپارٽمينٽ

    بمبئي ڪاسل، تاريخ 15 مئي 1920.

     

    (محترم مرزا جمشيد علي بيگ کان خريد ڪيو ويو.)

     

    نمبر 3022 ڊبليو- هندي مسلمانن لاءِ حضور واسئراءِ جو هيٺيون پيغام سڀني ماڻهن جي اطلاع لاءِ پڌرو ڪجي ٿو:-

    ”اڄ اتحادين جي سپريم ڪائونسل جا ترڪي سان صلح جي عهدنامي بابت ڪيل ويچار ۽ پوري سوچ ڪرڻ کانپوءِ بيهاريا ويا آهن ۽ مان توهان کي پڪ ٿو ڏيان ته سپريم ڪونسل انهن فيصلن ڪرڻ کان اڳي اعليٰ حضرت بادشاهت سلامت جي هندي مسلم رعايا جي گذارشن جو بلڪل گهڻو لحاظ مدنظر رکيو آهي. منهنجي گورنمينٽ صلح جي شرطن جي خلاصي سان گڏ هڪڙي سمجهاڻي شايع ٿي جنهن ۾ ڄاڻايل آهي ته مکيه فيصلا ڪهڙا ٿيا آهن ۽ انهن لاءِ سبب ڪهڙا هئا. اهي فيصلا انهن اعليٰ اصولن جي بلڪل مطابق آهن جيڪي سڀني صلحنامن سان لڳايا ويا آهن جيڪي انهن بادشاهن سان ڪيا ويا آهن جيڪي تازو برطانيه ۽  سندس اتحادي سان جنگ ڪري رهيون هيون. تنهن هوندي انهي صلحنامي ۾ اهڙا شرط آهن جيڪي مان ڀانيان ٿو ته ضرور سڀني مسلمانن جي دل کي درد رسائيندا. سال کان زياده مدت تائين اوهان انتظار ڀوڳيو آهي تنهنجو مون کي اوهان جي خاطر ڏاڍو ارمان آهي. توڙي اهو سيڙاپو لابدي هو ۽ هنيئر اوهان جي مصيبت جي وقت ۾ مان توهان کي دلدهي ۽ همدردي جو پيغام موڪلڻ ٿو چاهيان جنهن مان اميد ڪريان ٿو ته اوهان جي دلين کي دلاسو ٿيندو. سلطنت جي ڏکي ڏهاڙي اوهان پنهنجي بادشاهه ۽ ملڪ جو سڌو بخوبي وراڻيو ۽ ائين ڪرڻ سان اوهان گهڻي قدر انهن انصاف ۽ بني آدم جي خيرطلبي وارن اصولن جي سوڀاري ٿيڻ ۾ مدد ڪئي جن جي لاءِ اتحادي لڙي رهيا هئا.

    اها سلطنت جنهن ۾ اوهين به اچي وڃو ٿا سا هينئر انهن اصولن جي بنيادن تي پختي طرح قائم ٿي آهي ۽ عظيم پوليٽڪل ترقي ۽ مادي سرسبزي جو زمانو مسلمانن جي پڪڙ رهڻو آهي جن کي مذهبي آزادي برٽش حڪومت هيٺ مڪمل انداز ۾ هميشه حاصل رهي آهي.

    گذريل تباهي خير جنگ کان اڳي برطانيا اعظم جي هميشه ترڪي سان نهايت گهري دوستي هوندي هئي ۽ مون کي پڪ آهي ته هن نئين صلح نامي جي قائم ٿيڻ سان اهو دوستاڻا رستو جلد وري زندو ٿيندو ۽ سرنو حياتي رسيل ترڪي اميد ۽ طاقت ڀريل ٿي وري اڳي وانگي دين اسلام جو ٿنڀو ٿي بيهندي. مان اميد ٿو ڪريان ته اهو ويچار اوهان کي سمر ٿي بخشيندو جو هي صلح جا شرط صبر همت ۽ تحمل سان برسر ڪندئو ۽ تاج برطانيا سان پنهنجي وفاداري جي عهد کي روشن ۽ بي داغ رکندا ايندئو ته جيئن هيتريون پيڙهيون رکندا آيا آهيو.

    خداوند بچائي شاهه قيصر هند کي

    (صحيح) جيمسفرڊ صاحب،

    وائسراءِ ۽ گورنر جنرل صاحب بهادر هند.

    ……………………………………

     

    ترڪن سان جيڪي صلح جا شرط ڪيا ويا آهن تن بابت هند سرڪار جو جاري ٿيل انتخاب ۽ سمجهاڻي-

     

    1- صلح جي شرطن جو انتخاب-

    1. صلح جي عهد نامي جا هيٺيان مکيه شرط طرفدارن ترڪي کي ٻڌايا آهن.

     

    (1) ترڪي جون حدون جيئن اڳيئي ٺهرايل آهن تيئن ٿينديون ۽ جنهن حالت ۾ ضرور هوندو تنهن حالت ۾ هڪڙي حدن واري ڪميشن جا مقرر ڪئي ويندي سا اهي ڦيرائيندي. انهي حد بست موجب ترڪي ۾ ٽريس جو قسطنطينه وارو ڀاڱو ۽ ايشيا ڪوچڪ جون اهي سڀ اراسيون جن ۾ ترڪي عنصر غالب آهي سي اچي وينديون.

    (2) قسطنطينه ۾ ترڪي سرڪار جي حقن حقوقن ۾ ڪو دخل نه ٿيندو پر جيڪڏهن ترڪي ايمانداريءَ سان عهدنامي جا شرط نه پاڙيندي ته پوءِ انهي شرط ۾ ڦيرڦار ڪري سگهبو.

    (3) دردانيال جي پولوچ سمنڊ واري منهن ۽ باسفورس جي ڪاري سمنڊ واري منهن جي وچ ۾ ۽ انهن منهن کان ٽن ميلن جي اندر سموري درياهه تي ۽ پڻ ضرورت آهر سمنڊ جي ڪنارن تي ڳچ سمنڊن واري ڪميشن کي اختيار رهندو. هي ڪميشن ڏسندي ته انهن دريائن تي صلح توڙي لڙائي جي وقت جهاز راني ۾ ڪا به اتڪ نه ٿيندي.

    (4) ڪردستان لاءِ مڪلي خود حڪومت جي رٿ ٺاهي ويندي جنهن ۾ ائسيري خالد بن ۽ ٻين ڪم تعداد فرقن جي بچاءَ لاءِ بندوبست ڪيو ويندو. پوءِ جيڪڏهن ثابت ڪيو ويو ته ڪردستان جا رهاڪو غلبه رائي سان ترڪي سلطنت کان ڌار ٿيڻ گهرن ٿا ته قومن جي جماعت فيصلو ڪندي ته ڪردستان کي ترڪي کان خودمختيار ڪجي يا نه.

    (5) سمرنا جي ڪن خاص ڀاڱن کي هڪڙي خلاصي ۽ اراضي ٺاهي گريس جي انتظام هيٺ رکيو وڃي ٿو. ان تي ترڪي جو سايه تاج ڪن سالن تائين رهندو جيستائين سمرنا جي خود حڪومت واري رياست پنهنجي قسمت جو فيصلو ڪري.

    (6) قسطنطينه واري ڀاڱي کانسواء اوڀر ٿريس يونان کي ڏنو وڃي ٿو مگر انڊريا نوبل شهر جي مڪاني خود حڪومت لاءِ بندوبست ڪيو ويندو.

    (7) ترڪي جي ارمني ضلعن مان ڪي ڀاڱا هاڻوڪي ارمني جمهوري حڪومت کي ڏنا وڃن ٿا ۽ ڪن ضلعن ۾ ترڪي ۽ آرمينيا جي وچ ۾ دنگ جو سوال يونائيٽيڊ اسٽيٽس جي پريذيڊنٽ کي امانت ڪرڻ لاءِ رجوع ڪيو ويندو، جيڪو انهي سوال تي ۽ آرمينيا کي سمنڊ کان واٽ ملڻ جي شرط تي جيڪو فيصلو ڪندو سو آخرين ٿيندو.

    (8) شام ۽ عراق ۽ فسلطين عارضي طور خودمختيار حڪومتون ڪيون وڃن ٿيون مگر اهي بلفعل ضابطي دار سلطنت کان انتظام جي ڪم ۾ صلاح ۽ مدد وٺنديون جيسين پنهنجي پيرين تي بيهي سگهڻ جهڙيون ٿين. سريا لاءِ حڪم برداري فرانس کي ۽ عراق ۽ فلسطين لاءِ حڪم برداري برطانيا کي سپرد ڪئي وئي آهي. فلسطين واري حڪم برداري ۾ اهو شرط کيو ويندو ته فلسطين ۾ يهودين جي قومي مڪان ڪرڻ بابت سنہ 1918ع جي نومبر مهيني جي 8 تاريخ واري اعلان کي اثر ڏنو ويندو.

    (9) حجاز هڪڙي آزاد ۽ خودمختيار حڪومت ٿيندو. حجاز جو شريف واعدو ٿو ڏئي ته اهو ڪنهن ملڪ جي مسلمان حاجين کي مڪي ۽ مديني ۾ بنا روڪ ۽ سولائي سان اچڻ جي اجازت ڏيندو.

    (10) ترڪي مصر ۽ سوڊان ۽ تبرس تان سڀ حق حقوق ڇڏي ٿي.

    (11) موراڪو ۽ تيونس تي ترڪي فرينچن جو حمايتي قبضو قبول ڪري ٿي.

    (12) ترڪي ايجن سمنڊ جي ڪن ٻيٽن تان دستبردار ٿئي ٿي.

    (13) بري ۽ بحري ۽ هوائي لشڪر جيڪو ترڪي وٽ رهندو سو هيٺين وانگر ٿيندو.

    (الف) قسطنطنيه ۾ سلطان جو باڊي گارڊ يعني پهرو.

    (ب) ملڪ ۾ صلح سانت رکڻ لاءِ ۽ گهٽ تعداد وارن فرقن جي بچاءُ لاءِ جندارم پوليس جو لشڪر.

    (ج) جندارم پوليس جي ڀرتي لاءِ پس پيش سرحدن جي سنڀال لاءِ خاص عنصر- سلطان جي پهري ۾ گهڻي ۾ گهڻو 700 ماڻهو ٿيندا ۽ جندارم جو خاص عنصرن سميت تعداد 50000 ٿيندو.

    ترڪي بندرن ۾ جيڪي جنگي جهاز بند آهن سي سمجهبو ته پڪي طرح موٽايا ويا آهن.

    ترڪي دريائي لشڪر ۾ فقط 6 تارپيڊو ٻيڙيون ۽ 7 سلوپ جهاز رکڻ جي اجازت آهي.

    ڪو به بري يا بحري يا هوائي لشڪر يا هوائي جهاز رکڻ جي منع آهي.

    (14) ترڪي جي ماليات تي تيستائين ضابطو رکيو ويندو جتيسائين ترڪي کي ٻين سلطنتن جا جيڪي پئسا ڏيڻا آهن تن جي ادائيگي جو پورو بندوبست ڪيو ويندو.

    (15) جهاز راني ۽ آمد رفت جي آزادگي قائم رهندي. هيٺيان بندر سڀني قومن جا بندر ليکبا ۽ هڪ هڪ ۾ بنا اتڪ وارن ٽڪرن لاءِ بندوبست ڪيو. اهي بندر هي آهن:-

    اليگزينڊريٽا، بصره، بطرم، قسطنيته، ديديا گنج، حيفا، حيدر پاشا، سمرنا ۽ تريبيرانڊ.

    تنهن کانسواءِ ڪيترا شرط هيٺين ڳالهين بابت آهن.

    (الف) قومن جي جماعت بابت

    (ب) ڪم تعداد فرقن جي پنچار بابت

    (ج) ڇڏي ويل ملڪيت جي حقن موٽائي ڏيڻ بابت.

    (د) لڙائي جي قيدين بابت

    (هه) اتحادي سولجرن جي تبرن بابت

    (و) جن ماڻهن لڙائي ۾ بيقاعدي هلتون ڪيون هجن تن کي سزا ڏيڻ بابت

    (ز) واپاري سوالن ۽ خاص حقن بابت

    (ح) پورهيتن بنسبت عهدن بابت

    (ط) قديم تبرڪاتن بابت.

    پر ضرور نه آهي ته هن سمجهاڻي ۾ انهن جي وجور ڏجي.

    …………………………………………….

     

    2- صلح جي شرطن بابت هند سرڪار جي سمجهاڻي.

    2. توڙي هندي مسلمانن کي هن عهد نامي جي ڪن فقيرن تي گهڻو ئي ڏک کڻي ٿئي به ته به ايترو معلوم ڪري ضرور خوش ٿيڻ گهرجن ته هن فيصلي تي پهچڻ ۾ سندن عرضن معروضن جو گهڻو لحاظ مد نظر رهيو آهي. گذريل جنوري جي 19 تاريخ حضور وائسراءِ خلافت وفد کي جيڪو جواب ڏنو تنهن ۾ بيان ڪيو هئائين ته حضور وزير هند ۽ پاڻ ڪڇي صلح جي تاريخ کان وٺي سانده اعليٰ حضرت شهنشاهه جي گورنمينٽ جي خدمت ۾ هندي مسلمانن جي خيالن، خاص ڪري حجاز وارن پاڪ مقامن ۽ قسطنطيه جي مستقبل بابت پيش ڪرڻ لاءِ ۽ سپريم اتحادي ڪائونسل ۾ سندن عرضن معروضن تي پورو پورو غور ٿئي تنهن لاءِ ڪهڙيون تجويزون ڪيون هيون. انهيءَ تاريخ کانپوءِ، انڊيا گورنمينٽ  آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس جي قائم مقامن کي هر قسم جي سهوليت ۽ مدد ڏني ته ڀلي وڃي حضور وزيراعظم جي خدمت ۾ پنهنجو ڪيس پيش ڪن ۽ جناب وزير هند جي خدمت ۾ وقت بوقت هند سرڪار گذارشون موڪلي هن مجسٽي جي سرڪار جي ذهن نشين ڪيو آهي ته هندي ملسمانن جا جذبا اڀي امر بابت ڪيتري قدر گهرا آهن. حضور وزيراعظم خلافت وفد کي جيڪو جواب ڏنو تنهن ۾ هندي مسلمانن کي يقين ڏياريو اٿس ته سندن ڪيس گهڻي زور سان پيش ٿيل آهي ۽ ته نه رڳو برٽش سلطنت جي عيوضين پر سپريم اتحادي ڪائونسل به ايمان جي سلامتي سان ان تي غور ڪيو آهي. ۽ هن آخري فيصلي جي هي صورت حقيقت ۾ بيٺي ته هندي مسلمانن جي عرضن معروضن جي لحاظ ڪري رهي آهي. مشهور آهي ته انگلينڊ ۽ آمريڪا ۾ ڪن بااثر فرقن جي راءِ هئي ته ترڪي تختگاهه قسطنيتہ مان ڪڍي ايشيا ۽ ڪوچڪ ۾ منتقل ڪري ڇڏجي. ۽ اهي رايا بي اثر ٿيا سو گهڻو ڪري انهي ڄاڻ ڪري ته هندي مسلمان انهي ڪارراوئي جي سخت برخلاف آهن تنهنڪري مسلمانن لاءِ خوشي جي باعث آهي ته گهڻو ڪري سندن جذبن جي لحاظ ۽ هند سرڪار جي معروضات جي ڪري قسطينتہ ترڪي سلطنت جو تختگاهه قائم ڪرايو ويو آهي.

    3. حضور ورنر جنرل در اجلاس کي ٻيو هن ڳالهه ڏي اشارو ڪرڻو آهي ته ڪڏهن ڪڏهن چيو ٿو وڃي ته برٽش پاليسي گذريل زماني ۾ هميشه ترڪي جي بدخواهه رهي آهي. هيءُ هڪڙو بي بنياد الزام آهي. ڪريما واري جنگ ۾ برطانيا ترڪي جي پاسي جنگ ۾ گهري ۽ تنهن کانپوءِ به عثماني سلطنت جي برقراري لاءِ جيڪي برطانيا جا جهد رهيا آهن تن ثبوتن هوندي انهن ٻنهي سلطنتن جي قديم دوستيءَ بابت ذڪر ڪرڻ غير ضروري آهي. آڪٽوبر 1914ع ۾ شايع ڪيل پڌرنامي ۾ انڊيا گورنمينٽ پوري طرح کولي ڏيکاريو هو ته ترڪي سرڪار جرمن تحريڪن ۽ ”اتحاد ۽ ترقي“ واري جماعت جي عملداري هيٺ ڪيڏو اشتعال ڏياريو ۽ برطانيا ڪيڏو تحمل ڏيکاريو. ترڪي ئي گزيٽ برٽن سان قديم دوستي جو ناطو ڇنو. خلافت وفد کي ڏنل جواب ۾ حضور وزيراعظم بلڪل صاف ڏيکاريو ته جنگ جي شروع ۾ برطانيا جون روس سان ترڪي لاءِ ضرور جهڙيون ڪي به ڳالهيون يا ڪنهن به قسم جون سازشون اصل ڪو نه هيون. پاڻ برطانيا ترڪي کي جنگ ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ کان باز رکڻ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪئي ۽ انهي لاءِ کيس پوريون پوريون خاطريون ڏنيون ته ته جيئن اهي ٻئي طرف رهي ته برطانيا صلح جي عهدنامي ۾ ڪي به اهڙا شرط داخل ٿيڻ نه ڏيندي جن مان ترڪي جي خودمختياري ۽ سلامت حالي کي ڪو ضرر لڳي سگهي ۽ ٻيو ته ترڪي جي فائدي جهڙا اقتصادي شرط ورتا ويندا پر انهن سڀني دلاسن هوندي ترڪي جرمني جي طرفداري ۾ ۽ پنهنجي قديم دوست جي برخلاف جنگ ۾ دخل ٿيڻ وارو پنهنجي لاءِ موتمار قدم کنيون.

    4. هيءَ نهايت وڏي ڳالهه آهي ته خلافت جي سوال بابت گورنمينٽ جي رخ جي نسبت ڪا غلطفهمي نه رهي. هند سرڪار وري به ٿي اعلان ڪري ته خلافت جو سوال مسلمانن کي ئي فيصلو ڪرڻو آهي ته ۽ ٻيو ته انهي امر ۾ هو پنهنجي رضامندي سان جيڪو فيصلو ڪندا تنهن ۾ گورنمينٽ کي ڪنهن به دخل جو ڪو ارادو ڪونهي. پر هي جيڪو هاڻي چوڻ ۾ ٿو اچي ته گذريلن تيرنهن صدين اندر عثماني سلطان جي خلافت ۾ سندس بادشاهي اقتدارن بنسبت ڪو به ڦيرڦار واقع نه ٿيو آهي يا هي ته عثماني خلافت کي هندي مسلمانن جي سياسي بيعت جي ڪا حقداري آهي سا ڳالهه سرڪار قبول نٿي ڪري سگهي. اهي دليل تواريخي حقيقتن جي ئي غير مطابق آهن. هن تيرنهن صدين اندر خلافت جي بادشاهي اقتدار ۾ ته عظيم لاها چاڙها پئي واقع ٿيا آهن. عرب سلطنت جڏهن ڪامل اوج جي چوٽ ٿي هئي تڏهن جيڪي ملڪ ان جي قوم و اندر داخل هئا سي سمورا ان جي تسلط هيٺ اچي ويا هئا. هوڏانهن وري مصري ممالڪ خاندان جي عمل هيٺ ٻن صدين جي عرصي تائين جڏهن خلافت جو رتبو رڳو اسلام جي ديني مقتدا وارو رتبو هو تڏهن بادشاهي اقتدار ڪجهه نه رهيو هو. جڏهن کان خلافت عثماني خاندان ڏانهن منتقل ٿي آهي تڏهن کان سندس بادشاهي اقتدار وڌندو گهٽندو رهيو آهي جيئن جيئن عثماني سلطنت جي پکيڙ وڌندي يا گهٽندي رهي اهي. پوءِ هر حال ۾ خلافت جي ذاتي تفرد ۾ ڪو فرق نه آيو آهي ۽ هينئر به عثماني سلطنت جي حدن ۾ ڪجهه فرق واقع ٿيڻ ڪري ان ۾ ڪجهه داخل ٿي نه ٿو سگهي. نه ڪي وري هندي مسلمانن جي طرفون ڪا اها حجت ڪنهن تواريخي حقيقتن جي بناءَ تي بيهي سگهندي ته خلافت جي عهدي جي ڪري ترڪي سلطان جو ڪو سندين سياسي بيعت تي حق آهي. اهڙي به ڀاري سياسي بيعت جو اصول ته جيڪو سڀني گورنمينٽس جي قانوني بناءَ کي ڊانڊاول ڪري ڇڏي.

    5. ائين سمجهڻ به غلط آهي ته هيءَ جنگ مذهبي جنگ هئي ۽ صلح جا شرط ڪن مذهبي خيالن جي لحاظ تي ٻڌا ويا آهن. پنج سال اڳ هندي مسلمانن هن جنگ جي غير مذهبي ماهيت صاف طرح اعتبار ڪئي هئي. هي جنگ هئي ئي عيسائي مملڪتن جي وچ ۾ ۽ ترڪي به هڪ عيسائي گروهه سان جنگ ۾ شامل ٿي تنهن مان ئي غير مذهبي حقيقت هن جنگ جي ثابت آهي ۽ اهڙي گمان جي پهچ کان ٻاهر آهي. ٻي ڳالهه ته جيڪو مذهبي تعصب صلح جي شرطن جي تجويز ۾ نه رهيو آهي. سو هن حقيقت مان ئي ثابت آهي ته صلح ڪانفرس ساڳيا اصول سڀني ڪرستان توڙي مسلمان مطلق العنان مملڪن سان لڳايا آهن. آسٽريا هنگاري واري سلطنت جي قلمو مان تن مان ٻن پتين کان وڌيڪ ملڪ ۽ چئين پتين مان ٽن پتين کان وڌيڪ آدم جدا ڪيو ويو آهي. جيتوڻيڪ ترڪي جي هٿان گهڻو ئي ملڪ ٿو وڃي ته به آسٽريا هنگاري جي زبانن جي مقابل ترڪي جا زبان گهڻو گهٽ آهن ۽ توڙي سچ آهي ته ترڪي جو تسلط رڳو انهن علائقن تي محدود ڪيو ويو آهي جن ۾ ترڪي عنصر غالب آهي تڏهن به هندي مسلمانن کي ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته سندن عرب ديني ڀائرن جي خودمختياري اڳتي عثماني سلطنت جي باقي بچيل ملڪ جي وڏي ڀاڱي ۾ بحال ڇڏي وئي آهي ۽ نه ڪي ننڍا ٽڪر آهن جيڪي اسلامي قبضي کان بلڪل خارج ڪيا ويا آهن ۽ اهي آهن آرميميا، ٿريس ۽ سمرنا جن ۾ جنگ کان اڳ واري آدمشماري جي انگن موجب هر هڪ ۾ باشندن جو غالب تعداد غير مسلم هو.

    6. ٻيو چوڻ ۾ پئي آيو آهي ته هن فيصلي ۾ جنوري 1918ع ۾ حضور وزيراعظم جي ڪيل تقرير ۾ ڏنل واعدي کي ٽوڙيو ويو آهي جو چيو هئائين ته: ”نڪي اسين انهي لاءِ جنگ ڪري رهيا آهيون ته آسٽريا هنگاري ناس ڪري ڇڏيون يا ترڪي کان سندس تختگاهه يا اوهي زرخيز ۽ مشهور ملڪ يعني ايشيا مائنر ۽ ٿريس وارا کسي وٺون جنهن ۾ غالب عنصر ترڪي آدم جو آهي.“ پر هيءُ فقرو جنهن مضمون ۾ آيل آهي تنهن سان گڏ پڙهڻ گهرجي جيڪو مستر لائيڊ جارج اڳڀرو هلي چيو هو ته: ”توڙي اسين ڪو نه ٿا چئون ته ترڪي سلطنت ترڪي نسل وارن علائقن ۾ نه رهندي ۽ قسطنيطه ان جو تختگاهه نه رهندو ته به جو ڀونوچ سمنڊ ۽ ڪاري سمنڊ جي درميان واري واٽ بين الاقوامي ٿيندي ۽ ڪنهن جي به خاص طور ملڪيت ۾ نه رهندي تنهنڪري عرب، آرمنيا، عراق عرب، شام ۽ فلسطين اسان جي نظر ۾ پنهنجي پنهنجي علحدين قومي حيثيتن ۾ قائم ٿيڻ جا حقدار آهن.“ هينئر شايع ٿيل صلح جا شرط انهي انجام کي پاڻي ڏين ٿا، ڇو جو اهي ٽڪرا جتي ترڪي عنصر غالب آهي سي ترڪي جي قبضي ۾ ڇڏيا ويا آهن ۽ ٿريس ۽ سمرنا جا جيڪي ڀاڱا ڇني ڌارا ڪيا ويا آهن تن سان قوميت جي لحاظ تي هلت ڪئي وئي آهي. اهو اصول آهي جيڪو ٻين صلح جي عهدنامن ۾ نه مدنظر رکيو ويو آهي. سپريم ڪائونسل فيصلو ڪيو نه ترڪن غير نسلن جي عظيم تعدادن جي مٿان حڪومت ڪرڻ جو حق ضايع ڪيو آهي. چٽه اها غالب عنصر غير ترڪ آدم جا پنهنجي قومي حڪومتن سان شامل ڪرڻ کپن. ٿريس توڙي سمرنا علائقن ۾ جنگ کان اڳي ئي مسلم باشندن جو تعداد ٻين کان گهٽ هو. سنه 1914ع ۽ 1915ع ۾ ترڪي سرڪار غير مسلم آدم کي انهن علائقن مان متواتر نيڪالي ڏيندي رهي هئي ۽ تنهنڪري هنيئر ڪي تعداد کي حجت طور قبولي اهي علائقا ترڪي حڪومت هيٺ ڇڏي نٿا سگهجن. ٿريس علائقي ۾ اوهو ٽڪر جنهن ۾ قسطنطيه داخل آهي ۽ جنهن ۾ ترڪي نسل جو تعداد غالب آهي سو ترڪي تسلط واسطي محفوظ ڪيل آهي. باقي ڀاڱو ٿريس علائقي جو جيڪو آهي تنهن ۾ سنه 1912ع ۾ گريڪ نسل جا ماڻهو وڌيڪ تعداد ۾ ها ۽ تنهنڪري اهو گريس سان گڏيو ويو آهي. لاشڪ ايڊ ريانو پل ۾ عالب عنصر ترڪي نسل جو آهي پر اهو رڳو هڪڙو ترڪي ٻيٽ آهي جنهن کي جيڪو ٽڪر قسنطنيه کان جدا ڪري رهيو آهي سو يوناني نسل جي غالب عنصر سان ڀريل آهي. ائين ته ممڪن ڪونهي ته اهڙي ٻيٽ کي سندس آسپاس واري ملڪ کان ڇني جدا ڪجي ۽ تنهنڪري جنهن دستور صلح واري ڪ ڪائونسل سڄي يورپ کان ڇني جدا ڪجي ۽ تنهنڪري جنهن دستور صلح واري ۽ ڪائونسل سڄي يورپ ۾ هلت ڪئي آهي تنهن موجب ايڊريانو پل کي ٿريس جو ئي ڀاڱو سمجهيو ويو آهي ۽ اتي لاءِ اهڙو انتظام ڪيو ويو آهي جنهنڪري اتي لوڪل سيلف گورنمينٽ ۽ ترڪي غالب عنصر جي نمائندگي کي برقرار ٿئي. ساڳئي طرح به سمرنا ۾ غالب عنصر باشندن جو بيشڪ پڪر گريڪ ۽ آرمنين آهي پر جيڪو ٽڪر منتقل ڪيو ويو آهي سو عليحدگي نظام حڪومت جي مطلب سان موافق ٿئي انهي لاءِ ان جي ايراضي گهٽ ۾ گهٽ قائم ڪئي وئي آهي. انهي علائقي تي ترڪي تاج جو سايو رهندو ۽ نيٺ اهي ضلعا خود ووٽ جي رستي پنهنجي قسمت جو فيصلو ڪندا. سمرنا وارو بندر آزاد بندر رهندو ۽ ترڪي کي به ان ۾ اچڻ وڃڻ جي اجازت رهندي ۽ ترڪي ڪم تعداد عنصر جي حقوق جي حفاظت لاءِ هڪ عليحدگي ڊپارٽمينٽ رهندي.

    7. ضروري ڪونهي ته ويهي انهن سببن جا وچور وار بيان ڪجن جن جي لحاظ تي اتحادين ڀونوج سمنڊ ۽ ڪاري سمنڊ جي وچ واري ڳچي سمنڊ کي بين الاقوامي ۽ لڙائي جي دائري کان ٻاهر ڪري رکيو آهي. اهو سمنڊ جرمني لاءِ 1914ع ۾ کليو رهيو ۽ برٽش لاءِ بند رهيو تنهنجو نتيجو اهو ٿيو جيڪو جنگ جو مدو ۽ ان مان پئدا ٿيندڙ خونريزي ۽ دکه وڌيڪ وقت مليو. اهو وڏي آمد رفت وارو سمنڊ ضروري آهي ته آئيندي سڀني قومني جي وڻج واپار لاءِ کليل رهي.

    8. ترڪي جي خزاني تي ڪجهه ضابطو رکيو ويو آهي ته بين الاقوامي قرضن جي ادائدگي جي تسلي رهي. پر انهي ۾ ڪا نئين ڳالهه ڪانهي ڇو جو اڳ ئي ورهين کان ترڪي قرض جي سانگي اهڙو ضابطو رهندو آيو آهي. اهڙو ضابطو هن وقت پاڻ اڳي کان زياده ضروري ٿيو آهي ڇو جو اڳي ترڪي قرض هو 16 ڪروڙ پائونڊ ۽ هينئر ذري گهٽ 50 ڪروڙ ٿيو آهي جيتوڻيڪ ترڪي جي زير تسلط ملڪ ئي گهٽ ٿيو آهي. جنگ کان اڳي واري قرض جو حصو ترڪي ۽ هتان ڇڏيل ملڪ منجهان ٺاهيل نيون رياستيون ڀرينديون. اهڙا ڪي فقرايه داخل ڪرايل آهي جن موجب ترڪي کي مالياتي ڪميشن ۾ صلاح مداخلت ڏيڻ جو حق حاصل آهي ۽ پڻ قرضن جي ادا ٿي وڃڻ بعد ڪميشن بند ٿي سگهي ٿي.

    9. ترڪي جي بري ۽ بحري فوج جي باري ۾ ڪنهن شرح جو ضرور نه آهي.

    ترڪي جي بري فوج انهن تجويزن موجب ٿي گهٽتائي وڃي جن جي موجب ٻين اڪثر مملڪتن جون فوجون به گهٽايون ويون آهن جيڪي اتحادي سان برسر جنگ هيون. بحري فوج قابل ذڪر جنگ کان اڳي ئي ترڪي وٽ ڪا نه هئي. ۽ هينئر به اها حالت برقرار رکي وئي آهي.

    10. زياده مطلب جا فقرا هندي مسلمانن لاءِ ارهي آهن جن ۾ اڳين تترڪي سلطنت جي انهن ولايتن  جي قسمت جو فيصلو آهي جن ۾ سندن عرب هم مذهب زياده تعداد ۾ رهن ٿا. عربسستان جي مطابق آزادي قبول ڪئي وڃي ٿي. عربن پيڙهين کان ترڪي جي بدعملي جو عذاب پئي سدو آهي ۽ واجبي ئي ڪنهن جو چئجي ته عربي باشندن کي جن ترڪي جي چنبي کان آزادي جو حق طلبيو آهي ۽ جن اتحادين سان گڏ پنهنجي آزادي جي خاطر جنگ ۾ حصو ورتو آهي تن کي وري اتحادي ترڪي جي تسلط هيٺ رکن. جيئن وزيراعظم خلافت وفد کي ڄاڻايو، اهو انصاف جي خلافت جيڪو ٿئي جيڪو عربن کان سندين آزادي کسجي ڇو جو اهي مسلمان ۽ ترڪن جا هم مذهب آهن. وزيراعظم چيو هو: ”اسين ساڳيا ئي اصول عيسائي ملڪن سان ٿا لڳايون ۽ عربستان تي سلطان جو تسلط قائم ڪرڻ جنهن جي عربستان کي خواهش ڪانهي انهي جي معنيٰ آهي عربن تي اهڙي شئي مڙهڻ جا هوند اسين خواب ۾ به عيسائي فرقن تي مڙهڻ جي ڪين ڪريون.“

    11. ساڳيا ئي ويچار ڪردستان سان لاڳو آهن جنهن جو مقامي خودمختياري جو حق وقت لاءِ قبول ڪيو وڃي ٿو ۽ پڻ انهي ايشيا ئي ولايتن سان لاڳو آهن جن لاءِ صلح ڪانفرنس برطانيا ۽ فرانس کان حڪم برداري جو ذمو کڻايو آهي يعني فسلطين ۽ عراق عرب ۽ شام بلڪل صاف طرح ذهن نشين ڪري ڇڏڻ گهرجي ته هنن ٽنهي ولايتن جي واسطي حڪمبرداريون ڪنهن خاص مطلب جي خاطر عطا ٿيون آهن ۽ ڪجهه مدت لاءِ.

    انهن ولايتن سان پريندي ئي کڻي قوميت جو ا صول لڳائجي ته هوند انڌ ڌنڌ ۽ بي انتظامي پيدا ٿي پوي. ۽ حڪمبردارن جو ڪم آهي ته مقامي باشندن کي ملڪراني فن جي صلاح ۽ مدد ڏيندا رهن جيسين اهي پاڻ ملڪراني جو ڪم ٻاهرين مدد کانسواءِ ڪاميابي سان هلائڻ جهڙا ٿين. هنن تجويزن مان اسلام کي ڪو ضعف ڪو نه رسندو ۽ اهي به وڏيون دولتون جن کي اهي حڪمبرداريون ذمي ڪرايون ويون آهن. سي پنهنجي پنهنجي سلطنت جي حدن اندر جهان جي سموري اسلامي عنصر جو وڏو ڀاڱو رکن ٿيون. انهي ئي حقيقتن مان دللجمعي ٿيڻ کپي ته انهن ولايتن جي مسلمانن جا حقوق ۽ مفاد پوري پوري طرح سنڀاليا ويندا.

    12. عربستان، عراق ۽ فلسطين ۾ اسلام جون پاڪ جايون واقع آهن جنهن ۾ سڀني مسلمانن جو گهرو واسطو آهي. جنگ جي شروع ۾ اتحادين پڪو عهدو ڏنو هو ته پاڪ مقامن جي بي ادبي نه ڪئي ويندي. عالمي حضرت بادشاهه جي فوجن جڏهن انهن ملڪن تي عملن قبضو ڪيو جنهن ۾ اهي پاڪ مقام واقع آهن تڏهن انهي عهد جي لفظي توڙي معنوي پوءِ واري ڪئي وئي ۽ اهڙيون تجويزون رکيون ويون آهن ته انهن پاڪ مقامن جي مقدس حيثيت قائم ۽ برقرار رهندي اچي. يروشلم شهر تي حملو ڪو نه ٿيو هو جنهن جو چوڻ اهي ته پر ڇا ٿيو جو جيڪي دشمن فوجون ميدان ۾ هيون تنهن جي خلاف ڪارروايئن هلندي يروشلم هر طرف کان ڇڄي ڌار ٿي پيو هو جنهنڪري ڪنهن حملي ٿيڻ يا ستڻ کانسواءِ پيش پيو. يڪدم مڪمل صورت ۾ تجويزون هلاينو ويون ته شهر اندر جيڪي مقدس جايون آهن تن جي نتقدس جي حفاظت رهي ۽ خود يروشلم شهر جو جهڙو مسلمان ماڻهن جي نظر ۾ مقدس آهن تهڙو عيسائين جي نظر ۾، تنهنج ۾ خوه فاتح برٽش جنرل پيادو داخل ٿيو. مسلمانن جون مرادون اڳي وانگيان ساڳين مسلمان مجاورن جي سپردگي ۾ هليون ٿيون اچن. عراق ۾ ڪربلا ۽ نجف جي پاڪ مقامات تي اصلي حملو ٿيو ئي ڪو نه ۽ اسانجن لشڪرن انهن سرزمينن تي ڪو به لڙائي جو ڪم نه ڪيو. عالمي حضرت بادشاهن جي سرولجرن جي پوري پوري تحمل جي ساکه خود انهن مقامن جي رهندڙن مشڪوري سان ڀري هئي. يروشلم وانگيا بغداد تي به اسان جو قبضو بنا مزاحمت جي ٿيو ۽ پاڪ مقامن تي ڪو حملو ڪرڻو ئي ڪو نه پيو. هي به جنگ جي ميدان ڪارروائين جو هڪڙو ناگزير واقعو هو. انهن مقدس عراقي مقامن واريون مزارون هينئر انهي نامي گرامي مسلمانن جي نگراني هيٺ آهن جنهن جي هٿ سپردگي بجاءِ خود ڪافي تسلي جو باعث آهي ته انهن مقامن جي پاڪ حيثيت هميشه ملحوظ رهندي ايندي. برٽش لشڪرن حجاز ۾ ته اصلي ڪا جنگي ڪارروائي نه ڪئي آهي ۽ مڪي يا مديني ۾ برٽش لشڪرن جي داخلي جون رپورٽون مطلق بي بنياد آهن. انهي مقام بلڪل عرب قبضي هيٺ آهن.

    13. باقي رهيو ڪيس ڪن امرني ضلعن جو جيڪي ڀر واري ارمني جمهوري حڪومت ۾ انهن ڪري داخل ڪيا ويا آهن جو اتي ترڪي جي بدعملي هئي ۽ جيڪي انهن سان قوميت جو اصول لڳايو ويو آهي. ارمني قوم تي جيڪي ظلم قتلعامن ۽ جلاوطنين جي صورتن ۾ وهيا آهن سي حقيقتون آهن جن جي نسبت ۾ شڪ ڪرڻ جي جاءِ تي ڪانهي. غير واسطيدار ۽ معتبر شاهدين انهي ڳالهه کي ثابت ڪيو آهي ۽ هن ڳالهه جي ثابتي ته چون چراجي مجال کان ئي ٻاهر آهي ته سنه 1915ع ۾ گهٽ ۾ گهٽ ڇهه لک ارمين ناس ڪيا ويا. اهي حقيقتون ته ترڪي وڪيلن به قبول ڪيون هيون جيڪي پيرس ۾ آيا هئا ۽ ترڪي سرڪار جا قائم مقام هئا ۽ انهن جو عذرهي هو ته اتحاد ۽ ترقي واري جماعت جنهن جو تڏهن عمل انهن قتلعامن لاءِ جوابدار هئي.

    14. ترڪي صلح جي شرطن جي نسبت ۾ هنن سمجهاڻين ۾ حضور گورنر جنرل در اجلاس اعليٰ حضرت بادشاهه سلامت جي گورنمينٽ جي پاران ڪيئن ٿو ڳالهائي. ان کي جيڪر به اطلاع هٿ آيو آهي سو ان ڪتب آندو آهي ۽ شرطن جي شرح خاص ڪري جيئن انهن جو اثر هندي مسلمانن جي جذبن سان تعلق رکي ٿو ڏيڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي اٿس. ان سڀ حقيقتون بيان ڪيون آهن ته ڪجهه گهٽايو اٿس ته وڌايو اٿس. اهو ڄاڻي ٿو ته باوجود شرحن جي ترڪي سان صلح جا شرط اهڙا آهن جيڪي هندي مسلمانن جي دلين کي درد رسائيندا. هندي مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته پاڻ ۾ همت ڀرين ۽ پنهنجي ترڪي هم مذهبن جي بدنصيبي تحمل ۽ صبر سان برداشت ڪن. روئداد اها آهي جنهن جي مقابلي ۾ لازم آهي ته صاف نظريءَ ۽ مضبوط قرادي کان ڪم وٺجي ۽ گذريل صورتحال جي تباهي جي ڍير تي بهتر نئون مانڍاڻ اڏي بيهارجي. سڀ ڳالهه کان وڌيڪ جهان کي سک سانت ۽ نيڪ انديشيءَ جي ضروت آهي. سڀني ماڻهن لاءِ عظيم اهميت جي ڳالهه آهي ته انهي مطلب لاءِ هٿ پير هلائين ۽ جيڪي ماڻهو هن نازڪ وقت ۾ مذهبي جوش ٿا اڀارين سي نه رڳو هندستان جا پر آدم ذات جا دشمن آهن.

    جناب نواب گورنر صاحب بهادردر اجلاس ڪائونسل جي حڪم سان،

    (صحيح) اي. مانٽگو مري صاحب.

    ائڪٽنگ سيڪريٽري سرڪار.

    D. MACLAHLAN,

    Sindhi Translator to Government.

    ………………………………………………..

    KARACHI: THE COMMISSIONER’S PRINTING PRESS.

     

     

    2-Document

     

     

    گله مارا گله از گرگ نيست

    اين همه بيداد شبان مي کند.

    رسالا

    التهَافتہ تحقيق الخلافتہ

    ……………………………………….

    مصنف

    حڪيم شمس الدين احمد نوشهرائي سابق پروفيسر طبيہ ڪاليج دهلي

    مال وارو شهر ڪراچي

     

    نذر

    اي مقدس نور اي اونداهين دلين جا سوجهرا اي حبيب خدا اي شافع روز جزا صلعم توهان جو لائق ۽ گناهگار غلام اهڙي دل صد پاره جا خيالات و جذبات توهان جي لطف و نوازش جي نظر کي ٿوجا جيتوڻيڪ ٽڪراپل آهي. تڏهن به توهان جي سوز محبت جي آشنا ۽ نور ايمان جي شناسا آهي.

    منهنجا آقا توهان جي امت مرحومه اغيار و اقارب جي هٿان درمانده آهي پراون جا ستم سهندي اڄ پنهنجي شڪايت توهان جي بارگاهه عالي ۾ ڪرڻي پيئي آهي.

    رحمته للعالمين! سبز گنبذ جي صدقي پنهنجن عاجزن تي نظر نوازش ڪريو.

    تاتارن جي هٿان قصر اسلام جي بربادي ڏسي منهنجا موليٰ! هي التجا توهان جي حصور ۾ پيش ڪئي وئي هئي ۽ اڄ مان ڪن پنهنجن عالمن جي هٿان توهان جي دين جي تباهي ڏسي عرض ٿو ڪريان ته

    اي بسيرا پرده يثرب به خواب

    خيز ڪه شد مشرق و مغرب خراب.

    توهان جي امت مان هڪڙو حقير حلقه بگواش

    شمس الدين احمد.

     

    بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم

    محمده و نصلي وسلم

    خلافت جو مسئلو اسان مسلمانن ۾ ڪيتري قدر ضروري آهي؟

    اهو سوال انهي حديث شريف مان حل ٿيندو ته

    من مات ولم يعرف امام زمانه فقط مات ميتتہ جاهليتہ

    (جو شخص پنهنجي زباني خليفي کي سڃاڻڻ کانسواءِ مري ٿو تنهن جو موت ڪفر جو موت ٿئو.)

    انهيءَ ڪري اسان ۾ عام طرح خليفہ وقت جي وفات کانپوءِ سندس دفن ڪرڻ کان اڳ ئي خليفي جو مقرر ڪرڻ ضروري سمجهيو ويو آهي. هاڻي اهڙي صفا ۽ ضروري مسئلي ۾ رسالا تحقيقي الخلافتہ جو لکندڙ جناب مولانا مولوي محمد فيض الڪريم صاحب اهڙي سخت غلطي ڪري جو حضرت امير المومنين  خليفتہ المسلمين حرمين شريفين جي سچي ۽ مسلم خادم ۽ مهافظ سلطان وحيد الدين سادس نصرهم الله جي بجاءِ شريف مڪه کي خليفتہ المسلمين جي مقدس لقب جو حقدار چوي انهين ڳالهه تي مون کي يقين ئي نٿو اچي ڇو ته شرع شريف ۾ ترڪن جي جائز خليفي هجڻ جي لاءِ جيڪي کليل دليل آيا آهن سي ڪنهن به پڙهي ماڻهوءَ کي اهڙي غلطي نه ڪرڻ ڏيندا. پوءِ خبر نه آهي ته ڪهڙي نامعلوم غرض مولوي صاحب جنهن کي مجبور ڪيو اهي ته علماءِ اسلام جي برخلاف پنهنجي اهڙي راءِ ظاهر ڪن جنهن تي مون کي يقين آهي ته کين به اعتبار ۽ اعتقاد نه هوندو مان عام ماڻهن کي کولي ٿو ٻڌايان ته مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي رسالي ۾ ڪيتري قدر غلط ڳالهيون لکيون آهن ۽ ڪيترين جاين تي سچيون ۽ صحيح ڳالهيون لڪائي ويا آهن ۽ اميد آهي ته مولوي صاحب مهرباني فرمائي پنهنجي غلطي تي هڪڙو ڀيرو وري غور ڪندا.

    مولوي صاحب جي قابل اعتراض ڳالهين کي (جتي مون کي هن رسالي ۾ ڪجهه لکڻون آهن) قوله جي لفظ سان شروع ڪندس ۽ سندين عبارت تي ليڪون ڏنل هونديون ۽ ان جي هيٺان پنهنجي راءِ عرض رکندس قوله حضرت رسول الله صلعم ارشاد فرمايو آهي ته الائمتہ من قريش يعني خليفو وقت جو قريش مان هجڻ گهرجي.

    مولوي صاحب جن جيتري قدر هن حديث کي پنهنجو زبردست دليل سمجهڻو آهي اوتري قدر سخت غلطي ڪئي اٿن مون کي مولوي صاحب جن جي خدمت ۾ هن حديث جي متعلق هيٺيان عرض ڪرڻا آهن.

    (1) ڪتابن ۾ ظاهر آهي ته خلافتہ جا ٻه قسم آهن هڪڙي راشده يا ڪامله هي انهي خلافته کي چون ٿا جنهن ۾ خليفا بادشاهي طريقون رکندا اهو بلڪه طريقو نبوي جي مطابق سادگي سان ديني امورن جي سرانجامي ڪندا هئا ۽ ٻي خلافت غيرڪامله هي انهي خلافتہ کي چون ٿا جيڪا بادشاهي سان گڏ هجي.

    خلافتہ راشده لڳو لڳه حضور صلعم کانپوءِ رڳا ٽيهه ورهيه رهي پوءِ خلاف غير ڪاملا شروع ٿي. بهرحال خلافت هميشه کان هلي آئي آهي ۽ هميشه لاءِ  ان جو رهڻ تمام ضروري آهي ڇو ته مٿي لکيل حديث موجب امام وقت جي نه هجڻ جي صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو موت جاهليه (ڪفر) جي زماني جهڙو موت ٿيندو.

    پر خلافت جي لاءِ قريشي هجڻ جو شرط هميشه جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي ڇو ته حضور اقدس صلعم کي اها ڳالهه معلوم هئي ته جيتري قدر زياده زمانو گذرندو ويندو اوتريقدر ايماني جوش ۽ دينداري (جنهن جي ڀروسي ۽ يقين تي خلافتہ لاءِ قريشي جو هجڻ فرمايو هئائون) گهٽجي وڃڻ ممڪن آهي پوءِ اهڙي صورت ۾ جيڪڏهن قريشي هجڻ جو شرط هميشه لاءِ رکن ها ته پوءِ جنهن حالت ۾ ڪو خلافتہ جي قابلن ۽ شرعي شرطن جي موافق قريشي خليفو نه ملي ها ته ضرور خلافتہ جي سخت ضرورت ۽ تاڪيد کي ڏسي ناقابل خليفو مقرر ڪرڻ ۾ اچي ها ۽ اهڙي حالت ۾ جن عرضن جي ڪري امامت ضروري ڪئي وئي آهي اها فائدا حاصل ڪين ٿين ها انهين دور انديشي جي ڪري هڪڙي ٻي حديث ۾ پاڻ ارشاد فرمايو اٿن ته

    (خلافتہ قريش ۾ رهندي ۽ جيڪڏهن ڪو به ماڻهو انهن سان خلافتہ ۾ مخالفت ڪندو خدا ان کي اونڌي منهن ڪيرائيندو. پر خلاف تيسين انهن کي ملندي) جيستائين دين کي قائم ڪندا انهيءَ حديث مان معلوم ٿيو ته خلافتہ جو قريشن ۾ هجڻ هر حال ۾ ۽ هميشه جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي.

    ۽ اهڙي ئي مضمون جي ٻي هڪڙي حديث حضرت ابو هريره رضه روايت ڪئي آهي ته

    الملڪ في قريش والقضاء في الانصار والاذان في الحبشتہ والامانتہ في الازد.

    (ترجمو: ملڪ (حڪومت) قريشن ۾ قضا (فيصلا ڪرڻ) انصارن ۾ ٻانگ ڏيڻ حبشين ۾ ۽ امانتہ اهل يمن ۾ انهن حديث ۾ الملڪ في قريش جو اهو ئي مطلب آهي جيڪو حديث الائمتہ من قريش جو. پوءِ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن امامت ۽ خلافتہ قريشن سان خاص ڪن ٿا ته هڪدم ٻيو رسالو ڪڍي انصارن کانسواءِ رکڻ کان منع ڪن.)

    مان ڀانيان ٿو ته جيڪڏهن ترڪن کان هڪڙو ڏوهه ٿيو آهي جو الملڪ في قريش جي برخلاف ڪم ڪيو اٿن ته مولوي صاحب ۽ سندن هم نوا وڏا ڏوهي آهن جو شرعي فيصلا ڪري ۽ ٻانگون ڏيئي ۽ امانتون رکي ٽن ڳالهين ۾ حديث شريف جي برخلاف ڪرڻ جا گنهگار ٿيا آهن ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن فرمائيندا ته اهو مطلب نه آهي ته انصارن ۽ حبشين ۽ اهل يمن سان انهن ڳالهين جي خصوصيت آيه ته پوءِ ڪري ٻڌائين ته قريشين سان اها ڳالهه ڇو نه لاڳو ٿي سگهي ۽ ڇو نه اسين اها راءِ قائم ڪريون ته اهڙي کلي ڳالهه ڏسڻ ۽ سمجهڻ کانپوءِ به خلافت کي قريشين جي لاءِ هميشه خاص ڪرڻ اهو ڪم اوهان کي ڪنهن مجبوري ڪرايو آهي.

    (2) هن حديث شريف جي لاءِ ته ”لا يزال هذا الامر في قريش مابقي منهم اثنان“.

    (ترجمو) خلافتہ قريشن ۾ رهندي جيستائين هنن مان ٻه ڄڻان باقي رهن. علامه سيوطي لکيو آهي ته.

    انه مقيد بقوله في الحديث الاني  ”مااقامو الدين“ ولم يخرج منهم الا وقد انتهکواحرماتہ

    (ترجمو: هن حديث شريف ۾ اهو شرط آهي ته قريشي تڏهن خليفا ٿيندا جڏهن دين کي قام ڪندا (جيڪڏهن نه ته نه ٿي سگهندا) ۽ خلافتہ منجهائن تڏهن نڪتي آهي جڏهن هنن دين جي حرامن (جهلن) کي ٽوڙيو.

    ان مان پڌرو آهي ته علامه سيوطي جي خيال جي مطابق هي حديث يا انهي حديث جهڙي مضمون جون ٻيون جيڪي به حديثون آهن (مثلن حديث الائمتہ من قريش) تن سڀني ۾ دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط آهي ۽ وڏي ڳالهه هي آهي ته جيڪڏهن علامه سيوطي جو اهو خيال واجي ۽ ضروري نه سمجهي ته نعوذ بالله حضوراقدس صلعم جو قول غلط ثابت ٿي پوي ٿو ڇو ته حديث جي لفظن مان پيشنگوئي ظاهر ٿئي ٿي ۽ خاندان عباسيه کانپوءِ قريشن مان خلافتہ نڪرڻ جي ڪري پيشينگوئي صحيح ثابت ٿيندي تنهنڪري دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط ضروري آهي.

    (3) انهيءَ ساڳئي حديث شريف جو شرح ڪندي علامه قسطلاني رحه ارشاد الساري شرح صحيح بخاري ۾ فرمايو آهي ته:

    وانهم اذا لم يقيمو الدين لم يسمع لهم. جڏهن قريشي دين کي قائم نه ڪندا تڏهن انهن جي اطاعت نه ڪئي ويندي. ٿورو اڳتي وري انهين ساڳئي ڳالهه جي تائيد فرمائي ٿو ته: استحاق قريش الخلافتہ لا يمنع وجودها في غيرهم يعني قريشن جي خلافتہ جي لاءِ حقدار هجڻ ٻين ۾ خلافتہ وڃڻ کي روڪي نه ٿو. وري ڪجهه اڳتي انهي ساڳئي حديث شريف جي هيٺان لکيو اٿس ته وهو مقيد باقامتہ الدين ومن ثم لما استخف الخلفاء بامرالدين ضعف امرهم و تلاشت احوالهم هتي لم يبق لهم من الخلافتہ سويٰ سها.

    (ترجمو: هن حديث ۾ به دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط آهي ۽ جڏهن خليفن (قريشين) ديني  ڳالهين کي خفيف ڪري سمجهو تڏهن هنن جي حالت ضعيف ۽ احوال سقيم ٿئو تان جو هنن ۾ نالي کان سواءِ خلافتہ ڪا نه رهي انهي عبارت تان مولوي صاحب جن سمجهندا ته سندن خيال اهل شرع جي ڪيتري قدر برخلاف آهي ۽ اميد آهي ته اهي ڳالهيون ٻڌڻ کانپوءِ اهو خيال خام دل مان ڪڍي ڇڏيندا ته خلافت قريش کانسواءِ ڪنهن کي ملي نه ٿي سگهي.

    (4) جيڪڏهن خلافتہ قريشن کانسواءِ ٻئي ڪنهن جي صحيح نه هجي ته پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن انهن ڪروڙها بزرگن جي لاءِ ڇا چوندا جن جي وفات خلافتہ عباسي ۽ شريف مڪه جي بغاوت جي وچ ۾ ٿي آهي ڇو ته معاذ الله حديث شريف جي ارشاد موجب هن جو موت زباني جاهليت (ڪفر) جو موت ٿيندو ۽ مهرباني ڪري ٿوري دير پنهنجي منهن ويهي سوچن ته بزرگن جا روح سندن لاءِ ڪهڙي راءِ رکندا هوندا.

    (5) صحاح ستہ مان ابودائود ترمذي ۽ نسائي ٽنهين ڪتابن حضرت سفينه کان هڪڙي حديث روايت ڪئي آهي چنانچہ ابو دائود شريف جا هي لفظ آهن ته ”خلافته النبوتہ ثلثون ستہ ثم يوتي الله ملڪه من يشاء.“

    (ترجمو: نبوت جي خلافتہ ٽيهه ورهيه رهندي پوءِ خداوند تعاليٰ جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ ڏئي.)

    هن حديث مان بلڪل فيصلو ٿي ويو ته ملڪ ۽ حڪومت ۽ خلافت جي قريشين سان ڪا خصوصيت ڪانهي بلڪه خداوند ڪريم جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ عطا ڪري.

    مولوي صاحب جن کي گهرجي ته رڳو هڪڙي حديث ياد ڪري شور نه مچائين ته بس قريشين کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو خليفو نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ڇو ته اهڙي طرح مسلمانن جي اعتقاد ۾ فساد ۽ خلل وجهڻ اهڙو گناهه عظيم آهي جنهن جي ذميواري سڀ ڪنهن مسلمانن کي سمجهڻ گهرجي ۽ مهرباني ڪري سوچين ته انهيءَ ڳالهه تي اڙي ويهي رهڻ ته هروڀرو الائمته من قريش جو اهو ئي مطلب آهي ته قريشين کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو خليفو نه ٿو ٿي سگهي پاڻ کي اجايو چئن پڙهن ۾ ڏٺو ڪرڻو آهي.

    ……………………………………………..

    قول: خلافتہ راشده جنهن جو مڃڻ هر مسلمان تي واجب آهي سا اها ٽيهن ورهين واري خلافتہ آهي.

    انهن عبارت مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته ٽيهن ورهين کانپوءِ خلافتہ جي مڃڻ جو مسلمانن کي ضرور ڪونهي. پر الائي ڪهڙي خوشي مولوي صاحب جن کان اها ڳالهه وسارائي ڇڏي آهي ته حضور جو ارشاد آهي ته جنهن شخص پنهنجي امام وقت کي نه سڃاتو تنهنجو موت زماني جاهليت جو موت ٿيندو ۽ انهي ڪري علماءِ امت انهي ڳالهه تي اجماع ۽ اتفاق ڪيو آهي ته مسلمانن جي لاءِ واجب آهي ته خلافتہ هميشه جي لاءِ قائم رکن جيئن تها مام نووي فرمائين ٿا. اجمعوا علي انه يحب علي المسلمين نصب خليفتہ انهي ڳالهه تي اجماع ڪيو اٿن ته مسلمانن تي خليفتہ جو قائم ڪرڻ واجب آهي. فتح الباري جي جيڪا عبارت اڳتي مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي لاءِ غلطي سان زبردست دليل سمجهي آهي تنهن ۾ به صفا چيل آهي ته ”خلافتہ قيامت تائين برابر رهندي“ پوءِ جناب مولوي صاحب جن تڪليف وٺي سمجهائين ته ڇا اها خلافتہ مڃڻ جي لاءِ نه آهي بلڪه رڳو ايتري لاءِ آهي ته فتح الباري ۾ لکيل هجي ۽ جڏهن مولوي صاحب جن کي ضرورت پوي تڏهن مذهب ۽ شريعت جي آڙ ۾ ڪجهه فائدو حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ ان کي دليل ۾ پيش ڪن.

    قول: نبي ڪريم صلعم انهن خليفن کي به اهڙو شريف ڏنو جيڪو هنن جي حڪمن جي پيروي به پاڻ سان گڏ امر فرمايائون جيئن ته حديث ۾ آهي ته عليڪم بسنتي وسنتہ الخلفاء الراشدين يعني فرض آهي اوهان تي منهنجي پيروي ڪرڻ ۽ پيروي خلفاء راشدين جي مولوي صاحب جن هن حديث مان شايد پنهنجي اڳين ڳالهه کي ٽيڪو ڏياريو آهي ته ٽيهن ورهين واري خلافت کانپوءِ خلافت کي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي ۽ عام مسلمانن کي هن حديث جي وسيلي پنهنجي اڳين ڳالهه تي يقين ڏيارڻ لاءِ هڪڙو ڄار وڇايو اٿن ته حضور صلعم رڳو ٽيهن ورهين تائين خلفاء راشدين جي پيروي جو حڪم ڏنو آهي ۽ اڳتي جي لاءِ نه پر مان مولوي صاحب جن کي يقين ٿو ڏياريان ته ڪنهن به مسلمان مان ڌوڪو ڪو نه کاڌو آهي ۽ نه انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ کائي سگهي ٿو ڇو ته مسلمان سمجهن ٿا ته ضور جو انهي ارشاد مان اهو مطلب آهي ته اخلاق ۽ عادات ۾ منهنجي ۽ خلفاءِ راشدين جي پيروي ڪريو ڇو ته اهي اخلاق بالڪل نيڪ ۽ برگزيده آهن ۽ اهڙي طرح پاڻ کي سڌاريو ۽ انهي مان هرگز اها ڳالهه ثابت نه ٿي ٿئي ته اڳتي خليفن جا حڪم مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي. انهي حديث مان اهو مطلب مولوي صاحب جن جي دماع ڪڍيو آهي باقي مسلمانن جا دماغ خدا جي فضل سان انهي حد کي نه پهتا آهن. مولوي صاحب جن جي اڳتي هلي امام نووي رحه جي عبارت نقل ڪئي آهي جنهن ۾ امام موصوف فرمايو آهي ته اصحاب رسول الله صلعم ۽ انهن کانپوءِ امام نووي رحه جي زماني تائين  علماءَ اجماع آهي ته خلافت قريشين سان خصوصيت رکي ٿي. انهي ۾ شڪ ڪونهي ته امام نووي رحه جي وقت تائين علماء جو اهو خيال هوندو ته خليفو قريشي ٿئي ڇو ته انهي وقت تائين قريشين ۾ اهڙا ماڻهو موجود آهن.

    حديث سان پڻ لاڳو ڪري ها. ويچار جهڙي ڳالهه آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن جي سمجهه ئي ۾ اها ڳالهه نه ٿي اچي ته هڪڙي ئي مضمون جون ته حديثون جن ٻنهي مان پيشينگوئي معلوم ٿئي ٿي ته ما جيڪڏهن هڪڙي ۾ ڪو خاص شرط حضور فرمايو آهي ته اهو ضرور علامه سيوطي ۽ علامه قسطلاني جي قول جي مطابق ٻنهي سان تعلق رکندو. ۽ خصوصن جيڪڏهن اهو شرط ٿو رکجي ته نعوذ بالله حضور جي پيشنگوئي ٿي غلط ٿئي ۽ تعجب آهي ته جناب مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي اجائي دعويٰ کي ثابت ڪرڻ لاءِ حضور جي پيشنگوئي جي غلط ٿيڻ جو پرواهه به نه ٿا رکن.

    قول: يزيد کانپوءِ مروان بن حڪم متغلب ۽ جابر حاڪم ٿيو غرض ته سلسلا خلافت راشده جو ته هڪ طرف پرامير معاويه رضي الله تعاليٰ عنہ تائين به سلسلو خلافت جو متضل نه آهي. ترڪن سڳورن تي ڪاوڙ سٽپندي مولانا صاحب جن خلافت راشده ۽ امير معاويه جي خلافت تي به هٿ صفا ڪيو آهي. خلافت راشده ته هڪ طرف انهن لفظن مان ته ظاهر ٿئي ٿو ته خلافت راشده تي به مولوي صاحب جن کي پڪ نه ٿي هجي ۽ مٿي هي لفظ به پنهنجي يقين ۽ اعتبار جي برخلاف ۽ مٿئين دل سان چيا اٿن ته خلاف راشده جنهن جو مڃڻ هر مسلمان تي واجب آهي. ۽ تمام علماءَ اهل السنته والجماعتہ جنهن ڳالهه کي اتفاق سان مڃن ٿا ته حضرت امام حسن رضي الله تعاليٰ عنه جي تقويض خلافت کانپوءِ امير معاويه رضه خليفه برلاف حق هو ان ۾ به مولوي صاحب جن کي تردد آهي.

    قول: انهي کانپوءِ جڏهن بني اميه جي خلافت ختم ٿي تڏهن بني…… به زبردستي سان خلافت حاصل ڪئي.

    زبردستي سان خلافت حاصل ڪرڻ ۾ مولوي صاحب جن ڏاڍو منجهي پيا آهن پر خلافت جا جيڪي شريعت وارن نمونا بيان ڪيا آهن سي جيڪا ياد هجن ها ته ايتري پريشاني ۽ مونجهارو نه ٿئي ها. ڪتاب الجنته باب البغاه ۾ لکيل آهي ته والامام يصير اماماً بامرين بالمياند مزالاشراف والاعيان وهان ينفذ حڪم في رعتيم فرفاً من قهره فبروتہ.

    ترجمو: امام بن طرجن سان ٿي سگهي ٿو هڪ ته قوم مان اهل حلء ان جي بيعت ڪن ٻيو هن طرح نه ته هن جو حڪم سندس خوف کان رعيت ۾ هلندڙ هجي. ڪتاب دالمختار ۾ ٽي طريقا لکيا اٿس جيئن ته مٿين جو شرح ڪندي لکي ٿو ته:

    قول: (يصيراماماً بالمبايتہ) و ڪذابا ستخلاف امام قبلہ ولذا بالتغلب والقهر.

    (ترجمو:) امام بيعت ڪرڻ سان ٿي سگهي ٿو ۽ اهڙي طرح اڳوڻي امام جي مقرر ڪرڻ سان ۽ اهڙي طرح علم حاصل ڪرڻ سان انهيءَ عبارت کانپوءِ ٻي سٽ ۾ جن ترڪن سڳورن کي خليفتہ المسلمين چوڻ ڏانهن اسان جو مولوي صاحب جي دل نه ٿي وري انهن جي لاءِ لکيو اٿس ته. ويکُون بالتغلب مع المبايعہ وهُوالواقع في سلاطين الزمان نصرهُم الرحمٰن.

    ترجمو: ۽ غلبه ۽ بيعت ڪرڻ ٻنهي سان گڏ به خليفو ٿي سگهي ٿو جهڙي طرح هن زماني جا بادشاهه هنن کي فتح و نصرت ڏئي انهي تقرير مان ثابت ٿي چڪو ۽ مولوي صاحب جن به مهرباني فرمائي غور سان سمجهي ڇڏن ته جيڪڏهن بني عباس زبردستي سان حڪومت حاصل ڪئي ته اهو به هڪڙو امام ٿيڻ جو طريقو آهي ۽ انهن جي خلافت ۾ منجهي پوڻ اصل نه گهرجي. باقي هن ڳالهه تي غور ڪرڻ ضروري آهي ته (زبردستي حڪومت حاصل ڪرڻ وارو) ڪهڙي قسم جو ماڻهو آهي ۽ خلافت جا اغراض ۽ فائدا ان مان حاصل ٿي سگهن يا نه ۽ ان ۾ خلافت جا شرائط موجود آهن يا نه. ڇو ته هڪڙو غلبو اهڙو هوندو جنهن سان شرط ڪيئن هوندا ۽ هڪڙو اهڙو آهي جنهن سان شرط ۽ خلافت جي لياقت هوندي. جيڪڏهن متغلب اهڙو ماڻهو آهي جنهن ۾ شرائط موجود ڪيئن آهن ته اهو باتفاق مسلمانان جائز طرح خليفو نه ٿيندو جهڙي طرح اڳئين زماني ۾ يزيد زبردستي خليفو ٿيو هو پر ان ۾ لياقت ڪا نه هئي تنهنڪري مسلمانن هن کي خليفو ڪري نه مڃيو ۽ هينئر وري شريف باغي ٿيو آهي ۽ ان کي چند دنيا پرست ۽ بندگان هوس خليفو چون ٿا پر مسلمان هن کي انهي سلوڪ جو مستحق سمجهن ٿا جنهن جو هو شريعت موجب لائق آهي پر جيڪڏهن متغلب ۾ لياقت ۽ ٻيا شروط آهن ته هو باتفاق مسلمانان خليفو آهي جهڙي طرح خليفاء بني عباس يا خلفاء ترڪ جائز ۽ تسليم ٿيل خليفا آهن.

    قول: ٻي ڳالهه قابل غور هي آهي ته بني عباس جي ابتدا ۾ هڪ بني اميه جي شاخ اندلس اسپين ۾ حڪمران ٽي غظيم الشان سلطنت قائم ڪئي ۽ گهڻا خليفا ۽ امير المومنين انهي خاندان مان به پيدا ٿيا. يعني هڪڙي وقت ۾ ٻن بادشاهن خلافت جي دعويٰ ٿي رکي. مولوي صاحب جن يا اهڙي طرح ٻين تاريخ کان واقف ڪارن جي لاءِ ڪجهه به غور ڪرڻ جي ضرورت نه آهي. ڇو ته علما تاريخ اها فيصلو ڪيو آهي ته شاهان اسپين ۾ ٻين خوبن سان گڏ اها گهٽتا هئي جو هڪڙي قائم شده ۽ مستحڪم خلافت جي هوندي جداگانه حڪومت قائم ڪري خلافت جي دعويٰ ڪيائين ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن غور فرمائيندا ته معلوم ٿي ويندو ته انهي جي دعويٰ خلافت جي تصديق جي لاءِ به هيلوڪن وقت شناس ۽ ضمير فروش عالمن جو هٿ هو جيڪي هميشه رخ بدنما وانگيا هوا جي رخ تي هلندا آهن.

    قول: ازان سواءِ امام ابو حنيفه جهڙي محتاطبزرگ به منصور عباسي خليفه جي مقابلي ۾ حضرت زيد شهيد ابن امام زين العابدين ابن حضرت امام حسين کي پاڻ به خليفو ڪري مڃيو ۽ ٻين کي به اهڙي هدايت ڪئي حالانڪه منصور عباسي ۽ بنا هاشم بلڪه عم رسول الله جو اولاد هو. مولوي صاحب جن الائي ڪهڙي خوشي ۾ اچي رسالي جي لکڻ ۾ ايتري قدر جلدي ڪئي آهي جو کانئن ڪيتريون افسوسناڪ غلطيون رهجي ويون آهن. خصوصن تاريخي واقعت جي بيان ڪرڻ ۾ ايتري سخت غلطي ڪئي اٿن جو ڪو به پڙهيو ماڻهو مٿن کلڻ کانسواءِ نه رهيو هوندو.

    حضرت امام ابو حنيفه رحه جو هئي واقعو بيان ڪري پنهنجي سياهه اغتراض کي بااڪل بي نقاب ڪري ڇڏيو اٿن. اها خبر ئي ڪانهين ته حضرت زيد شهيد بن علي حسين عليه السلام امام صاحب کان ڪيترو اڳ ۾ نبي اميه جي خليفي هشام بن عبدالله جي زماني ۾ شهيد ٿي ويو. مولوي صاحب جن هئي خواب ڏاڍو مزي جهڙو لڌو ته امام ابو حنيفه رحه منصور عباسي جي مقابلي ۾ حضرت زيد شهيد جي (جو کانئن ۽ منصور کان ڪيترو وقت اڳي گذاري ويو) خلافت مڃي مولوي صاحب جن جي خيالات جي باند پروازي قابل تعريف آهي جو گهڙي ۾ زمين ۽ آسمان کي ملائي ڇڏن ٿا ۽ پوءِ اگرچه مولوي صاحب جن صفانه فرمايو آهي ته هن عبارت مان سندن ڇا مطلب آهي مگر معلوم ائين ٿو ٿئي ته پاڻ حضرت امام ابو حنيفه رحه جي بجائي ٿي حضرت زيد شهيد وانگر باغي ۽ دشمن اسلام شريف کي خليفو مڃي ماڻهن کي به مڃڻ لاءِ سفارش ڪن ٿا پر کين ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته هڪڙي ناخدا ترس ۽ فاسق هستي جي لاءِ هڪڙي اولو العزم امام وقت جي مقدس و مطهر وجود جو مثال آڻڻ خدا بزرگ وبرترکي جوش ۾ آڻيندو. اهڙو امام وقت اهڙن ئي مقتدين کي مبارڪ هجي جيڪي ان کي مڃين ٿا. باقي مسلمانن ۾ خدا جي فضل سان اڃا ناموس شريعت جي تحقير جي جرات ڪا نه پيدا ٿي آهي.

    قول: ترڪي خلافته جا حمايتي هي دليل پيش ڪن ٿا ته آخري بادشآهه عباسي جو مصر ۾ 918ع هجري ۾ پناهه وٺندڙ هو تنهن سلطان سليم کي خلافتہ بخشي انهيءَ طرح خلافتہ ترڪن ۾ نسلن بعد نسل منتقل ٿي آئي. مگر سوال هي آهي ته انهن آخري خليفه عباسي وٽ باقي ڇا رهيو هو جو انهي بخشي ڏنو.

    شريف ميان جي مدح و ثنا شايد مولوي صاحب جن کي فرصت نه ڏني آهي جو پاڻ معلوم ڪري سگهن ته ڇا باقي رهيو هو ۽ ڇا بخشيو ويو. ان جي هٿ ۾ اها شئي هئي جنهن جي اڳيان سڄي دنيا اسلام جا گردن جوش عقيدت کان جهڪن ٿا. اهو تبرڪ هو جنهن سان مسلمانن جي خون جو هڪ هڪ قطرو وابسته آهي ۽ رهندو. اهو مقدس نشان هو جنهن جي هڪڙي جهلڪ سان جوش جان فدائي ۽ سودائي سرفروشي کان مسلمان مدهوش ٿين ٿا. ۽ مان اوهان کي کولي ٿو ٻڌايان ته مسلمانن جي عزت و ناموس جي ڪنجي يعني علم مقدس هو جنهن جي هيٺان خدا جي بزگزيده پيغمبر صلعم جي سرپرستي ۾ فدايان توحيد خدا واحد جي روبرو پنهنجي جسم جان جي قرباني ڪئي هئي ته خدا جو ڪلمون دنيا ۾ بلند ٿئي.

    مولوي صاحب ۽ سندن هم خيال ۽ مسٽر شريف صاحب رسول اڪرم صلي الله عليہ وسلم جي انهي مقدس يادگار کي غير ضروري سمجهن ٿا ته ڀلي سمجهن پر مسلمانن کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي هي اها عزت آهي جنهن سان مسلمانن جي موت ۽ زندگي جو تعلق آهي.

    مولوي صاحب جن ته شايد مشڪل سان سمجهن پر منهنجو ٻڌائڻ فرض آهي ته انهي بخشش ته سلطان سليم مرحُم کي خلافت جي لاءِ هر طرح مستحق ڪري ڇڏيو ڇو ته مان مٿي شريعت مطهره جي معتبر ڪتابن مان نقل ڪري آيو آهيان ته خلافت ٽن طرحن سان ٿي سگهي ٿي هڪڙي اشراف ۽ معتبران قوم جي بيعت ڪرڻ سان ۽ ٻيو اڳوڻي خليفي جي مقرر ڪرڻ سان ۽ ٽيون هن طرح ته هن جي غلبي کان خوف کائي ماڻهو سندن حڪم مڃن.

    هاڻي سلطان سليم کي آخري خليفه عباسي مرحوم مقرر ڪيو ۽ هزارها اهل حل و عقد سنديس بيعت به ڪئي ۽ مرحوم جو غلبو ته شهره آفاق آهي اهڙي طرح ٽنهين طريقن سان کيس خلافت حاصل ٿي.

    قول: ڊاڪٽر انصاري ۽ مولانا عبدالباري صاحبان خلافتہ واسطي اهو شرط ضروري ٿا ٺهرائين ته خليفو ڪنهن جومحتاج نه هجي ۽ دشمن جو مقابلو بلا همراهي جي ڪري سگهي سو جنهن شخص کي خلافت بخشيندڙ خيال ٿا ڪن اهو پاڻ مصر جي بادشاهن جو پنشن خوار مولوي يا شيخ طريقت هو. جنهن صورت ۾ مولوي صاحب جن کي خلافت راشده ۾ به تردوڌ آهي. ان حالت ۾ ان کانپوءِ واري خلافت جي لاءِ عزت نه هجي ته ڪا وڏي ڳالهه نه آهي. پر مولوي صاحب جن هن ۾ الائي ڪهڙي اعتراض جوڳي ڳالهه ڏٺي آهي. سلطان سليم مرحوم کي خلافت ڏيندڙ مسلم طرح خليفو هو. پر جڏهن ان ڏٺو ته سنديس ڪمزوري انهي حد کي پهتي آهي جو ان خلافت جا اغتراض پورا نه ٿو ڪري سگهي تڏهن خود خلافت اهڙي زبردست مسلمان بادشاهه کي سونپي ڏنائين جو هر طرح ان ڳالهه جو اهل هو. جيڪڏهن هو ڪمزور نه هجي ها ۽ قوت رکي ها ته خلافت سونپڻ جي ضرورت ئي ڪهڙي هئي.

    قول: تڏهن شريف مڪي جو آزاد آهي ۽ وڏي ملڪ جو حڪمران آهي ۽ موجوده سلطان ترڪي سان جنگ آزمائي به ڪري سگهي ٿو ۽ ڪنهن جو پنشن خوار به نه آهي سو زمين شريفين جو خادم ۽ منتظم ٿي سگهي ٿو. جيڪڏهن شريف مڪه جو آزاد آهي ته پوءِ پابندي دنيا ۾ ڪا به شئي ڪانهي. باقي وڏي ملڪ تي حڪمران ٿيڻ جو معيار به رڳو مولوي صاحب جن جي همت آهي. ڇو ته ڪو به جغرافيه ڄاڻڻ وارو ريگستان جهاز کي وڏو ملڪ ڪو نه چوندو.

    مولوي صاحب جن کي شايد خبر نه آهي ته ان کي ايتري حيثيت ڪا به نه ڏني وئي آهيجو رڳو مقامات مقدسه ان جي هٿ ۾ ڏنا ويا هجن. اسان جو گذريل قبلو معراج شڙيف جي يادگار مسجد اقصيٰ يعني بيت المقدس، نجف اشرف، ڪربلائي معلي، بغداد شريف انهن پاڪن جاين ڏي (جتي مسلمانن جي تقدس جو وڏو ذخيرو مدفون آهي) ويچاري شريف ميان کي نظر ڪرڻ لاءِ قيامت تائين به جرئت نه ٿيندي.

    باقي رهي هي ڳالهه ته مولوي صاهب جنهن جو خليفو بهادر حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين سان جنگ ڪري سگهي ٿو اها ته اهڙي ڳالهه آهي جو ڪو ماڻهو چوي ته ڪئو شينهن سان وڙهي سگهي ٿو پر تڏهن جڏهن شينهن چوکنڀو سڪ ٻڌل هجي. جنهن صورت ۾ حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين کي طرف رڌل ڏسي شريف نمڪ حرامي ڪري جنهن ملڪ تي ان کي عهده دار مقرر ڪيو ويو هو ان بي پرائي کي نٽي جي زور تي قبضو ڪيو اٿس تنهن صورت ۾ هن کي صاحب بهادر ۽ جنگ آزما چوڻ مولوي صاحب جن جي عقل ۽ انصاف جو عجيب مثال آهي.

    شريف جي آزادي جو اهو حال آهي جو هن جو وجود اسان جي رحمدل ۽ مهربان گورنمينٽ برطانيا جي رحم ۽ مدد تي آهي. جيڪڏهن اڄ خدانخواسته دوستي ۽ صلح جا تعلقات قطع ٿي وڃن (پوءِ کڻي ان ۾ شڙيف جي ئي بدبختي آميز شرارت هجي) ته هوند يورپ جون حڪومتون جي مسلمانن جي ملڪن کي هميشه پيار ۽ محبت جي نظر سان ڏسنديون آهن سي شريف ۽ ان جي خاندان کي مولوي صاحب جي بخشيل خلافته سميت برباد ڪري ڇڏن ۽ اسان جي مولوي صاحب کي شايد انا لله وانا اليہ راجعون چوڻ جي فرصت به ڪا نه ملي. مولوي صاحب جن شايد پنهنجي مقدس ملڪ جي جغرافيائي حالت کان بي خبر هوندا پر اسان کي چڱي طرح علم آهي ته حجاز جو ملڪ جنهن ۾ هنيئر مولوي صاحب جي خليفي (شريف) جي حڪومت آهي ۽ جنهن کي مولوي صاحب جن وات ڀري وڏو بلڪه چون ٿا تنهنجا محاصل ۽ آمدني ڪڏهن به ايتري نه ٿي آهي ۽ نه ٿي سگهي ٿي. جا حرمين شريفين جي خدمات ۽ مصارف ۽ حڪومت حجاز جي انتظامي خرچن شريف جي شاهانه دربارداري ۽ اميرانه شان و شوڪت جي لاءِ پورا سگهن ۽ ڄاڻڻ واري کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي ته جانشينان خلافته هميشه ملڪ جي ٻين ڀاڱن جي آمدني مان حجاز جي خرچن جي بقايا پوري ڪندا ايندا آهن.

    مولوي صاحب جن حجره جي ڪنڊ ۾ ويهي خلافتہ جي کچڻي ترڪن جي دسترخوان تان کڻي شريف جي آڏو رکي سمجهن ٿا ته هي ترانو شريف کي ڳڙڪائي وڃڻ سولو ٿيندو پر اهو رڳو مسجد جي چارديواري جو عقل آهي. شريف ڏاڍي ڏاهپ ڪئي جو اسان جي سرڪار نامدار جي پناري پيو ۽ باوجود مکيه عيسائي حڪومت آهي تڏهن به هڪڙي مسلمان حاڪم جي لاءِ رحمت ثابت ٿي جو پنهنجي ملڪ جي مسلمان رعيت کي نه رڳو حج تي وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏنائين پر پنهنجي مهرباني ڪري جهازن ۽ روانگي جو بندوبست خاص طرح ڪيائين جنهن مان شايد شريف جو ڪجهه وقت جي لاءِ پيٽ ڀرجي پوي نه ته مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي خليفي بهادر جو هيلهه تي ڏيوالو ڏسن.

    قول: هن وقت جيڪي ماڻهو خلافته ترڪي تي زور ڏين ٿا اهي وڏي خطرناڪ غلطي ۾ مسلمانن کي ڦاسائڻ ٿا گهرجن. ڇاڪاڻ ته انهي جو لازمي نتيجو اهو نڪرندو ته هندستان ۾ ٻه جماعتون ٿينديون. هڪڙي طرفدار ترڪن جي ۽ ٻي طرفدار عربن جي ۽ ٻنهي جماعتن ۾ سخت اختلاف ۽ اجايو جهڳڙو قائم ٿيندو.

    اسان جي ناصخ مولوي صاحب کي دلجاءِ رکڻ گهرجي ته هندستان جي مسلمانن کي خوب معلوم آهي ته سندن لاءِ ڪهڙو رستو وٺڻ ضروري ۽ فائدي وارو آهي. عربن جي جائز حمايت جي لاءِ ته هميشه کان ۽ هميشه جي واسطي تمام مسلمان تيار آهن باقي شريف جي باغيانه جرم جي تائيد ۽ حمايت جو فخر حاصل ڪرڻ وارو ڪيترا آهن ۽ انهن جو طرف ۽ ضمير ڪيترو آهي انهي ڳالهه جي مسلمانن کي چڱي طرح خبر آهي ۽ خوب سمجهن ٿا ته حمايته الحرب جي صدائي بي هنگام هڪڙو گنبذ جو آواز آهي ڇو ته توهين پاڻ دانا آهيو سمجهي سگهو ٿا ته برساتي ڏيڏرن جي شورو غوغا کان انديشو ٿي نه سگهي ۽ هندوستان جا مسلمان مذهب کي رڳي مسخري ڪين ٿا سمجهن مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجو ۽ پنهنجي خليفي بهادر جو فڪر ڪن مسلمانن جي اختلاف جو الڪو اجايو آهي.

    مولوي صاحب جن خليفي جي لاءِ ٻه فرض سمجهن ٿا جيئن ته فرمايو اٿن ته:

    قول: پهريون ته حرمين شريفين ۾ اهڙو امن قائم ڪري جو حجاج بيت الله کي بي خوف و خطرحج نصيب ٿئي ٻيو ته دين اسلام جي ترقي لاءِ ڪوشش وٺي. اڳتي انهي مضمون کي هنن لفظن تي پورو ڪيو اٿن ته ”سلطان ترڪي ڪنهن به قسم جا حاجين لاءِ سهوليت نه ڪئي آهي ۽ ويچارن حاجين کي جيڪا مصيبت جان و مال جي ڏسڻي ٿي پوي سا قابل رحم آهي.“

    مولوي صاحب جن کي سنڌ جي وڏيرن جي پنهنجي راڄن تي حڪومت ڪرڻ جو تجربو ٿيل آهي تنهنڪري شايد حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين جي طاقت ۽ جبروت کي به انهي تي قياس ڪن ٿا.

    فڪر هرکس بقد همت اوست.

    مولوي صاحب جن جي تاريخي واقفيت رڳو چند گڏ ڪئلن اخبارن تي موقف آهي مان کين ڇا ڇا سمجهايان ته کين خلافته کي هڪ صدي جي اندر هي ڇويهين جنگ ڪرڻي پئي آهي. ان حالت هوندي به جو هنن کي جنگ جي باهه ڪڏهن به آرام سان ويهڻ نه ڏنو آهي هن تازي چار سالا جنگ ۾ (جيتوڻيڪ آخري نتيجو اهو ئي ٿيو جو خدا جي مرضي ۾ هو ته) به برابر پڇاڙي تائين وڙهي پنهنجي بي انتها قوت ۽ وسائل جو ثبوت ڏنو آهي. اهڙي پر جلال قوت جي اڳيان حجازي شوره پشتن ۽ فسادين جي جماعت (جنهن جي هٿان حاجين کي تڪليفون پهچنديون آهن)  ڪهڙي طاقت ۽ هستي رکي سگهي ٿي پر ترڪن جي شرافت ۽ ادب عربن کي ڪڏهن به سزا ڏيڻ جي ڪوشش نه ڪئي ۽ جنهن ظلم ۽ مصيبت جو مولوي صاحب اڳتي ذڪر ڪيو آهي تنهن جو سچ يا ڪوڙ اتاهون ئي پڌرو ٿي سگهي ٿو هنن ويچارن هميشه اهو خيال ڪيو ته سا ڪنان بيت الله ۽ ديا رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم کي پاڻهين ننگ پوندو ۽ سندن ادب۽ لحاظ جي ڪري ڪڏهن به معمولي تنبيهه کانسواءِ عبرتناڪ سزا ڏيڻ جو خيال نه ڪيائين پر اها خبر ڪا نه هين ته هندوستان ۾ اهڙي قدردان دل و دماغ جا ماڻهو آهن جي هن شعر جا مصداق ٿيندا ته:

    چشم بدانديش ڪه برکنده باد

    عيب نما يد هنرش ور نظر

    ۽ افسوس آهي جو شرافت جي هن عجيب جو هر شناسي جو هنن ڪو به خيال ڪو نه آيو. ان کانسواءِ حجاز جو اندروني انتظامن هميشه شريف ۽ ان جي بزرگن جي هٿ ۾ هليو آيو آهي ۽ انهي بي انتظامي جا ذميوار شريف آهن نه حڪومت.

    جيڪڏهن شريف ايمانداري سان پنهنجي خدمت انجام ڏئي ها ته حاڪم وقت جي ڪوشش جي اڳينا بدون جي ٿورڙي جماعت هميشه لاءِ نابود يا تائب ٿي وڃي ها پر هر شخص سمجهي سگهي ٿو ته اختيار واري حاڪم جي حڪومت ۾ اهڙيون خرابيون تيستائين ڪڏهن به نه ٿي سگهنديون جيستائين خود حاڪم جي ايمانداري ۾ خلل نه آهي. جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن کي اهڙيون شاهديون نه ملي سگهن جن مان معلوم ٿئي ته شريف وٽ بي انتها مال دولت گڏ ٿيڻ جو سبب ڪهڙو هوندو هو ته خدارا پنهنجي عقل مان ڪم وٺي فيصلو ڪن ته شريف جي زير انتظام ڦرلٽ ڇو نه بند ٿي ويئي؟ باقي رهي اسلام جي ترقي لاءِ ڪوشش ڪرڻ ۽ واعظ مقرر ڪري ڌارين ملڪن ڏي موڪلڻ تنهن جي لاءِ وري به مون کي مولوي صاحب جن جي تاريخي ناواقفيت جو افسوس ڪرڻو پوي ٿو مولوي صاحب کي اها خبر ئي ڪانهي ته ڪفرستان يورپ جي اڪثر حصن ۾ الله اڪبر جو آواز ترڪن جي جانبازي جو نتيجو آهي ۽ ڪيترائي ملڪ ترڪي بادشاهن جي خون فشاني ۽ محنتن کان صدائي توحيد جا آشنا ٿيا پر پوءِ جڏهن دشمنان اسلام جي لڳو لڳ چالبازن ۽ جهڳڙن کان ترڪي سلطنت ۾ هيڻائي آئي تڏهن قدرتن ترقي جي ڪوشش کي ڇڏي پنهنجي قوت کي محفوظ ۽ درست رکڻ ڏي وڌيڪ توجهه ڪيائون.

    قول: هن وقت دنيا ۾ آزادي ۽ حريت جو گهر گهر ۾ ڇو آهي سو جيڪڏهن عرب جي تيرنهن سئو سالن کان آزادي جو سبق دنيا کي پڙهائيندا آيا آهن پاڻ ترڪن کان آزاد ٿيا ته ڪهڙو تجب آهي.

    شايد آزادي جي معنيٰ مولوي صاحب جن اها سمجهي آهي ته نعوذ بالله مذهب ۽ شريعت جي پابندين کان آزاد ٿجي. تيرنهن سئو سالن کان عرب ڪو نئون سبق نه پڙهائي رهيا آهن ۽ نه ڪا انهن کي ڪا خاص تعليم ڏني ويئي آهي. اهو هڪڙو ئي سبق ۽ تعليم آهي جا سردار دو جهان صلعم عرب ۽ عم سڀني کي بڪسان ڏني هئي. انهي مقدس تعليم ۾ ته اسان کي سڏڻ ۾ ڪو نه ٿو اچي ته آزادي جو اهڙو جنون سوار ٿئي جو خدا ۽ خدا جي حبيب پاڪ صلعم جي قائم ڪيل حدن جو به پرواهه نه رکجي. مولوي صاحب جن اهڙي آزادي کي مبارڪ سمجهندا هوندا پر مسلمان انهي آزادي کي جهنم جو طوق سمجهن ٿا جنهنڪري خليفه وقت سان مخالفت ڪري ان جي وقت کي ڪمزور رڪجي ۽ اهڙي طرح اتحاد ۽ اخوت اسلامي کي تباهه ڪري خدا ۽ ان جي ملائڪه مقربين جي لعنت حاصل ڪجي مولوي صاحب جن کي خبر نه آهي ته اهڙي آزادي جي حق حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ شريعت اسلامي ۽ پاڪ قانون جو ڪهڙو حڪم آهي. ڪتاب رد الحتار ۾ لکيل آهي ته:

    و في الاختيار اهل البغي ڪل فئتہ لهم منعتہ يتغلبون و يجتمغون و يقلتون اهل العدل بتاويل يقولون الحق معنا و يدعون الولايتہ.

    اختيار ۾ لکيو اٿس ته باغي آهن جن کي طاقت هجي ۽ غلبو ڪري گڏ ٿي عدلونکي انهي تاويل سان قتل ڪن ته حق اسان جو آهي ۽ حڪومت جي ….. ڪن.

    ان عبارت موجب شريف ۽ ان جا مددگار سڀ خليفه وقت کان باغي ٿيا ڇو ته آزادي ۽ حڪومت کي پنهنجو حق سمجهي سلطان سان جنگ ڪيائين ۽ هر شخص سمجهي سگهي ٿو ته باغي ڪهڙي سزا جو لائق آهي. جن ماڻهن مسلمانن جي ننڍڙن حڪومتن کي آزاد ٿيندو ڏنو آهي ۽ پوء هنن جون دليون انهي آزادي جا افسوسناڪ نتائج ڏسي خون ٿيون آهن. سي عربن جي آزادي جي حقيقت ۽ ان جي قدرت و قيمت کي خوب سمجهن ٿا.

    هينئر آزادي جي شراب جو ذرانئون نشو آهي اهو وقت اچڻ ڏيو جڏهن نشو لهي سرگراني ٿيندي ته پوءِ پاڻهين شريف بهادر چوندو ته:

    قرض ڪي پيتي تهي مي اور يون سمجهتي تهي ڪه هان.

    رنگ لائيگي هماري فاقه مستي ايڪ دن.

    پر آه جو انهي وقت جو پڇتائڻ ڪجهه به ڪم نه ايندو.

    قول: سبحان الله تعجب جي ڳالهه آهي ته ڊاڪٽر انصاري ۽ سندس رفيق هندوستان وسطي خود حڪومت چاهين ٿا پر عربن کي ترڪن جو پابند ۽ هميشه لاءِ غلام رکڻ گهرون ٿا.

    تعجب اهو آهي جو هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن کي به تعجب ٿيڻ لڳو ڊاڪٽر انصاري صاحب ۽ سندس رفيق هندوستان جي لاءِ جيڪا آزادي گهرن ٿا ان جو شايد مولوي صاحب جن اهو مطلب سمجهيو آهي ته (خدانخواسته) گورنمينٽ سان بغاوت ڪري پنهنجي حڪومت ٺاهجي. مشڪل هي آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن ملا ماڻهو ٿي پاليٽ ڪيس جي متعلق ڳالهائين ٿا حالانڪه اهي ڳالهيون انهن خالص شرعي ڳالهين کان وڌيڪ مشڪل آهن جن ۾ مولوي صاحب جن تباهه ڪن غلطي کائي مسلمانن ۾ هيتري قدر جوش ۽ ناراضپو پيدا ڪيو آهي عربن کي حڪومت ترڪن ۾ جيڪا آزادي ۽ خوش حالي حاصل هئي سا اسان هندوستانين جي خواب ۾ نه هوندي. هن گورنمينٽ کان گهرون ٿا ته برٽش گورنمينٽ ۽ پنهنجي شهنشاهه معظم جي سايه ڪرم هيٺ حڪومت هلائڻ ۾ اسان کي وڌيڪ دخل ملي پر اسان جي انهي خواهش کان گهڻو وڌيڪ حجاز جي عربن کي ترڪي حڪومت ۾ آزادي ۽ حقوق مليل هئا ڇو ته سڄو حجاز شريف جي هٿ ۾ رهندو هو رڳو نالي جي ڪاڻ ترڪي گورنر فوجي نظم و نسق جي لاءِ رهندو هو. پوءِ الائي مولوي صاحب جن عربن جي ڪهڙي غلامي ڏٺي جنهن لاءِ اهي لفظ چيا اٿن ته ”عربن کي هميشه لاءِ غلام رکڻ گهرون ٿا.“

    ڪبرت ڪلماء تخرج من افواههم ان يقولون الاڪذبا

    سندن وات مان هڪڙي وڏي (هتان جهڙي) ڳالهه نڪري ۽ ( في الحقيقت) رڳو ڪوڙ ٿا ڳالهائين.

    قول: جيڪي ماڻهو عرب جي متعلق بيجا خوف و خطرا ظاهر ڪن ٿا ته آئينده عرب ڪنهن بي طاقت جو ماتحت ٿي رهندو انهن کي اهڙي بد زباني کان توبہ ڪرڻ لازم آهي.

    خبر نه آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن عرب ڇا کي ٿا چون ۽ حجاز جي محدود ۽ ٿورڙي آبادي کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪهڙو حصو آزاد مسلمانن جي حڪومت ۾ ڏٺو اٿن.

    جيڪڏهن عرب مان رڳو اهو ٽڪرو مراد آهي جنهن ۾ رڳا رتي جا ڍير ۽ پهاڙ آهن ته انهي ۾ شڪ ڪونهي ته اها هڪڙي اهڙي مسلمان رياست ٿي ويئي آهي جنهن جي قوت کي دنيا جي آزاد حڪومتن مان ڪنهن به ننڍڙي کان ننڍڙي جو هم رتبہ نه ٿو چئي سگهجي. مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان ته هن جي هستي يورپ جي مختلف طاقتن جي رحم کانسواءِ ان ڳالهه تي موقف آهي ته هو هڪڙي غير آباد ملڪ ۾ اجايو پنهنجو خرچ ڪرڻ ۽ ناحق مسلمانن جي وسيع قوم کي ناراض ڪري اجايو جهڳڙو پيدا ڪرڻ بيڪار ٿا سمجهن پر جيڪڏهن سڀاڻي فرانس ۽ اٽلي يا آمريڪا يا جرمني يا ڪنهن ٻي حڪومت کي شوق ٿئي ته خدانخواسته مسلمانن کي پوري طرح دنيا ۾ ذليل ۽ محڪوم ڪرڻ لاءِ هيڪر حرمين تي مقدس صليب جي جهنڊي جي بهار ڏسجي ته پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن مسلمانن کي ٻڌائين ته شريف ۽ سندس مولوي صاحب پاران مقتدي ڪهڙي ڪنڊ ۾ ويهي تماشو ڏسندا ۽ ڇا انهي مهل شريف کي آزاد چوڻ وارن مسلمانن کي شرم نه ٿيندو جو گورنمينٽ برطانيا جي خزاني ۾ افواج قاهره تي حرمين شريفين جي بچاءُ لاءِ بار وجهن.

    غور ڪندڙن لاءِ اهو وڏو دليل آهي ته سلطان محمد خامس (مرحوم) ڪنهن به طرح خليفو بااختيار نه هو بلڪه بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جي تابع هو.

    سچائي جو معجزو آهي ته ڪڏهن نه ڪڏهن زبان تي اچي ويندي آهي. مولوي صاحب جن حضرت سلطان محمد خامس مرحوم کي خليفو ته چون ٿا پر رڳو انهي ڳالهه ۾ منجهي بيٺا آهن ته بااختيار نه هو.

    مشڪل هي آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن فيصلو ڪري ڇڏيو آهي ته اسلام جنهن ڳالهه کي چڱو چوي ان کي پاڻ ضرور خراب سمجهندا خليفي يا امير جي اسلام ۾ ئي اها خصوصيت آهي ته هو بااختيار ۽ مطلق العنان نه ٿو ٿي سگهي بلڪه هن جو سڀ ڪم ڪم باهمي مشوره ۽ صلاح سان ٿئي ٿو ۽ اها ڳالهه جنهن لاءِ اسلام کي فخر آهي ته سموري دنيا کي نظام هڪومت جمهوري سيکاريائين تنهن کي مولوي صاحب جن حقارت جي نظر سان ڏسن ٿا.

    باقي رهي هي ڳالهه به بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جي تابع هو اهو به حضرت مولانا جي قدرداني جو عجيب مثال آهي. دنيا اسلام ترڪن جي نوجوان جماعت کي عزت و ناموس اسلامي جي محافظ ۽ اسلامي غيرت کان ….. چئي ٿي ۽ انهن جي ئي حسن تدبير ۽ تلوار طرابلس ۽ بلقان جي ۾ توحيد پرستن جي لڄ رکي دنيا تي ثابت ڪري ڏيکاريو ته مسلمانن جو قومي جوش ۽ مذهبي حرارت باقي آهي تنهن کي بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جو خطاب ڏيڻ مجاهدين في سبيل الله ۽ غازيان دين جي عزت افزائي آهي.

    قول: قيصر جرمن جو زور ترڪي ۾ اهڙو بيحد هو جوڳو يا ترڪي هڪڙي غير مذهب حڪومت کان دشمن جي برخلاف مدد ۾ مشورو وٺڻ ۽ ان سان عهد نامون قائم ڪرڻ ۽ تعلق پيدا ڪرڻ ڪو گناهه ڪونهي بلڪ جائز آهي ڇو ته حضور آقائي نامدار صلعم ڪفار مڪه جي برخلاف قبيله نبي خزاعتہ سان عهد نامہ ۽ صلح قائم ڪيو هو. علاوه برين جيڪڏهن ترڪي حڪومت سان حڪومت جرمن جو اهڙو تعلق هجي ها جنهن کي مولوي صاحب ڏاڍي رنگ آميزي سان بيان ڪيو آهي. پوءِ بلقان جي لڙائي ۾ پوءِ جرمني ڌار ويهي تماشو ڏسي ها ۽ جيئن هينئر پنهنجي ناجائز حرص پوري ڪرڻ لاءِ جنگ ڪايائين تيئن ڇو نه آهي وقت به جنگ ۾ گهڙي پوي ها ۽ مولوي صاحب جن کي خيال فرمائڻ گهرجي ته غير شرعي شاهدن جي خبرن تي خيال ڪري امام ۽ خليفه وقت کان بدظن ٿيڻ بلڪه ان جي شان اقدس ۾ ائين چوڻ ته ”بلڪه جرمني جو هڪڙو صوبو هو“ اهي سڀ اهڙا زبردست گناهه آهن جو دنيا ۽ آخرت جي سزائن جا مستحق ٿي سگهن ٿا.

    قول: مولوي عبدالباري صاحب جا تحرير فرمائي آهي ته عيسائيت ۽ جهنڊو مقامات مقدسہ تي اڏامڻ لڳو آهي سا بالڪل ڪوڙي آهي. ائين نه ٿيو آهي ۽ نه ٿيڻو آهي. اسان سڀني کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي ته سرڪار باوجود عيسائي يڪه عيسائي مذهب رکي ٿي تڏهن به هندوستان ۾ ڪنهن به مسجد سان اهڙي بي حرمتي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي. هڪڙي فدائي اسلام ۽ مقدس عالم و بزرگ کي ڪوڙو چوڻ ڪيتري قدر بي ادبي آهي. انهي ڳالهه کان درگذر ڪرڻ کانپوءِ مولوي صاحب جن جي معلومات ۽ واقفيت تي تعجب ٿئي ٿو. مقامات مقدسه ۾ جيڪڏهن بيت المقدس وغيره مفتوح مقامات به مولوي صاحب جن داخل سمجهن ٿا ته پوءِ مجبورن رسالي جا مطالعا ڪندڙ جناب مولوي عبدالباري صاحب ڏسي منسوب ڪيل لفظ ڏانهن منسوب ڪندا ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن جي اعتقاد ۾ انهن کي ڪو تقدس ڪونهي ته پوءِ مسلمانن کي به مولوي صاحب جي طرفان ڪا شڪايت ڪانهي. اڳتي انهن لفظن مان ته ڪنهن به مسجد سان اهڙي بي حرمتي ڪا نه ٿي آهي، معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته مولوي صاحب مقامات مقدسه رڳو مسجدن جي حدود ۽ چار ديواري کي سمجهيو آهي ۽ اها ڳالهه وسري ويئي اٿن ته جزيره العرب جو هڪڙو هڪڙو انجو اهو تقدس ۽ فضيلت رکي ٿو جيڪو سندن خيال موجب مسجدن کي حاصل آهي.

    هن کانپوءِ مولوي صاحب جن تسليم و رضا جي عجيب منزل طئي ڪئي آهي ۽ ابره يمن جي عيسائي حاڪم جي بيت الله شريف تي ڪاهه ڪرڻ ۽ پوءِ آخر ڪنهن جي سامهون ٿيڻ کانسواءِ خدا جي طرفان ان جي لشڪر جي ناس ٿي وڃڻ جو ذڪر ڪرڻ کانپوءِ فرمائين ٿا ته هاڻي به اهو ساڳيو خدا تعاليٰ جي و قيوم قادر مطعلق آهي ۽ ڪعبي شريف جو مالڪ و محافظ آهي شور مچائڻ جي ڪا ضرورت ڪانهين.

    افسوس انسان ڪهڙو خود غرض آهي جو خدا واحد سان به خود غرض ڪرڻ کانسواءِ نه ٿو رهي.

    ڪنهن ڊگهي تقرير ڪرڻ کانسواءِ مولوي صاحب جن جي خدمت ۾ رڳو ايترو غرض آهي ته قرآن شريف ۾ ڪعبي جي حفاظت کان وڌيڪ انسان خود غرض ۽ ظالم انسان جي رزق و معاش جي لاءِ صفا و عدو آيل آهي پوءِ براءِ خدا مولوي صاحب جن فرمايائين ته پاڻ جو چئن پئسن جي روٽي جي لاءِ خدا قادر جي وعدي تي ڀروسو نه ٿا رکي سگهن ۽ دربدري ۽ جائز و ناجائزحيلا حوالا ڪن ٿا سو سندن ضمير ۽ دل ايڏي وڏي ڪم جي لاءِ رڳو خدا تي رکي ويهڻ رهڻ ۽ ڪنهن به قسم جي ڪوشش نه ڪرڻ ۽ هٿن پيرن نه هلائڻ جي ترغيب ڪيئن ڏئي ٿي.

    قرآن شريف جي حفاظت لاءِ خدا تبارڪ و تعاليٰ وعدو فرمايو آهي:

    انا نحن نزلنا الذڪر و انالہ لحافظون

    ترجمو: اسان قرآن کي نازڪ ڪيو آهي ۽ اسين هن جي حفاظت ڪرڻ وارا آهيون.

    پوءِ ڇا هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن جي اعنقاد موجب مسلمانن کي گهرجي  ته قرآن شريف جي حفاظت کان بي پرواهه ٿي ويهي رهن!

    ان کانسواءِ جيڪڏهن ابره ڪاهه ڪئي ۽ ان جو مقابلو نه ٿي سگهيو ته انهي مهل مقابلي ۽ حفاظت ڪرڻ وارا ئي ڪير هئا. تاريخ مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته محافظان ڪعبه جي ايتري جماعت ڪڏهن به نه هئي جو اهڙي طاقتور بادشاهه جي سامهون ٿي سگهي تنهنڪري ويچارا خاموش رهيا ۽ اهڙي طرح قدرت کي براه راست ظاهر ٿيڻ ضرور ٿئو پر اڄ جڏهن خدا جي زمين تي چاليهه ڪروڙ حلقه بگو شان توحيد موجود آهن تڏهن انهي مقام مقدس جي حفاظت جي لاءِ (جنهن ڏينهن رات سندن گردن جهڪن ٿا) هنن کي ضرور انهي ذميواري ڪري بي چين ٿيڻ گهرجي جيڪا خدا جي طرفان هنن تي مقرر ٿيل آهي. علاوه براين اسين مڃون ٿا ته خداوند ڪريم پاڻ ڪعبي جي حفاظت ڪرڻ وارو آهي پر آخر اسان جو انهي ڳالهه جا مدعي آهيون ته اسين خدا جي مخصوص نعمتن جا اڪيلا ٺيڪيدار آهيون انهن تي به ڪجهه فرض آهن. (مولوي صاحب پاران) ماڻهن جو خيال آهي.

    احسب الناس ان يترڪو ان يقولو اٰمنا و هم لا يفتنون.

    ترجمو: رڳو انهن جي انهي دعويٰ کي ڏسي ته اسان ايمان وارا آهيون آزمائشن کانسواءِ.

    هنن کي ڇڏي ڏيو (ته وڃي بهشت جون لذتون وٺڻ پر ائين هرگز نه ٿيندو.)

    قول: شروعات کان وٺي وقت بوقت جيڪي عربي ۽ ترڪي بادشاهن ۽ ملڪن ۾ تبديليون ٿينديون آيون آهن تن ۾ نه ترڪن هندن جي مسلمانن جي رائي ورتي آهي ۽ نه هند جي مسلمانن جي رائي تي هليا آهن.

    مولوي صاحب جن هي اهڙي ڳالهه ڪئي ڄڻ ڪي رشتيدار پاڻ ۾ پائپي جي ڳالهه تان رٺا آهن ۽ هڪٻئي کي ڏوراپا ڏين ٿا ته فلان ڳالهه ۾ اسان ڀائرن کان ڪين پڇيو.

    مولوي صاحب جي نظر ۾ شايد خلافته اسلامي جو نظام هڪڙي قسم جو ڀائي بندي جو سلسلو آهي ۽ گويا ترڪن ۾ شادي ٿيڻي آهي. هاڻي اسان سان ڳنڍ سنڍنه رکيو اٿن تنهنڪري اسين به هنن جا ڀت ڀائي نه ٿيون.

    مان مولوي صاحب کي درخواست ٿو ڪريان ته منهنجو گذريل مضمون غور سان پڙهن جنهن ۾ ٻڌائي چڪو آهيان ته شريعت جي فيصلي موجب خليفي ٿيڻ جي هڪڙي اها صورت بيان ڪئي ويئي اهي ته قوم مان اهل حل وقد هن جي بيعت ڪن ۽ حضرت خليفته المسلمين جي بعيت قوم مان هزارها اشراف و معتبر ڪن ٿا پوءِ ساندن جي ڳوٺ جي هڪڙي گوشه گمنامي جو رهندڙ پاڻ کان رائي ۽ اجازت حاصل ڪرڻ جي ڇو خواهش رکي ٿو ۽ ان جي ڪهڙي ضرورت آهي.

    قول: ۽ نڪي انگريزن جي برخلاف جنگ ڪرڻ کان باز رهڻ لاءِ مسلمانن جي صلاح ٻڌايائون. هي ڳالهه پڌري پئي آهي ته اسان کي هنن جي اندروني حالتن ۽ ملڪي ضرورتن جي ڪا به خبر ڪانهي اهڙي صورت ۾ اول ته اسان جي صلاح ڏيڻ ئي هڪڙي ناموزون ڳالهه هئي پر تنهن کانسواءِ هو پنهنجو ضرورتون ۽ ملڪي اغراض ۽ فائدا اسان کان بهتر سمجهن ٿا ۽ اهڙي حالت ۾ جيڪڏهن ترڪن اسان مان ڪن چوندڙن جي ڳالهه تي ڪن نه ڏنو ته هو اختيار وارا هئا ۽ قابل الزام نه ٿا ٿي سگهن بلڪه اهو انهن ماڻهن جو قصور ۽ زبردستي هئي جن هنن کي اهڙي ڳالهه کان جهليو ٿي جنهن کين دخل ڏيڻ جو ذرو به حق ڪو نه هو ۽ ڪو به عقلمند انسان هنن کي انهي ڪري قصوردار ڪو نه چوندو.

    قول: ترڪي تي صلح جا شرط ڪهڙا پوندا تنهن ۾ هند جي مسلمانن کي دخل ڏيڻ جو ڪو سبب ڪونهين.

    بيشڪ جيڪي ماڻهو نظام خلافته جهڙي مقدس اسلامي اصول کي مسخري ڪري سمجهن ٿا تن جي لاءِ ته اها ڳالهه بالڪل مناسب ۽ جائز آهي ته ويهي مزي سان تماشو ڏسن پر هندوستان جا مسلمان جنهن صورت ۾ اهو نور ايمان پنهنجي دل ۾ رکن ٿا جو حضرت رسالت ماب صلعم کان کين ورثي ۾ مليو آهي تنهن صورت ۾ کين سندن مذهب ۽ ايمان مجبور ڪيو آهي ته انهي مسئلي ۾ تمام گهڻي دلچسپي وٺن جنهن جي سڃاڻڻ تي سندن خاتمه بالخيرموقف آهي ۽ مسلمان پنهنجو فرض ٿا سمجهن ته جيڪي مسخرا خليفته المسلمين جي مقدس لقب کي بازاري خطاب ڪري سمجهن ٿا تن کي ٻڌائين ته خلافته جو فيصلو اهڙن ماڻهن جي هٿ ۾ نه آهي جيڪي اسلامي تعليم کان نا آشنا يا چند روزه ۽ پائيدار دنيا جي مقابلي ۾ پنهنجي مذهب ۽ پنهنجي متاع کي هيچ سمجهن ٿا بلڪه انهن سچن مسلمانن جي مرضي ۽ اتفاق موقف آهي جن جون دليون نور ايمان کان منور آهن هندستان جي مسلمانن سان گورنمينٽ برطانيا نهايت لطف و سان (۽ پنهنجي انهن ممتاز اصول جي مد نظر تي هو سڀ قوم جي مذهبي ڳالهين جو احترام ڪري ٿي) وعدو ڪيو ته سندن مقامات مقدسه ۽ خلافته تي جنگ جو ڪو به اثر نه پنودو انهن انهي وعدي تي ڀروسو رکي ۽ دلجاءِ ڪري پنهنجي تن مال سان سرڪار جي مدد ڪئي آهي سي هنيئر ڏسن ٿا يورپ جي ڪن نا عاقبت انديش اخبارن ۾ اهڙيون ڳالهيون هلي رهيون آهن جن مان انديشو پيدا ٿيو آهي ته خلافته ۽ مقامات مقدسه ۾ دخل ٿيڻ جي لاءِ جيڪو اعلان وقت بوقت وزيرن ارڪان دولت کان ٿيندو رهيو آهي ان جي برخلاف ڪجهه چئو پچئو هلي رهي آهي ۽ ان ڪري هنن کي اهو خطرو ٿيو آهي ته اسان جي هڪڙي وڏي مذهبي اصول کي صدمو پهچڻ جو امڪان آهي بس اهو ئي سبب آهي جنهنڪري اسين پنهنجي زندگي جو اهو ضرور مقصد سمجهون ٿا ته هر طرح پنهنجي گورنمينٽ کي آماده ڪريون ته انهي شاهانه ۽ صيريح وعدي جي برخلاف هلت ڪري پنهنجي ستن ڪروڙن رعايا کي هميشه جي لاء پاڻ کان مايوس نه ڪري.

    قول: ترڪن جي خلافت به نسبت فيصلو خاص ڪتاب شرح عقاب علامه تفتاززاني ۾ ٿيل آهي ۽ پوءِ ان ڪتاب جي هي عبارت نقل ڪئي اٿن ته ”فان قيل فليڪتف بذي شوڪتہ لہ الريا ستہ العامتہ اماما ڪان او غير امام فان انتظام الامر يحصل بذالک کما في عهد الانزاڪ قلنا يحصل اننظام في امر الدنيا لکن يختل امر الدين و هو الامر المقصود.“ يعني جيڪڏهن سوال ڪجي ته قريشي هجڻ خليفي…… ضروري نه آهي بلڪه جو شخص رياست ۽ شوڪت وارو هجي ان کي خليفو ڪري مڃڻ گهرجي ڇاڪاڻ ته اهو به انتظام ڪري سگهي ٿو جيئن ترڪن جي زماني ۾ آهي ته جواب هن طرح آهي ته انهي ۾ ڪجهه انتقام دينوي حاصل ٿيندو پر ديني انتظام هرگز حاصل نه ٿيندو ۽ وڏو غرض دين جي انتظام جو آهي.“

    تاريخ مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته ڪتاب شرح عقائد (جنهن مان مولوي صاحب جن هي عبارت نقل ڪئي آهي) تنهنجي مصنف (يعني ٺاهڻ واري مورخه 2 ماهه محرم 792 هجري ۾ وفات ڪئي آهي ۽ انهي عالم سڳوري جي زماني ۾ هندوستان ۾ امير تيمور مرحوم ۽ ترڪن مان سلطان با يزيد يلدر مرحوم هئا ۽ تاريخي وارن امير تيمور جي مذهبي نقطه نظر سان تعريف ڪا نه ڪئي آهي انهي ئي ڪري علامه تفازاني ۽ مير شريف جرحاني انهي کي خليفو ڪري نه مڃئو. ۽ انهي زماني جي ترڪي بدشاهن جي نظريه ملڪي ترقي تي زياده هئي ۽ اڃا تائين خلافته به ترڪن ۾ ڪا نه آئي هئي انهي ڪري علامه تفتازاني جو اهو چوڻ ته ”ديني انتظام حاصل نه ٿيندو“ انهيءَ وقت جي مناسب حال هوندو پر خلافته (جهڙي طرح مولوي صاحب جن خود پنهنجي رسالي ۾ لکيو آهي) علامه تفازاني کان هڪ سئو چوويهه ورهيه پوءِ سلطان سليم مرحوم کي ملي. ان مان معلوم ٿيو ته علامه تفتازاني دين يج انتظام نه ٿي سگهڻ جو عذر ترڪن کي خلافته ملڻ کان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سئو ويهه ورهيه اڳ ۾ ڪيو آهي ۽ انهي وچ ۾ ترڪن جي مذهبي حالت ۾ اسلامي اعتقاد جي مضبوط ٿيڻ سان ڪيتري قدر نه وڏو تغير ٿي ويو هوندو جنهن جي ڪري انهن کي خلافته ڏيڻ جي لاءِ خليفي به منتخب ڪيو ۽ به انهي ڳالهه تي اتفاق ڪيو ۽ علامه تفتازاني جو اهو چوڻ هرگز انهي ترڪن سڳورن سان تعلق نه ٿو رکي سگهي جن کي خلافته سونپي ويئي ڇو ته هي هڪ سئو ڇوويهه ورهيه اڳ جي ڳالهه آهي.

    جيڪڏهن هي ڳالهه مولوي صاحب جن تاريخ کان نا واقفيت جي ڪري ڪئي آهي ته کين غور ڪرڻ گهرجي ته ڪيڏي نه سخت خطا ڪئي اٿن جو خلافته جهڙي نازڪ ۽ ضروري مسئلي ۾ ناواقفيت جي ڪري انهي منصب جو لائق نه ٿي قلم کنيو اٿن ۽ جيڪڏهن ڄاڻي واڻي ائين ڪيو اٿن ته مان مسلمانن کي درخواست ٿو ڪريان ته انهي رسالي جي شايع ڪرڻ جي اصلي غرضن تي غور ڪن جنهن ۾ کلي طرح ڌوڪو ڏنو ويو آهي هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن جي دلائل جو گولا بارود ختم ٿي ويو آهي باقي سندن ميگزين ۾ هي آخري ڪارتوس رهيل آهي ته:

    هي ڳالهه تمام ضروري غور ڪرڻ جهڙي آهي ته خلافته جو مسئلو جو ڪتب عقائد ۾ مذڪور آهي سو انهي خليفي جي متعلق آهي جو ڪنهن ملڪ ۾ پنهنجي حدود جي اندر حاڪم هجي ۽ انهي ملڪ ۾ حدود الله جاري رکي غير ملڪ سان ته ڪنهن به طرح هن جو لاڳاپو نه آهي. سلطان ترڪي نه اڳي ڪڏهن هندستان ۾ حاڪم ٿيو آهي ته هاڻي آهي پوءِ انهن مضمون کي هن جملي تي پورو ڪيو اٿن ته ملڪ مان ٻاهر ڪنهن بادشاهه کي مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي. مولوي صاحب جن کي هن ڳالهه تي ويچار ڪرڻ گهرجي ته اسلام جيتوڻيڪ هڪڙي اهڙي هدايت آهي جا سموري دنيا جي لاءِ هڪڙي ئي طرح مفيد ۽ ڪارآمد ٿي سگهي ٿي پر اها ڳالهه بظاهر ناممڪن آهي سڄي دنيا ۽ ڪل انسان ٻين مذهبن کي ڇڏي اسلام جا حلقا لڳوش ٿين ۽ اها ڳالهه نه ڪڏهن ٿي آهي ۽ نه آئينده ٿيڻي آهي ۽ انهي ڪري سڄي دنيا تي حڪومت ڪرڻ محال آهي پر سڀڪنهن مذهب جي لاءِ اها ڳالهه ضروري هجڻ گهرجي ته جتي هو پيدا ٿيو ۽ نشو نما پاتا ۽ جتي هن ترقي ڪئي آهي جايون ضرور هن جي مذهبي حڪومت جي زير اثر هجڻ گهرجن. غور ڪرڻ سان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته اسلام تي هڪڙو اهڙو مذهب آهي جنهن لاءِ چئي سگهجي ٿو ته هن جا مرڪزي شهر ۽ جتي هن جو سنگ بنياد رکيو ويو سي هن جي حڪومت هيبت آهن ۽ انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ جيستائين خدا جو لطف و ڪرم شامل حال آهي ۽ مسلمانن جي خون مان غيرت و حميت جي حرارت سرد نه ٿي وئي آهي تيستائين ارض مقدس اسلام جي زير اثر رهندي ۽ انهي طرح چئي سگهجي ٿو ته اسلام جو بنياد بفضله تعاليٰ هميشه کان مضبوط آهي ۽ رهندو ۽ اسلام جي سچائي جو اهو کليل دليل آهي.

    پر انهي کلي حقيقت سان گڏ اها ڳالهه به پڌري پئي آهي ته اسلام هڪڙو عالمگير قانون آهي ۽ اڳين زماني جي مذهبن وانگر ان جا اصول ۽ هدايتون ڪنهن خاص ملڪ يا قوم يا فرقي سان مخصوص نه آهي. انهي ڪري دنيا جي مختلف حصن ۾ ان جا اصول ۽ متارائج ٿيا ۽ گهڻن ماڻهن کي توفيق ٿي ته الاهي هدايت حاصل ڪن. پر جتي جتي هي هدايت پهتي ۽ جيڪي ماڻهو ان جي اثر جي هيٺ آيا تن جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي ته هو پوري طرح اسلامي حڪومت جي زور اثر هجن. ڇو ته مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان ته دينوي اثر ۽ تعلق ۾ تمام دنيا جو اسلام جو تابعدارٿيڻ ڏاڍو مشڪل آهي پر انهن جي لاءِ اها ڳالهه بالڪل ضروري اهي ته اسلامي برادري ۽ مذهبي اخوت جي انهي مرڪز سان هنن جو تعلق قائم رهي جنهن کي خداوند ڪريم پهرين ڏينهن کان اسلام جو مخصوص مقام ڪري ڇڏيو.

    ڇو ته اها اسلامي اخوت ۽ اتحاد جي مسلمانن لاءِ يقينن فرض کان به وڌيڪ ضروري آهي ۽ جنهن کان افسوس آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن جي پرواهه آهن تيستائين ٿي نه ٿي سگهي جيستائين ان جو رشتو مضبوط نه رکيو وڃي.

    جيڪي ماڻهو اخوت جهڙي اسلام جي بنيادي اصول کي مسخراپن سمجهن ٿا تن کي مان ٻي طرح سمجهايان ٿو ته انسان ۾ جسم ۽ روح ٻه شئي آهن ۽ جهڙي طرح ٻئي جدا جدا حقيقتون رکن ٿيون. اهڙي طرح هنن جا تعلقات به هڪ ٻئي کان ممتاز رهن ٿا ۽ دنياوي پابندن جو رڳو جسم تي ٿي سگهي ٿو پر روح ڪڏهن به ڪنهن دنياوي طاقت جو محڪوم ۽ فرمانبردار نه ٿو ٿي سگهي. انهي ڪري اسلام ٻنهي جي لاءِ قانون مقرر ڪيا آهن ۽ ٻنهي ڌار ڌار فرائض آهن. مذهب جا جيڪي اصول خاص طرح روح سان تعلق رکن ٿا انهن جو جسم سان ڪو تعلق ڪونهي ۽ اهڙي جسم مخصوص احڪام روح کان الڳ آهن.

    خليفته المسلمين جي هٿ ۾ دنياوي ۽ روحاني ٻئي رشتا ڏنا ويا آهن ۽ جتي ۽ جيتري قدر ان جي دنياوي بادشاهت آهي اتي ۽ اوتري قدر هو بادشاهي فرائض انجام ڏئي سگهي ٿو ۽ ان کي ڏيڻ ضروري آهي پر هن جي روحاني حڪومت تمام حلقه بگوشان اسلام تي هڪ جهڙي ۽ هر وقت هر حالت ۾ آهي پوءِ اهي سنديس دنياوي بادشاهت جي اندر هجن يا ٻاهر.

    ان ۾ نه ٿو چئي سگهان ته منهن جو چوڻ انهن ماڻهن سمجهي ويا نه جن جون نظرون منهنجي پير جي پٺي تي به نه ٿيون پون ۽ روح ۽ جسم جا تعلقات ته هنن جي سمجهه کان گهڻو پري آهن. ڇو ته عرفي مرحوم چئي ويو آهي ته:

    مدار صحبت مابر حديث زير لبيٰ ست

    ڪه اهل شوق عام اندر گفتگو عربي است.

    انهن ماڻهن کي جيڪي اهو طفلانه اعتقاد رکن ٿا ته حضرت خليفته المسلمين جي دنياوي بادشاهي کان ٻاهر مسلمانن کي ان جي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي تن کي عيسائي دنيا کان سبق آموز عبرت وٺڻ گهرجي ته هو دينوي حڪومت سان گڏ پنهنجن مذهبي تعلقات جي لاءِ روحاني بادشاهت کي ڪيترو ضروري خيال ٿا ڪن ۽ اڄ به (باوجود يڪ دنيا هنن کي مذهبي پابندين کان آزاد چئي رهي آهي.) پوپ جي روحاني اثر کي حد کان وڌيڪ مڃيندا ٿا اچن ۽ جيڪڏهن هاڻي هنن جي انهي مڃتا ۾ ڪجهه گهٽتائي ٿيندي وڃي ٿي ته اها هنن جي ماده پرستي جو نتيجو آهي ۽ پوءِ اسان جا مذهبي پيشوا هجڻ جا مدعي شرم ڪن ته هنن جي اها مڃتا اهڙي حالت ۾ آهي جو هنن وٽ امام ۽ خليفي جي مقرر ڪرڻ جا اهڙا تاڪيدي اصول ڪين آهن جهڙا سان وٽ.

    مان مولوي صاحب جن جي عجيب و غريب عقل کان سوال ٿو ڪريان ته توهان جو چوڻ آهي ته ترڪي حڪومت کان ٻاهر آهيون انهي ڪري انهن جي حڪمن مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي ۽ ڪو فائدو نه ٿيندو ۽ انهي مان دليل ٿا انهي ڳالهه جو وٺو ته ترڪ جي خلافت صحيح نه آهي هاڻي مهرباني ڪري ٻڌايو ته جيڪي مسلمان خلفاء راشدين رضه جي زماني ۾ اسلام جي دينوي حڪومت کان ٻاهر رهندا اهو ڇا اهي به نعوذ بالله خلافت کي راند ڪري سمجهندا هئا ۽ ڇا انهن جو به اهو خيال هوندو هو ته خلافت کي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي؟ ۽ ڇا توهين به ائين سمجهو ٿا ته جنهن صورت ۾ هنن تي پرائي برادشاهي ۾ هجڻ جي ڪري جيڪو حڪم ڪو نه هلندو هوتنهن صورت ۾ خلفاء راشدين خلافت صحيح نه هجڻ گهرجي.

    ۽ جيڪڏهن ائين نه آهي ته مهرباني ڪري توهين هاڻي سمجهي ڇڏيو ته جهڙي طرح هو پروان ملڪن ۾ رهي روحاني (حڪام ۾ حضرات خلفاء راشدين رضه کي پنهنجو امام ۽ خليفو ڪري مڃيندا هئا ۽ هنن جي خلافت صحيح سمجهندا هئا بلڪه انهي طرح اسان به حضرت امير المومنين خليفته المسلمين حضرت سلطان وحيد الدين (اللهُمَ والمن والاه و عاد من عاداه)کي جنهن جي خلافت مڃڻ اسان تي واجب آهي) پنهنجو جائز ۽ صحيح خليفو ڪري مڃيون ٿا.

    مان گهڻي ڪوشش ٿو ڪريان ته جناب مولوي صاحب جن جو پرده فاش نه ٿئي ۽ ماڻهو سمجهن ته رڳو تحقيقات جي غلطي ڪري شريف ميان باغي کي مولوي صاحب جن خليفو چيو آهي ۽ ڪنهن خاص غرض جي ڪري ڄاڻي واڻي مسلمانن ۾ فساد جا ڳائڻ جي ڪوشش نه ڪئي اٿن پر افسوس آهي جو مولوي صاحب جن مضمون خود ڀانڊو ڦوڙيو ٿو وجهي.

    حضرت جن فرمائين ٿا ته ”ترڪن جي هندستان ۾ بادشاهي ڪانهي ۽ اسان سان ڪو تعلق ڪونهين ۽ ملڪ کان ٻاهر ڪنهن بادشاهه کي مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ۽ انهي ڪري انهن جي خلافت مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ۽ انهي ڪري انهن جي خلافت قابل تسليم نه آهي.“ پر ساڳئي وقت مسٽر شريف جي لاءِ جو هڪڙو باغي آهي ۽ جنهن جي طاقت حضرت سلطان العظم جي پتي جيتري به نه آهي ۽ اسان مان هن جو ڪو به تعلق ڪونهي ۽ هندوستان ۾ هن جي اهڙي طرح حڪومت ڪانهي جهڙي ترڪن جي نه آهي ته به مولوي صاحب جن بي چين آهن ۽ مسلمانن کي ورغلائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن ٿا ته شريف کي خليفته المسلمين ڪري مڃڻ.

    منکرئي لودن وهم رنگ مستان زيستن

    قرآن پاڪ ۾ ارشآد الاهي آهي ته:

    لا يُڪَلفُ اللهُ نَفسًا اِلاَ وُسعَهَا.

    ڪنهن به ماڻهو کي خداوند ڪريم هن جي طاقت ۽ امڪان کان وڌيڪ تڪليف نه ٿو ڏئي.

    ۽ سڀ ديني پابنديون انهي حالت ۾ اسان تي ضروري ٿي سگهن ٿيون جنهن حالت ۾ اسان ۾ انهن جي بجاءِ آڻڻ جي طاقت هجي. ۽ جيڪڏهن ويچارو انسان ڪنهن وقت مجبور ٿي پيو ته ۽ شريعت جا حڪم پورو نه ٿي سگهن ته هو بارگاهه صمدي ۾ قابل معافي سمجهي وڃي ٿو. ڇو ته سڀ ڪجهه ڄاڻڻ واري کي خبر آهي ته ان جا ٻانها مجبوري کان سندس حڪم بجاءِ نه ٿا آڻي سگهن. جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن انهي ڳالهه تي ٿورو گهڻو ويچار ڪن ها ته هي لفظ ڪڏهن به نه لکن ها ته:

    قول: تواريخن مان معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته خلافت ۾ وقت بوقت تبديليون ٿينديون آيون آهن. يزيد پليد با نفاق مسلمان خليفو نه هو تنهنڪري قبول ڪرڻو پوندو ته انهي زماني خليفو حذوم هو ۽ جيڪڏهن انهي کي منجمه خلفاء جو شمار ڪيو وڃي ته موٽي اهو مشڪل لازم ايندو ته حضرت امام حسين عليه السلام جي شهادت قائم نه ٿي رهي سگهي. حالانڪه سڀ مسلمان امام حسين رضه کي شهيد قبول ڪن ٿا. ڇو ته يزيد پليد جي جبر ۽ علم کان سڀ مسلمان خاموش رهيا ۽ مروان بن حڪم جي زباني به اهڙو ئي ظلم هو جنهن مسلمانن کي جائز ۽ صحيح خليفي مقرر ڪرڻ جو موقعو نه ڏنو. اهڙي صورت ۾ جيئن مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان برابر مجبوري کان هڪڙي واجب ۽ ضروري فرض ادا ڪرڻ کان قاصر رهيا. ۽ مون کي اها ڳالهه سمجهه ۾ ئي نه ٿي اچي ته مولوي صاحب هي اجائي ڳالهه لکي ڇو رسالي جا ڪاغذ ڪارا ڪيا.

    قول: سلسله خلافت جو ٻيو انقطاع خاندان بني اميه جي پڇاڙي ۾ واقع ٿيو جڏهن ابو العباس السفاج عباسي بني اميه کي تباهه ڪري بني عباس جي خلافت جو پايو وڌو.

    مان مٿي شرعي دليلن سان ثابت ڪري آيو آهيان ته عباسن جو خلافت حاصل ڪرڻ بالڪل صحيح هو ۽ مولوي صاحب جن يقين رکن ته مسلمان اهڙين انڌين محبتن جي ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي اصول کي چرچو يا کيل نه ڪري سمجهندا.

    قول: بني عباس جي زماني ۾ هڪ رقيب سلطنت بني اميه جي اندلس ۾ موجود هئي اهي به خلافت جا مدعي هئا وري بني عباس جي آخري زماني ۾ مصر ۾ بني عبيد جي خلافتت قريبن ٽي سئو ورهيه نهايت اقتدار ۽ زور شور سان رهي انهي مان به گهڻائي مدعي خلافت جا بڻيا.

    مولوي صاحب جن کي مان وري انهي ڳالهه ڏي توجهه ٿو ڏياريان ته اسلام جا اصول ه طلب مولوين جي هٿ وس نه آهن جو جنهن مهل ضرورت سمجهن پنهنجي سياهه اغراض جي حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ نڪ کان جهلي هيڏي هوڏي ڦيرائين. ۽ جيڪڏهن ڪي اهڙا مولوي اڳئين زماني جا هوندا ته به اسلام انهن جي ايتري  ئي حقيقت سمجهي ٿو جيتري هن زماني جي دنيا پرست مولون جي.

    مان وري به کلي طرح اوهان کي ٻڌايان ٿو ته هڪڙي جائز ۽ مسلم خلافت جي هوندي اهي به خلافت جا اهڙي طرح غير مستحق ۽ غلط مدعي هئا جهڙو هينئر اوهان وارو خليفو شريف بهادر خلافت جو لائق نه آهي.

    قول: وري به دوباره چئجي ٿو هندوستان جي مسلمانن کي ڪنهن به وقت تبديل خلافت جي متعلق دخل ڏيڻ جو موقعو ڪو نه مليو آهي.

    مان مٿي ٻڌائي چڪو آهيان ته قانون شريعت جي مطابق اها حل و عقد ۽ قوم جي معتبر ماڻهن جي نيت سان صحيح طرح خليفو ٿي سگهي ٿو ۽ هميشه ائين ٿيندو آيو آهي ته جڏهن جڏهن ڪو خليفو مجبوري جي ڪري معزول ڪرڻ ۾ ايندو آهي تڏهن مسلمانن مان هزارين اهل حل و عقد ۽ اشراف قوم ٻئي خليفي جي بيعت ڪندا آهن ۽ اهڙي طرح ان جي خلافت مڪمل ۽ صحيح ٿي ويندي آهي.

    باقي رهي هي ڳالهه ته هندستان جي ماڻهن ۽ خصوصن اسان جي حضرت مولانا مولوي صاحب جن کان (جن جي شخصيت تحقيق الخلافتہ لکڻ کانپوءِ شايد اهم ٿي پئي آهي). ڇو نه صلاح ورتاءُ تنهن لاءِ عرض آهي ته ارض مقدس ۽ اسلامي حڪومت جي لکين علماء ۽ اشراف قوم جي هوندي هنن کي هتان مشورو وٺڻ جي ضرورت ڪا نه هئي پر تنهن کانسواءِ وڏي ڳالهه هي آهي ته مشورو انهي ماڻهو کان وٺبو آهي جيڪو پوري طرح واقفيت رکڻ ڪري صلاح ڏيڻ جي لائق هوندو آهي اسين سندن بادشاهي کان ٻاهر آهيون ۽ تمام پري رهون ٿا تنهنڪري اتاهون جي اندروني حالتن ۽ ضرورتن جي اسان کي خبر ڪانهي انهي ڪري اسان بلڪل نه چئي سگهنداسين ته ڪهڙو ماڻهو خليفي چونڊڻ جي لائق آهي ۽ ڪهڙو نه آهي. انهي ڪري سڀ ڪو ماڻهو سمجهي سگهي ٿو اسان کان صلاح وٺڻ فضول ۽ اسان جو مشورو ڏيڻ نا موزون هو.

    ۽ مولوي صاحب جن غور فرمائين ته اسان جي حالت بالڪل اهڙي آهي جهڙي انه مسلمانن جي هئي جيڪي خلافت راشده جي زماني ۾ اسلامي حڪومت کان ٻاهر رهندا هئا ڇا پوءِ نعوذ بالله اهي به انهي ڪري خلافت تي يقين نه رکندا هئا ته خليفي مقرر ڪرڻ وقت اسان کان صلاح نه پڇي وئي آهي.

    الله اڪبر! مون کي عجب ٿو ٿئي مولوي صاحب جن جي ضمير ڪيئن اجازت ڏني آهي ته اهڙين صفا ڳالهين جي برخلاف چئي آفتاب ني خاڪ وجهو.

    يُرِيدُونَ اِنَ يطفئو نور الله بِاَ افواهِم و الله متم نوره وَلو ڪره الڪَافِرون.

    خدا جي( سچائي ۽ صداقت) جي نور کي پنهنجن …… سان زائل ڪرڻ گهرون ٿا پر جيتوڻيڪ ڪافرن کي برو ٿو لڳي تڏهن به خدا پنهنجي نور کي پورو ڪرڻ وارو آهي.

    قول: حالانڪه ڪيترا سلطان ترڪي معزول ۽ مقتول ٿيا جو شريعت ۾ نهايت ناجائزامر آهي.

    جيڪڏهن چالاڪي رڳو مولوي صاحب جن جي حصي ۾ آئي آهي ته گهٽ ۾ گهٽ چالاڪي جا سمجهڻ وارا دنيا ۾ گهڻا ٿيندا.

    مولوي صاحب جن معزول ۽ مقتول ٻنهي لفظن کي انهي لاءِ گڏيو آهي ته عام ماڻهن کي خليفي کي خلافت ۽ بادشاهي کان برطرف ڪرڻ ۽ ان کي مقتول ڪرڻ ٻئي هڪ جهڙيون ڳالهيون ڏسڻ ۾ اچن ۽ مسلمانن جي نظر ۾ مقتول سان گڏجي معزول به هڪڙي وڏي خراب ڳالهه ڏسڻ ۾ اچي ۽ پورو وري پنهنجي مطلب کي پورو ڪرڻ لاءِ معزول ڪرڻ ۽ قتل ڪرڻ ٻنهي کي گڏي ناجائز ٻڌائين ٿا پر ائين نه آهي قتل ڪرڻ برابر شريعت ۾ ناجائز امر آهي ۽ انهي ڪري جڏهن ڪنهن ناخدا ترس قاتل خليفي کي شهيد ڪيو آهي ته ان جي پوري طرح تفتيش ڪري سزا ڏني ويئي آهي. باقي معزول ڪرڻ جي لاءِ مان اڳتي ٻڌائيندس ته جائز آهي ۽ مولوي صاحب جن بالڪل غلط چيو آهي ته ناجائز آهي.

    قول: ڪتب عقائد ۾ صاف تشريح موجود آهي ته خليفو ملڪ جو سواءِ ڪافر ٿيڻ جي معزول نه ٿو ڏئي سگهي.

    افسوس آهي جو عوام الناس کي وڏو فريب ڏنو ويو آهي ۽ مون کي مجبورن ائين چوڻو پوي ٿو ته هي ڳالهه بالڪل غلط ۽ صريحًا ناواقفيت تي مبني آهي.

    امام ۽ خليفو معزول ٿي سگهي ٿو اها اهڙي کلي ڳالهه آهي جو ڪنهن شهادت پيش ڪرڻ جي ضرورت ئي ڪانهي پر انهي لاءِ مولوي صاحب جن غور ڪن سندين  خدمت ۾ عرض ڪيان ٿو شرح مقاصد ۾ لکيل آهي ته:

    ينحل عقد الامامتہ بما يزول به مقصود الامامتہ.

    امامت قائم ڪرڻ جو غرض جن ڳالهين سان ٽٽي پوي ٿو انهن ڳالهين پيدا ڪري امامت به زائل ٿي ويندي.

    ۽ ڪتاب شرح مواقف ۾ چيل آهي ته:

    ………………………………………………….

    جيڪڏهن ڪو سبب پيدا ٿي پوي ته پوءِ امت کي امام جي معزول ڪرڻ جو اختيار آهي. مثلن هن کان ڪا اهڙي ڳالهه ظاهر ٿئي جنهن مان مسلمانن جي حالتن جي خرابي ۽ ديني امور جي گهٽتائي پيدا ٿئي ۽ موقف ڪرڻ به مسلمانن جي اهڙوئي وس آهي جهڙو انتظام ۽ ديني امور جي واڌاري لاءِ ان کي قائم ڪرڻ ۽ جيڪڏهن ان جي معزول ڪرڻ مان ڪو فتنو جاڳي ته ٻنهي مان هلڪي خرابي اختيار ڪرڻ گهرجي.

    بعض ڪتابن جيڪڏهن امام ۽ خليفي کي معزول ڪرڻ کان جهليو آهي به رڳو ايتري لاءِ ته متان ان کي معزول ڪرڻ ڪري ان جا طرفدار مخالفت ڪن ۽ پوءِ مسلمانن جي پاڻ ۾ خونريزي ٿئي انهي شر کي ٽارڻ لاءِ منع ڪئي اٿن. پر جيڪڏهن اهڙي فساد پيدا ٿيڻ جو امڪان نه هجي ته پوءِ قانون اسلامي چوي ٿو خليفو معزول ڪرڻ لائق آهي ۽ ٿي سگهي ٿو.

    سلطان عبدالحميد خان مرحوم کي جڏهن معزول ڪيو ويو هو تڏهن دنيا کي خبر آهي ته فتنو و فساد جو انديشو ڪو نه هو ۽ بفضله تعاليٰ ٿيو تنهنڪري قوم مان اهل حل و عقد جيڪڏهن ان جي مقدس عهدي کان جدا ڪيو ته شريعت اسلامي بلڪل جائز چوي ٿي.

    مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته اهڙين ڳالهين تي غور ڪرن ۽ فريب نه کائين پنهنجي ايمان کي بچائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن ڇو ته اسان مسلمانن کي خدا جي طرفان هڪڙو آزمائش جو زمانو آيل ٿو ڏسجي جيڪو خود جا جيڪي مولوي (جن جو ڪم مسلمانن کي هدايت ڪرڻ هجڻ گهرجي) سي گمراهه ڪرڻ ۽ سڌي رستي کان هٽائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪري رهيا آهن.

    چو ڪفراز ڪعبه برخيزد ڪي ماند مسلماني.

    جب مسيحا دشمن جان هو تو هو ڪيونڪر شفا

    ڪون رهبر هو بهلا جب خضر بهڪاني لگي.

    قول: هي چوڻ ۾ ٿو اچي ته جيستائين سلطان ترڪي وٽ تبرڪات رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم جا موجود آهن تيستائين ٻيو ڪو خليفونه ٿو ٿي سگهي. سو سڀ کان وڏا ۽ عمده تبرڪات رسول الله صلعم جا حرمين شريفين آهن ۽ جيڪو انهن جو خادم آهي ان کي ٻين سڀني خلافت جي مدعين کان زياده حق آهي.

    هنن لفظن ڏسڻ کانپوءِ ته صفا معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته هن رسالي جو مضمون مولوي صاحب جن جي قلم و زبان مان نڪتل نه آهي بلڪه پوري خول مان ڪو ٻيو آواز ڪڍي رهيو آهي.

    از پس آئينه طوطي صفتم و اشته اند

    انچه استاد ازل گفت همان مي گويم.

    مان ڪيئن مڃان ته هن رسالي جي ورقن تي هڪڙي اهڙي دل جي جذبات جو نقشو آهي جنهن جي زبان مان سچائي سان لا الِٰہ الا الله محمد رسول الله صلعم نڪري ٿو اعتبار ڪرڻ جهڙي ڳالهه ئي ڪونهي ته رسالا تحقيق الخلافتہ مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي اعتقاد ۽ ضمير جي مطابق لکيو آهي ڇو ته بقول غالب مرحوم.

    چرخ ڪو ڪب يه سليقه هين ستم گاري من

    ڪوئي معشوق هين اس پرده زنگاري مين.

    ۽ اها افسوسناڪ ڳالهه آهي ته حبيب پاڪ روحي فدا صلعم جي ضرورت جو اندازو مولوي صاحب جن کان نه ٿي سگهيو آهي ۽ هو نائب رسول صلعم وٽ حضور جا نشان ۽ تبرڪات غير ضروري سمجهن ٿا.

    مولوي صاحب جن کي اها خبر هوندي ته هميشه کان اهو خدائي قانون هليو آيو آهي ته پيغمبرن جا تبرڪات سندن جانشنين جي سچائي جو ثبوت ليکڻ ۾ ايندو آهي.

    خداوند جل و جلاله نبي اسرائيل جو هڪڙو پراڻو واقعو بيان ڪري بالڪل صفائي سان انهي جهڳڙي جو فيصلو ڪري ڇڏيو آهي. ارشاد الاهي هن ريت آهي ته:

    اذ قال لهم نبيهم ان الله قد بعث لکم طالوت ملڪًا قالوا انيٰ يڪون لہ الملڪ علينا و نحن احق بالملڪ منہ قال انه الله اصطفٰہ عليکم و زاده بسطتہ في العلم والجسم والله يوتي ملڪہ من يشاء والله واسع عليم وقال لهم نبيهم ان اٰيتہ ملڪہ ان ياتيڪم التابوت فيہ سڪينتہ من ربکم و بقيتہ مما ترڪ اٰل موسيٰ وال هٰرون تحملہ الملٰڪتہ ان في ذٰلک لايتہ ان کنتم مومنين.

    جڏهن سندن (بني اسرائيل جي) نبي کين چيو ته خدا تعاليٰ اطالون کي توهان جو بادشاهه مقرر ڪيو ته چيائون ته وري انهي کي اسان تي بادشاهي ڪيئن ملندي ۽ ان کان ته اسين وڌيڪ حقدارآهيون. چيائين ته خدا ڪريم هن کي توهان تي حڪومت ڪرڻ جي لاءِ پسند ڪيو آهي ۽ هن کي علم ۽ جسم (طاقت) ۾ ڪشادو ڪيو اٿس. ۽ خدا جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ ڏئي (۽ خدا جا سڀ ڪم چڱا آهن ڇو ته) ڏاڍو گنجائش وارو ۽ داناءُ آهي ۽ نبي عليہ السلام ائين به چيو ته ان جي بادشاهه ٿيڻ جي نشاني هي آهي ته جنهن صندوق ۾ توهان جي خدا جي تسلي (مقدس تورات) ۽ حضرت موسيٰ ۽ حضرت هارون جي اولاد جا باقي ڇڏيل تبرڪات موجود آهن توهان وٽ ايندي ۽ فرشتا ان کي کڻندا ۽ جيڪڏهن توهان ۾ ايمان آهي ته توهان جي لاءِ هي هڪڙي نشاني ئي بس آهي.

    هاڻي قرآن مجيد جي هڪڙي هڪڙي لفظ تي غور ڪيو. معلوم ٿيندو ته جنهن تي مولوي صاحب جن ۾ مونجهاري کان چڙهي نه ٿا سگهن تنهن جو تمام کليل لفظن ۾ خدا تبارڪ و تعاليٰ فيصلو ڪيو آهي. هن مختصر رسالي ۾ ايتري گنجائش نه آهي نه ته مان اوهان کي ٻڌايان ته قرآن شريف جي هڪ هڪ لفظ مان مولوي صاحب جن جي سڄي رسالي جو رد آهي پر جيڪا ڳالهه مان هينئر اوهان کي ٻڌائڻ گهران ٿو سا بالڪل صفا پئي آهي. جڏهن ماڻهن طالوت جي بادشاهي قبول نه ٿي ڪئي تڏهن پيغمبر وقت کي ضرورت ٿي ته ماڻهن کي دليل سان هن جي بادشاهي مًڃارائي. هڪڙو زبردست دليل خدا جي طرفان اهو بيان ڪيو ويو ته اوهان کي گذريلن پيغمبرن جا تبرڪات آڻي ڏيکاريندو جنهن مان معلوم ٿيو ته پيغمبر جا تبرڪات موجود هجن ان جي جانشيني جو وڏو دليل آهي.

    مولوي صاحب جن جي هنن لفظن مان ته ”هي جو چوڻ ۾ ٿو اچي معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته پاڻ سمجهو اٿن ته تبرڪات کي خلافت جو دليل ماڻهن کي ٺهرايو آهي پر اها مها غلطي آهي مان کين ٻڌايان ٿو ته هي حضرت رب العزتہ جو دليل بيان ڪيو آهي ۽ اهو اعتراض اسان تي نه ٿو ٿئي پر خود خدا ئي قهار تي ٿئي ٿو ۽ پوءِ بهرحال انهي جا جيڪو خدا جي فيصلن تي اعتراض ڪري قرآن پاڪ جي لفظن مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته خداوند ڪريم انهي دليلن کي هڪڙو زبردست دليل ٺهرايو آهي جنهن ڪري انهي نشاني ۽ دليل کي ايمان جي ڪسوٽي ۽ پرک فرمايو اٿس ڇو ته چوي ٿو ته جيڪڏهن اوهان کي ايمان آهي نه اهو ئي دليل گنج اٿو.“

    هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن غور ڪن ته جيڪڏهن حضرت موسيٰ عليہ السلام جا تبرڪات حڪومت جو اهڙو زبردست دليل ٿي سگهن ٿا ته ڇو حضور آقائن نامدار سردار انس و جان صلعم جا تبرڪات دليل خلافت نٿا ٿي سگهن؟

    پر تبرڪات کان اڳ ۾ قرآن شريف انهن تمام ضروري ڳالهين ڏي اشارو فرمايو آهي جيڪي خلافت ۽ بادشاهي ۽ پيغمبر جي جان نشينن جي لاءِ لازمي طرح هجڻ گهرجي. چنانچه ارشاد الاهي آهي ته طالوت کي جو خدا بادشاهي جي لاءِ منتخب فرمايو آهي ته ان کي علم و دانش طاقت و قوت ۾ به اهڙوئي ڪو اٿس جنهن ڪري بادشاهي جي لائق ٿي سگهي ۽ اها ئي ڳالهه آهي جنهن لاءِ علماء خلف و خلق جو اتفاق آهي ته خليفته المسلمين ضرور قوي زبردست ۽ طاقت وارو هجڻ گهرجي پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن کي خيال فرمائڻ گهرجي ته معدود چند عربن جي جماعت ۽ هڪڙي پرائي هٿ وس نواب کي ڪيئن اهڙي ذميواري سونپڻ جي ذليل ڪوششن ڪن ٿا جنهن لاءِ خداوند ڪريم جي صريح ارشاد جي برخلاف ٿئي ٿي. آخر ۾ مولوي صاحب جن مسلمانن کي وعظ فرمايو آهي ته بادشاهه وقت جي اطاعت ضروري آهي. بيشڪ هي اهڙي ڳالهه چئي اٿن جنهن جي ضرورت کي عام مسلمان مولوي صاحب جن کان وڌيڪ محسوس ڪن ٿا پر حاڪم جي اطاعت سان گڏ اسان تي ۽ مولوي صاحب تي انهي زبردست حاڪم جا حقوق ۽ فرائض آهن جن کان رڳو خوشامد پرستي جي ڪري بي پرواهه ٿيڻ نهايت ايمان سوزي ۽ اسلام فروشي آهي ۽ حڪومت چڱي طرح سمجهي ٿي ته جو شخص پنهنجي خدا ۽ پنهنجي رسول ۽ مقدس ايمان ۽ مذهبي تعليم جي برخلاف ڪرڻ يا چوڻ ۾ بي پاڪ آهي تنهن ۾ انساني شرافت جي انهي پاڪ جو هر يعني وفاداري ۽ اطاعت مان ڪو به بهرو ڪو نه هوندو ۽ پوءِ جيڪڏهن هو اطاعت يا وفداري جي دعويٰ ڪري ته يقينن ان ۾ سچائي ڪا نه هوندي. بس شورشر نه ٿا ڪيون سو به انهي پروردگار جي ارشاد جي ڪري جنهن ديني ڳالهين جي پابندي ۽ احترام اسان تي سڀ کان وڌيڪ ضروري ڪيو آهي.

    ۽ انهي ڪري اسان پاڻ گورنمينٽ جي سامهون نهايت ادب سان عرض ڪيون ٿا ته خلافت ۽ مقامات مقدسه جي فيصلي ۾ مسلمانن جي خالص مذهبي جذبات ۽ احساسات جو خيال رکي مسلمانن کي انهي نيڪ ڪوشش ۾ مدد ڏئي جا هو پنهنجي وفداري کي داغدار نه ڪرڻ جي لاءِ ڪري رهيا آهن.

    ۽ جيڪي تنگ نظر ماڻهو خوشامدڙين جي ضمير فروشي کان جلد خوش ٿي پائجامه مان نڪري وڃن ٿا تن کي گهرجي ته جيڪڏهن تحقيق الخلافت جي ڏسڻ سان کين ڪنهن گهڻي خوشي ورتو هجي ته مهرباني ڪري ان کي گهٽ ڪن ڇو ته انهن رسالي ۾ مسلمانن جي صحيح مذهب ۽ خيالات جي ذرو به ترجماني ڪا نه ڪئي وئي آهي.

    پڇاڙي ۾ خدا کان دعا آهي ته پنهنجي دين کي ماراسنين کان هميشه محفوظ رکي آمين.

    رَبَّنَا تَقَبَّلْ مِنَّا إِنَّكَ أَنْتَ السَّمِيعُ الْعَلِيمُ وَتُبْ عَلَيْنَا إِنَّكَ أَنْتَ التَّوَّابُ الرَّحِيمُ .

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    حڪيم شمس الدين احمد- ڪراچي

     

    متوطن نوشهره فيروز حال وارد-ايضًا

    3-Document

     

     استقباليه خطبو

     رئيس ميان جان محمد خان ڀرڳڙي

    صوبه سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس، حيدرآباد

    12 ربيع الثاني 1338هه مطابق 4، جنوري 1920

     

    بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم

     

     

    علما ڪرام و برادران اسلام-

    ميمبران استقباليه ڪميٽي جي طرفان آءُ اوهان سڀني صاحبن جي هن تواريخي شهر ۾ تشريف آوري تي دلي مرحبا ڪيان ٿو. اسان کي هرگز اها اميد نه هئي ته ڪو ايتري تنگه اطلاع تي اسان جا ايترا علماء سڳورا ۽ اسان جي صوبي جي شهرن ۽ ڳوٺن جا نمائندا ايتري وڏي تعداد ۾ اچي گڏ ٿيندا. مگرجا محبت اسلام جي پيروي ڪندڙ پنهنجي مذهب سان رکن ٿا تنهنجو هي جلسو هڪ صاف ۽ کليل ثبوت آهي. جيڪڏهن ڪو شخص اڃا به بهانا چوي ته جيڪي شرارتون خلافت اسلاميه جي برخلاف ٿيون آهن، تن مسلمانن ۾ ڪا به بيچيني پيدا نه ڪئي آهي ته هي عظيم الشان ۽ بااثر جلسا اهڙي شخص جي، جو خواب پاڻ کي ڌوڪو ڏئي رهيو آهي، زبان بند ڪندو.

    صاحبان! سال 1919ع اسان جي مذهب جي پيروي ڪندڙن لاءِ سخت کان سخت رنج ۽ انتظار جو وقت رهيو آهي. جيتوڻيڪ ”صلح“ سرڪاري طور ”ملهايو“ ويو آهي ته به اسان جي دلين تي اڃا ان ڪو ٿڌو ڇنڊو ڪو نه وڌو آهي. جيڪڏهن ڪي شڪ شبها انهي ڳالهه ۾ هئا ته مسلمان جناب رسول اڪرم صلي الله عليہ وسلم جي تعليم تي وفاداري سان قائم بيٺل آهن ته مسلمان قوم جو صلح جشن کان ڪناره ڪش ڪرڻ انهن شڪن کي رفع ڪري ڇڏيو هوندو اسلام تي مصيبت انهي حد کي وڃي پهتي آهي جو تمام ضروري ٿي پيو آهي ته اسين پنهنجي دلي خيالن کي صاف صاف ظاهر ڪيون، متان ائين نه ڪرڻ ڪري غلط فهمي پيدا ٿي پوي.

    صاحبان- اسان هندوستان جي مسلمانن سرڪار جي قول تي اعتبار ڪيو ۽ اسان هن عالمگير جنگ کي مذهبي جنگ ڪري نه سمجهيو. اسان پنهنجو خزانو ۽ پنهنجو سلطنت برطانيا جي مدد ۽ بچاءَ لاءِ رهايو ۽ مسلمان مسلمان سان خونخوار ٻکين پيئي وڙهيا. انهي هوندي به سلطنت عثمانيه سان عارضي صلح ڪرڻ کانپوءِ ٿورن ئي مهينن ۾ سلطنت برطانيا جو وزيراعظم ٻڌائي ٿو ته جنرل النبي سڀ کان شاندار صليبي جنگين مان آخري جنگ فتح ڪئي آهي! سلطنت برطانيا جنهن ۾ مسلمان رعايا جو تعداد بمقابلا عيسائين جي گهڻون آهي تنهن ۾ صليبي جي رنگه ۽ جهلڪ جي ائش نه هئڻ گهرجي. خود جنرل النبي جا اهي لفظ آهن ته جي خاتمي ٿيڻ وقت سندس سموري فوج جا ٻه حصا مسلمان ۽ ٽيون حصو ٻيون قومون هيون. ڇا وزيراعظم اها مرضي آهي ته اهي مسلمان سپاهي جي برطانيا طرفان وڙهيا ۽ اهي مسلمان جن سلطنت جي مدد سي اهو خال ڪن ته اهو اڃا تائين هوائي ويساهن تي آهن ۽ انهن هڪ شرعن ناجائز جنگ ۾ حصو ورتو آهي؟ سلطنت عثمانيه سان اڃا جنگ مس لڳي هئي هند سرڪار اسان کي يقين ڏياريو ته اسان جا جيڪي مقامات مقدسه عربستان ۽ عراق عرب ۾ آهن سي انگلستان ۽ سندس اتحادين فرانس ۽ روس جي بحري ۽ بري فوجن جي حملا ۽ ستائڻ کان محفوظ رهندا. وزيراعظم ته ايتري قدر به يقين ڏياري چڪو ته جيڪڏهن ڪا ضرورت پيئي ته خود انگلستان مقامات مقدس تي سڀني حملا ڪندرن جي آڌر پاڻ ٿي بيهندو ۽ مقامات مقدسه جي حرمت قائم رکندو. پر صاحبان! بيت المقدس مسلمانن جي قبضي مان نڪري ويو آهي، اسان جون پاڪ جايون عراق عرب واريون اسلام جي پيروي ڪندڙن جي قبضي ۾ نه آهن ۽ شريف حسين پاشا جي حرڪتن سڄي روءِ زمين ۾ جتي مسلم آهن غصي ۽ رنج جي لهر پيدا ڪري ڇڏي آهي. اسان مسلمانن مقامات مقدسه جي معنيٰ صرف عمارتون هرگز نه سمجهي هئي. ۽ اهڙي ناجائز معنيٰ جيڪڏهن انهن لفظن جي ورتي وئي (جيئن وٺڻ ۾ شايد اچي) ته اسان مسلمانن جي زخمن تي مرهم جي بدران مورڳو نمڪ ڇڻڪيو ويندو.

    سڄي اسلامي دنيا، خود شريف حسين پاشا سميت جنهن جي مدد لاءِ هت ڪن سرڪاري عملدارن تحريڪ برپا ڪئي هئي، سلطان المعظم کي خليفتہ المسلمين ڪري مڃي ٿي. ۽ اسلامي پاڪ ارض يعني جزيرہ العرب (جو رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم) جو ورثو اسان سندس امتين کي آنجناب وٽان عطا ٿيل آهي سو مقدس ملڪ خليفتہ المسلمين جي قبضي ۾ روءِ زمين جي مسلمانن جي امانت آهي ۽ اهو پاڪ جزيره اسان جي شرع شريف جي احڪامن موجب ڪامل آزاد ۽ سچي مسلم قبضي ۽ حڪومت هيٺ رهڻو آهي. خود اسان جي نماز جي بارگاهه الاهي ۾ قبول ٿيڻ لاءِ آزاد خليفه جو هجڻ تمام ضروري آهي. انهي مسئلي تي اسان جي قوم جي مشهور قانوندان رائيٽ آنربل مسٽر امير علي هيئن فرمايو آهي ته  ”جيڪا طلب سلطان المعظم جي آزادي لاءِ ڪئي وڃي ٿي سا سنت جماعت جي احڪامن موجب بلڪل قدرتي آهي، جو سنت جماعت جا قاعدا امام الڪبير يعني خليفه ۽ نماز جي جائزي بابت اهڙا جاري ٿيل آهن شروع موجب اهو ضروري آهي ته امام المعظم ۽ ماڻهن جي درميان هڪ روحاني ناتو هجي ۽ اهو ناتو بيهي نٿو سگهي جيڪڏهن خليفي کي آزادي نه آهي.“

    اهو ته ٿيو موجوده حالت جو مذهبي پهلو ۽ انهي کي ڪنهن به صورت ۾ نظرانداز نٿو ڪري سگهجي. پر خود اتحادين يج اصولن موجب به جيڪي اسان جو چوڻ آهي سو بلڪل پورو ۽ انصاف تي مبني آهي. سلطنت عثمانيه جي سڀني صوبن ۾ مسلمانن جو تعداد ٻين قومن کان وڌيڪ آهي. تنهنڪري ارمني، يهودي ۽ يونانين جهڙين قليل تعداد قومن کي انصاف روءِ مسلمانن تي حڪومت هلائڻ جون واڳون ڏئي نٿيون سگهجن ۽ وري جيڪڏهن اتحادين جو اصول ته ”ملڪي ماڻهو پنهنجي لاءِ پاڻ حڪومت جو فيصلو ڪن. “ لڳايو وڃي ته ”سنڀاليندڙ“ مقرر ڪرڻ جي تجويز بلڪل بي معنيٰ ٿيو ٿي پوي. يونانين جو سمرنا جي شهر تي زبردستي سان قبضو ڪرڻ ۽ جيڪي زبان تي نه آڻڻ جهڙا مظالم مسلمانن تي انهن ڪيا آهن ۽ جن جو فقط پڙلاءُ ٻاهرين دنيا جي ڪنن تائين اڃا مس پهتو آهي سو ته ”ملڪي ماڻهو پنهنجي لاءِ حڪومت جو پاڻ فيصلو ڪرڻ واري اصول ۾ اسان جي اعتقاد کي لوڙهي ڇڏيو آهي.“ دارالخلافت اسلام بول جي آزادي لاءِ ۽ انهي ملڪ، جنهن کي ترڪن واري ترڪي چوڻ ۾ اچي ٿو. تنهنجي آزادي لاءِ ته وزيراعظم مسٽر لارڊ جارج پاڻ خود پنهنجي واتان، نه رڳو پنهنجي طرفان بلڪه انگريز قوم ۽ گورنمينٽ جي طرفان اسلامي دنيا کي يقين ڏياريو ۽ قول ڪرڻ جي معنيٰ آهي پنهنجي عزت ٻين وٽ گرو رکڻ اسان جي مقامات مقدسه جو محافظ دنيوي اصطلاح موجب خاص خليفته المسلمين ئي آهي ۽ مسلمان شروع شريف موجب ڪو به فيصلو قبول ڪري نٿا سگهن جنهن موجب امير المومنين جو قبضا مقامات مقدسه ۽ اسلامي ارض پاڪ تان لهي وڃي يا انهن جي اقتدار کي گهٽائي هڪ معمولي سردار جيترو ڪيو وڃي. نائب رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم جيڪي ڪنهن به طاقت جي زير عمل يا زير تعليم آڻڻ اسان جي مذهب ۾ صريحن دست اندازي ڪرڻ کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو به نتيجو نه رکندو. از انسواءِ اها اسان جي ايمانداري جي راءِ آهي ته گذريل چئن سون سالن ۾ ترڪن غير قومن تي حڪومت ڪرڻ جي ڪا به ناقابليت نه ڏيکاري آهي. هاڻي جنهن صورت ۾ آمريڪا پري ٿي بيٺو آهي تنهن صورت ۾ سلطنت عثمانيه سان انصافانه صلح ڪرڻ جو بار، جيڪڏهن سمورو نه ته به ان جو تمام وڏو حصو، انگلستان جي ڪلهن تي آهي ۽ جيڪڏهن انگلستان جي مرضي آهي ته سڀ کان گهڻن مسلمانن تي راڄ ڪندڙ حڪومت وارو نالو فخر سان ماڻي، ته هن کي پنهنجي مشهور مدبر بسرائلي جي ”مشرقي پاليسي“ تي وري پاڻ کي هلائڻ گهرجيس، ڇو ته هن صاحب جي نظر ۾ انگلستان جي دوستي سلطان المعظم سان بنسبت زار بادشاهه روس جي کان وڌيڪ مفيد هئي ڇاڪاڻ ته سلطان المعظم سان اتحاد هئڻ ڪري هڪ ته انگريز مسلم رعايا کي گهڻي خوشي ٿي ٿئي ۽ ٻيو ته سلطان المعظم جون خواهشون ۽ اميدون انگلستان جي مخالف نه آهن. گذريل وقت ۾ سلطان المعظم خليفته المسلمين سلطنت برطانيا کي تمام وڏيون مددون ڏنيون آهن ۽ ائينده آزاد ترڪي برطانيا لاءِ پشت پناهه وانگر مفيد ٿيندو.

    صاحبان- ڪيتري به منهنجي اها آرزو هجي ته سال 1919 کي پنهنجي خيالن مان ڪڍي ڇڏيان ته به انهن حقير شرارتن بابت ڪجهه لفظ چوڻ ڌاران رهي نٿو سگهان جي ڪن سرڪاري ڪامورن هن مسئلي ۾ ڪيون آهن. ۽ جن تي غور ڪرڻ لاءِ هن ڪانفرنس جو خاص طور تي اجلاس ٿيو آهي. ڇهن مهينن کان به مٿي اسان جي صوبي سخت کان سخت بيچيني ۾ ڪاٽيو آهي. هڪ ڳوٺ کان ٻئي ڳوٺ تائين انهن سرڪاري ڪامورن ۽ سندن اوزارن جي شرارتن جون باهه جي شعلن وانگر پکڙنديون رهيون. ان جي ساري سنڌ ۾ سنڌ جي حڪومت کان انهن به پناهه ملڻ جي نراسائي ڪري سنڌ هزايڪسلني سر جارج لايڊ ڏي کڻڻ لڳي. اهل سنڌ برابر حليم طبعيت جا آهن. جنهن کي اڄڪلهه زماني واري هلچل ڪرڻ نٿي اچي ۽ هو ڪا به هر هڪ ڳالهه تمام عجيب صبر سان برداشت ڪندا آهن پر جڏهن انهن کان انهن جي مذهب ڦرڻ ۽ انهن کي ڪافر جي ظالمانه ڪوشش ڪئي وڃي ته پوءِ اهڙن ساده طبعيت ماڻهن کي معاف ڪجي جيڪڏهن انصاف لاءِ سرڪار کي التجائون ڪن، جنهن نوڪرن انهن نابرداشت شرارتن ۾ حصو ورتو وڃي. جيڪڏهن بمبئي سرڪدار سنڌ کي ايتري قدر ڌيان لاهي نه ڇڏي ها ۽ جيڪڏهن اسين به بمبئي کاتي سان ان جي ٻين ڪمشنرين وانگر هجون ها ته اسان اڄ هت ٿي انهي بيمثل شرارت تي جا ڪن سرڪاري ڪامورن بندي ڪري اسان جي ڪن علمائن پيرن ۽ زميندارن خوفزده ڪرڻ جي ڪئي آهي واويلا ڪرڻ جي ضرورت محسوس نه ٿئي ها. ٻار ٻار کي خبر آهي ته ڇا ٿيو آهي ان کي نظرانداز ڪري نٿو سگهجي. انهي تحريڪ کي جاري رکڻ ۾ سرڪارجو نالو تمام اصراف سان ڪم ۾ آندو ويو، ائين ظاهر ڪيو ويو ته هي سرڪاري تحريڪ آهي، ۽ جيئن جناب حضرت پير امام الدين شاهه صاحب فرمايو هو نوش و نيش تمام عام طرح سان استعمال ڪيا ويا. هر هڪ خوفزده ٿي ويو ۽ سزا جي خوف کان جا ڪنهن به ڏوهه تي جيل سمجهيو ٿي ويو سڀڪو پنهنجي زبان بند ڪري ويٺو.

    سنڌ جي ڏيهي اخبارن وسط جون کان وٺي لڳاتار عملدارن جون ڌيان هن نازيبا مڪروه حالتن ڏي ڇڪايو ۽ ڪمشنر کي اپيل ڪئي ته خلافت جي مسئلي ۾ جيڪا سرڪار جي پاليسي اهي تنهن جو اعلان ماڻهن ۾ ڪري ته هو خوامخواهه نه ڊڄن ۽ هن شرارت کي بند ڪرائي. انهن اپيلن ۽ التجائن جو جيڪو نتيجو  نڪتو تنهنجي توهان کي پوري خبر اهي ۽ انهن کي آءُ کولڻ نٿو گهران. صوبه سنڌ جي حڪومت جي سرڪرده تي ڪو اثر ڪو نه ٿيو ۽ رنجيده دل ماڻهن جي احساسات جو ذرو به خيال نه ڪيو ويو. تنهنڪري جيڪو اشارو هن ايڪسلينيسي سر جارج لاريڊ ٿورا ڏينهن ٿيندا ته پنهنجي ڪائونسل واري تقرير ۾ هن تحريڪ ڏي ڪيو تنهن کي اسان مان هر هڪ خوشي سان ٻڌو.

    پر هز ايڪسلينسي کي انهي ظلم جو ، جو ڪنهن به بهاني کانسواءِ سنڌ جي مسلمانن سان ڪيو ويو آهي تنهن جو صحيح اندازه معلوم ٿيل نٿو ڏسجي ۽ جيڪو خطرو وڌيڪ ظلم جا انهن کي آهن تن جي پوري خبر جناب گورنر صاحب بهادر کي رسيل نٿي معلوم ٿئي. سنڌ جي ماڻهن جو اهو خيال آهي ته جيڪڏهن اهڙي سخت ناجائز روش به سزا جي مستحق نٿي ته پوءِ اسان جا علماء خصوصن اهي جن خلافت جي برخلاف واري تحريڪ کان پاڻ ڪڍائي ورتو آهي سي ۽ خلافت اسلاميه ۾ اعتقاد رکندڙ مومن ظلم کان هرگز بچي ڪين سگهندا ۽ اهڙو سخت گمان آهي ته اهو ظلم به وري اهڙي هوشياري جو ۽ حرفت جو نمونو وٺندو جو خود هز ايڪسلينسي جي گورنمينٽ لاءِ دست اندازي ڪرڻ حڪومتي ويچارن ۽ قاعدن جي ڪري ناممڪن ٿي پوندو. مولوي صاحبن ۽ ماڻهن تي ظلم ۽ تڪليف هلي ايندي و گو تنبيهه ڏنل هجي يا نه ڏنل هجي ۽ ماڻهن ۾ بيچيني، آهه و فرياد روز بروز اندازن ۽ مقدارن وڌندي ويندي. هز ايڪسيلينسي ائين ٿو خيال فرمائي ته سرڪاري عملدار خلافت جي برخلاف واري تحريڪ ۾ فقط شامل ٿيا آهن پر سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي دلين تي بلڪل ذره جو به شبه نه آهي ته درحقيقت هڪ عملدارمغز جي زرخيزي هي تحريڪ وجود ۾ آندي آهي ۽ ان جو باني مباني به خود اهو سرڪاري عملدار آهي. صوبو سنڌ ائين ٿو ڀانئين ته هن سان ڪنهن به قسم جو انصاف ڪو نه ٿيو آهي ۽ مسلمانن جو اهو خيال آهي ته تنبيهه ڪرڻ جو فقط اهو نتيجو نڪرندو جو تعلق رکندر جٿابند عملدار خار سببان وڌيڪ. مگر درپرده ظلم ڪندا جنهن لاءِ ڪو به علاج ميسر نه ٿيندو.

    جيڪا رٿ آنربل سردار غلام جيلاني هن ذليل تحريڪ جي جاچ ۽ ظلم جو ماڻهن سان ٿيو آهي تنهن جي لاءِ تحقيقاتي ڪميشن مقرر ڪرڻ واسطي ليجسليٽو ڪائونسل ۾ آڻڻ گهري ٿي تنهن کي رد ڪرڻ ڪري گورنمينٽ پاڻ تي اهو اخلاقي فرض کنيو آهي ته هو انهن عملدارن کي جن سڀني اصولن کي خاڪ ۾ ملائي بلڪل بي قانوني طريقي سان هلت ڪئي آهي ته تن کي سخت سزا ڏئي. خان بهادر نبي بخش جي خطن جا جيڪي جنسي عڪسي نقل الحق ۽ سنڌ مسلم اخبارن ۾ شايع ٿيا آهن سي انهي شرارت کي صاف ظاهر ڪن ٿا جا هن ۽ هن جي ڀاءُ مسٽر عبدالقادر لاڙڪاڻي ضلعي جي دفتردار پنهنجن ايجنٽن جي مدد سان اسان جي صوبي ۾ ڪئي آهي. جيڪڏهن اهي خط ايڊيٽر اخبار الحق ۽ سنڌه مسلم جي، جنهن جيڪا خدمت قوم جي ڪئي آهي جنهن لاءِ مسلمان هن جا مشڪور آهن، يعني مسٽر عبدالعزيز جي قبضي ۾ نه اچن ها ته جيڪر ڪو به سرڪاري عملدارن جي زبردستي تي ۽ انهن جيڪو حصو هن تحريڪ ۾ ورتو آهي تنهن تي آهه وفغان ڪري ها ته انهي جي برخلاف تمام زور شور سان ائين چيو وڃي ها ته هو ڪوڙو آهي، ملڪ ۾ شور و غل وڌائيندڙ اهي ۽ سرڪار جو دشمن آهي. خان بهادر نبي بخش جنهن هي تحريڪ مسلم قوم تي هچا ڪري مڙهي آهي تنهن پنهنجي عملداري منصب ۽ اختيارات جي ذريعي ايتر وڏو ناقابل تصور ڊپ ۽ ڊاءُ ماڻحن جي دلين تي ويهاري ڇڏيو آهي جيڪو ڪنهن به پيچ بازي لاءِ سرڪاري ڪامورن، زميندارن ۽ مهربانين جي طالبن مان آساني سان ڪي سولا آلات مهيا ڪري سگهي ٿو. اهڙي آب و هوا ۾ ڪو به مسلمان بي ڊپو مذهبي آزادي ماڻي نٿو سگهي، جو هر ڪنهن جو جنمي حق آهي جيتري قدر اسان جو تعلق آهي، اسين صاف صاف ٻڌائڻ ۽ سمجهائڻ گهرون ٿا ته جيستائين سرڪار پنهنجي انهن عملدارن کي، جن اسان جي مذهب جي بيحرمتي ڪئي آهي. سزا ڏئي سنڌ سان پورو پورو انصاف نه ڪندي ۽ جيستائين سرڪار انهن روپين جو پائي پائي جو حساب حڪما شايع نه ڪرائيندي جي هن تحريڪ لاءِ انهن مسلمانن کان ورتا ويا آهن، جي ڪفر جي عظيم گناهه جي معافي ملڻ لاءِ عالي درٻار ۾ رجوع آهن تيستائين مسلمانن جون دليون خوش نه هونديون ۽ نه هو راضي رهندا، بلڪه ائين خيال ڪندا ته پنهنجي رعيت جي آزادي محفوظ رکڻ لاءِ سرڪار ڪجهه به نه ڪيو آهي. انهن سرڪاري نوڪرين پنهنجي عملداري منصب ۽ اثر جو ناجائز فائدو ورتو آهي ۽ مسلمان ائين خيال ٿا ڪن ته انهن خود سرڪار جو نالو بيعزت ڪيو آهي. ڇا سرڪار ائين روا رکندي ته مسٽر نبي بخش ۽ سندس ڀاءُ دفتردار ماڻهن واسطي ۽ انهن جي آزادي ۽ صوبي جي امن واسطي هميشه لاءِ خطرو ٿي رهن؟ ڇا سرڪار ماڻهن جا عظيم الشان ۽ ضروري حق جي خدا تعاليٰ حفاظت لاءِ سرڪار کي سونپيا آهن، عملدارن جي دٻدٻه بچائڻ خاطر انهن تان نثارڪري ڇڏيندي؟ جيڪڏهن ائين ڪندي ته جيڪي يقينن اسان کي سرڪار اسان جي مذهبي سوال ۾ دست انداز نه ڪرڻ جا ڏنا آهن سي مرده صفات الفاظ ٿي پوندا ۽ جيڪي مسٽر ائڪسئٽ وزيراعظم فرمايو هي سو بي معنيٰ ٿي پوندو.

    صاحبان!  جيڪي طلبون توهان صاحبن جون هن ظلم تي انصاف گهرڻ جون ٿينديون تن بابت آءُ اڳڪٿي ڪري نٿو سگهان. اهي توهين سڀ صاحب پاڻ ۾ صلاح مصلحت ڪري ٺاهيندا. تنهنڪري آءُ فقط ايترو چوندس ته مون کي بلڪل قوي اميد اهي ته هز ايڪسلينسي گورنر صاحب بهادر به سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي ارنائڻ ۽ التجائن کي هڪ ”ڪوڙي هلچل“ ڪري نه سمجهندا جهڙي طرح ڪراچي جي اينگلو انڊين روزانو اخبار (جنهن جي شرڪت مسئلا خلافت جي بحث مباحثي ۾ اسان کي بخوبي معلوم آهي). سو صاف ڏسجي پيو. فقط اهي ماڻهو جيڪي اهو نٿا چاهين ته غريب امن پسند ماڻهن سان ڪو انصاف ٿئي سي ڏسي نٿا سگهن ۽ اهي ڪڏهن به ڏسي نه سگهندا.

    صاحبان! سال 1919 پنهنجي زندگاني جو دور ختم ڪري چڪو آهي. اسان سڀني کي بارگاهه باري تعاليٰ ۾ عرض ڪرڻ گهرجي ته پروردگار نئين سال جي شروعات سان اسان جي گورنمينٽ کي به نئين پاليسي تي آڻي بيهاري، جيڪا پاليسي سندس پراڻن ۽ وفاداري جي امتحان ۾ پاس ٿيلن رفيقن، مسلمانن جي مذهبي اصولن ۽ احساسات جي مطابق هجي. (آمين).

    علماءَ ڪرام و برادران اسلام- استقباليه ڪميٽي جا ميمبر انهي تڪليف کي جيڪا اوهان صاحبن کي ايتري سفر ڪرڻ ڪري ٿي اهي تمام چڱي طرح محسوس ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ جيڪي خاميون توهان صاحبن جي رهائش جي انتظام ۾ رهجي ويون آهن تن لاءِ اسين سڀ ميمبر توهان کان معافي جا خواستگار آهيون وقت جي تنگي ڪري جيتري قدر اسان جي خواهش هئي ۽ جيڪو ضروري بندوبست به هو اوترو ڪري نه سگهيا آهيون. اميد آهي ته اوهين اسان کي معاف ڪندا ۽ انهي تڪليف جو اجر خداوند تعاليٰ توهان کي ڏيندو. (آمين).

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    جيرامداس دولترام ”ڀارتواسي“ پريس حيدرآباد سنڌ ۾ ڇپيو ۽ رئيس ميان جان محمد خان ڀرڳڙي ڇپائي پڌرو ڪيو.

     

     

    4-Document

     

    بخدمت جميع برادران اسلام از سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون وڪٽوريه پريس سکر ۾ ڇپيو

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    Printed by: – Shaikh Abdul Aziz at the VICTORIA Press, Sukkur.

     

    Published by: – Seth Hajee Abdullah Haroon of Karachi.

     

     

    کليل خط

     

    بخدمت جميع برادران اسلام

    اسلام و عليڪم و رحمتہ الله و برڪاتہ.

    اوهان تي سلام ۽ ارحم الراحمين جون رحمتون ۽ برڪتون هجن. بعده اوهان صاحبن کي معلوم ٿئي ته هي وقت عظيم جنگ يورپ جي خاتمي سبب دنيائي اسلام لاءِ گهنيون نازڪ آهي. اسلام جي تيرنهن صدين جي تاريخ ۾ اهڙي تاريڪ افعاه ڪڏهن به پيش نه آئي آهي. چوڻي آهي ته مصيبت اڪيلي نه ايندي آهي. مولوي فيض الڪريم نامي باشنده متصل ٺارو شاهه ضلعي نوابشاهه هڪ رسالا تحقيق خلافت ڇپائي ملڪ سنڌ ۾ وڏي بي آرامي پيدا ڪئي آهي. ان رسالي جا هزارين جلد ڇپائي مفت ورهايا ويا آهن نه فقط انهي تي بس ڪئي وئي آهي بلڪه رسالي جو انگريزي زبان ۾ به ترجمو ڪري وڏي تعداد ۾ شايع ڪيو ويو آهي.

    مولوي صاحب رسالي ۾ ثابت ڪرڻ جي اجائي ڪوشش ڪئي آهي ته حضرت سلطان المعظم ترڪي جو قريشي خاندان مان نه هئڻ ڪري خليفه المسلمين نه آهي ۽ مطلب اٿس ته شريف مڪه معظمه جتي پهچي آءُ ۽ سلطان سان سامهون ٿي جنگ ڪئي آهي هن کي اها پڳ پهرائجي. هن سموري زحمت ۽ درد درئي جو ڪارڻ اهو ڏنو اٿس ته حق ظاهر ٿئي ۽ ته سڀ ماڻهو پنهنجا عقيدا ۽ خيال حضرت رسول مقبول صلي الله عليہ وسلم  جي حڪمت موجب درست رکن (سبحان الله) رسالي جي مضمون کي مضبوط ڪرڻ لاءِ سنڌ جي ڪن حضرات پير صاحبن ۽ علماءَ جا دستخط ورتا ويا آهن.

    اڪثر اصحاب کي خبر اهي ته مولوي فيض الڪريم حيثيت ۾ گمنام ۽ مفلس آهي. هن کي سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي فقط هن عٰقيدي جي ۽ هن وقت درست ڪرڻ جو ڪهڙو فڪرا منگير ٿيو جو هزارين رپيا خرچ ڪري رسالا ۽ اشتهار پيو ڇپائي؟ ويچاري کي مسلمانن جي فاسد عقيدي ڏاڍو بي چين ڪري ڇڏيو آهي. گلي په پهيرلي چين تيغ معذرت ڪي ساتهه. (اکير)

    هاڻي معلوم ڪجي ته سلاطين ترڪي صدين کان اميرالمومنين خليفته المسلمين خادم حرمين الشريفين زادهم الله شرفاءَ و تعظيماءَ تسليم ٿيندا آيا آهن ڇاڪاڻ ته هن وقت عربن قريشن پنهنجي عصمت ۽ طاقت وڃائي ان وقت ترڪي سلطان اسلامي جهنڊي جي حمايت ڪئي. ان لاءِ ظاهر ثابتي رهيا آهن جو خطبه جمعه ۽ نماز عقيدين جي اخير ۾ اسلام ۽ موجود الوقت سلطان جي بهري ۽ ڪاميابي لاءِ دعا ڪجي ٿي. مولوي صاحب جي خيال ۾ گذشته زماني جا بزرگان دين ۽ مسلمان هاڻوڪا حاملان شريعت ۽ اهل اسلام سڀ گمراهه هئا ۽ آهن! برين عقل و دانش بايد گريست، ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته اها ڪارستاني نه فقط مولوي صاحب جي آهي پر ان جي ته ۾ اسان جا ٻيا ڀائر آهن. عاقلان خود ميدانند. جن في سبيل الله خلافت اسلاميه جي تباهي لاءِ سندرو ٻڌو آهي اوهين انصاف ڪري سگهندا ته انهن مانهن جو ديني معاملات سان ڪهڙو واسطو. مسلمانن جا عقيدا درست هجن يا نا درست هن جي بلا کي. من خوب مي شناسم پيران پارسار! رسالي تي وڏي سرجوشي سان دربدر ڦري طرهين طرحين هيلن حوالن سان دستخط ورتا ويا آهن. ڪيترن ٻن بزرگن کي به دام فريب ۾ آڻڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي وئي آهي پر انهن پنهنجي ايمان تي ثابت قدم رهي رڳو جواب ڏنو.

    کليگا حال ميري درد ڪا تيپر قيامت مين

    ڪريڪا خوب اس ڪا فيصلا دا ور قيامت مين.

    بردران اهڙي بيچيني جي زماني ۾ حق ۽ ناحق جي تميز ٿيڻ مشڪل آهي الابشرفيق خداوندي. جيئن ته يزيد ۽ هن جا همراهي به ڪلمه گو هئا ۽ خدا تعاليٰ ۽ رسول عليہ الصلواتہ والسلام جي واسطي سان اهل بيت اطهر تي مظالم برپا ڪيا ويا. ويچارا  ٻهراڙيءَ جا حضرات پير صاحب ۽ مولوي صاحب زماني جي حوادث ۽ مڪارين کان بي خبر ۽ رسالا تي صحيح ڪندڙن مان اڪثر علم کان بي بهره آهن. اهي في الحال ڦندي ۾ اچي ويا آهن.

    آءُ اوهان صاحبن کي يقين ڏياريان ٿو ته مون خلافت بابت گهڻن بزرگن جي پرهيزگار عالم ۽ راءِ طريقيت جا هادي به آهن کان تحقيقات ڪئي آهي هو سڀ متفق آهن ته صحيح حنفي عقيدي موجب سلاطين ترڪي جائز خليفا هئا ۽ آهن ۽ ته شريف مڪه معظمه به سڀ محفا ۽ بي سرو ساماني مسلمانن جو امام ۽ پيسوا ٿي نه ٿو سگهي. انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ حق کي جلد فتح حاصل ٿيندي.

    هن نپيد کانپوءِ منهنجي مخالف ۽ موافق صاحبن کي عاجزانه گذارش آهي ته هو يڪيا رکي پنهنجي دل کي طرفاري کان صاف ڪري هن مضمون تي غور فرمائين ته پوءِ هنن کي روشن ٿيندو ته خلافت جي مسئلي ڇيڙڻ ڪري مسلمانن لاءِ ڪيترو نه نقصان متصور آهي.

    اسلام لاءِ خليفو هئڻ ضروري آهي. ڪلام رباني ۽ ارشاد نبوي صلي الله عليہ وسلم پٽاندڙ ارض مقدسه مٿي هن جو تسلط لازمي آهي.

    (قول تعاليٰ): وعد الله الذين آمنوا منكم وعملوا الصالحات ليستخلفنهم في الأرض كما استخلف الذين من قبلهم.

    ”ترجمو: اوهان مان مومنن ۽ نيڪو ڪارن سان خداوند تعاليٰ وعدو فرمائي ٿو ته هنن کي زمين (مقدسه) ۾ خليفه ڪندو جهڙي طرح اڳين (حضرت دائود ۽ سليمان عليها اسلام)کي خليفو ڪيو هو.“ انهيءَ ارشاد ۾ حڪمت اها آهي ته هڪ ملڪ اسلام جو مرڪز هجي جتي اصول هن ۽ احڪما شريعت ڪما حقه اصلي صورت ۾ برقرار رهن ڇاڪاڻ ته ٻين ملڪن ۾ به سبب عروج اهيان غير آهن ۾ فرق اچڻ ممڪن آهي مثلن اوهان صاحبن ٻڌو هوندو ته ڪنهن وقت حڪومت روم، قرآن شريف مان  ڪي آيتون ڪڍائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي هئي. اهل اسلام لاءِ ارض مقدسه جنهن جي حدود ۾ احاديث ۽ علوم اسلامي بموجب سرزمين عرب فلسطين (بيت المقدس)، شام  (دمشق بيروت) عراق (بغداد موصل) قطعات ملحته اچي وڃن ٿا. سر چشمه تهذيب ۽ هدايت آهي. اسان جي تاريخ ۽ روايات ان ملڪ سان وابسته آهن جنهنڪري مسلمانن جو مضبوط رشتو ان سان قائم آهي ۽ تا ابد قائم رهندو.

    هاڻي جنگ يورپ ۾ اتحادين جنهن ۾ اسان جي نامدار سرڪار برطانيا، آمريڪا، فرانس، اٽلي وغيره شامل آهن تن جي فتحيابي ڪري ترڪي سلطنت سان برتاءُ جو سوال صلح جي مجلس ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي. اها ڳالهه لکڻ بلڪل مناسب آهي ۽ اتحادي هونئن عالمگير جنگ ۾ ملڪ گيري جي هوس ڪري نه گهڙيون جو مدعا اهو هو ته دنيا ۾ حق ۽ انصاف جو دور دورو رهي ۽ ته ننڍين قومن (بيليجم ۽ سرويا)  کي زور آور ۽ خود سر حڪومتن (جرمني ۽ آسٽريا) جي دستبرد کان نجات ڏيارجي. ان کانسواءِ ٻيون ننڍيون قومن جي زبردست قومن جي پنج ۾ گرفتار آهن. انهن کي به آزادي حاصل ڪرائجي.

    (ڏسو تقرير وزيراعظم انگلستان مورخه 7 آگسٽ 1914 ۽ اتحادي مدبرن جا اقوال بعد از جنگ).

    تازو اخبارن مان معلوم ٿيو آهي ته ولايت جي ڪن اخبارن ۾ اهڙيون ڪي تجويزون ذڪر ٿيل هيون ته ترڪي سلطنت کي ڀڃي ٽڪرا ٽڪرا ڪري ڇڏجي. جنهن تي ولايت جي مسلمانن اعتراض ورتا آهن. عملي حقيقت اها آهي ته هن وقت عرب تي شاهه حجاز قابض آهي. عراق، فلسطين، شام اتحادين جي هٿ ۾ آهن سمرنا ۽ ايشيائي ڪوچڪ ٿي يونان ۽ اٽلي فوجون لاٿيون آهن. آرمينا آزاد حڪومت ٿيڻ جي دعويٰ رکي ٿو قسلطنطيه دارالخلافت ۽ ان سان ملحقه پرکم ٿريس جو حشر خدا ڄاڻي ٿو ٿيڻو آهي آهي پر اسان کي الله تي ڀروسو آهي ته برطانوي وزرا ۽ مدبر اسان مسلمانن جي جذبات جو ضرور لحاظ رکندا. انهن سڀني ملڪن ۾ سواءِ آرمينيا جي غالب عنصر ترڪن يا عرب مسلمانن جو ئي هاڻي آهي. ترڪي جي مجوزه تقسيم جنهن لاءِ مسلمان هٿ پير هڻي رهيا آهن ته اها ٽري وڃي راستي انصاف اتحادي جيئن ٻين ننڍين عيسائي قومن کي نسلي لحاظ سان آزادي ۽ خودمختياري ڏياري وئي آهي مسلمان قومن سان به ساڳيو سلوڪ جائز رکيو وڃي ۽ نه ائين ته انهن جا ملڪ هڪ نه ٻئي حجت ظاهر ڪري ڪن يوروپ جي اخبارن جي لکڻ موجب وراهيا وڃن.

    مسلمانن کي فخر آهي ته هو هڪڙي اهڙي سرڪار جي مطيع آهن جو ان جو سنگ بنياد سچائي ۽ انصاف تي ٻڌل آهي ۽ هو هرگز مٿي ذڪر ڪيل غيرمنصفانه فعل جي شرڪت نه ڪندي جنهن جو لازمي نتيجو اهو ٿيندو ته ترڪن جو خاص ملڪ ۽ ارض مقدسه مسلمانن جي هٿان نڪري ويندا ۽ خلافت اسلاميه جو ازخود خاليون ٿي ويندو. آءُ پنهنجي ڀائرن کي خوشخبري ڏيان ٿو ته مسلمانن جي عرضداشت تي جملي مسٽر مانيٽيو وزير هند ۽ هن جي ٻين رفيقن صلح جي مجلس ۾ اسلامي تقاضائن جي زوردار تائيد ڪئي آهي ۽ وزيراعظم انگلستان جي خدمت ۾ جيڪو اسلامي وفد حاضر ٿيو هو تنهن سان صاحب ممدوح کڻي همدردي ظاهر ڪري دلاسو ڏنو آهي. ان لاءِ سندس شڪريو ادا ٿو ڪريان.

    هاڻي خلافت اسلاميه جي برخلاف جيڪڏهن ٿورائي مسلمان ڦري بيهندا جيئن مولوي فيض الڪريم ۽ سندس سرپرستن روش ورتي آهي ۽ اڃا به بيجا ضد تي قائم رهندا ۽ ان منحوس تحريڪ کي تقويت ڏيندا ته انهن قومن کي جن جو ترڪي مملڪت جي بربادي ۾ فائدو هوندو هڪڙي سند ملندي. اسين جيڪڏهن سرڪار عاليه برطانيا جا دلي خيرخواهه آهيون ته ان جي سربراهه اهلڪارن کي گذارش ڪندا رهون ته ترڪي سلطنت جي ناس ڪرڻ جي جيڪا تحريڪ ڪئي يورپ جا ماڻهو ڪري رهيا آهن سا شهنشاهي اغراض کي صدمو پهچائڻ واري آهي ۽ جنهن کان ڏهه ڪروڙ وفادار وهايا ۽ 30 ڪروڙ  دنيا جا ٻٽآ مسلمان هميشه لاءِ ناراض ۽ خائف ٿي پوندا. اسين اهڙو طريقو وٺون جن کان اسلامي مفاد کي ضعف پهچي ۽ برٽش ميمبرن جيڪا سنجيده ڪارروائي صلح جي ڪانفرنس ۾ ڪئي آهي يا هن کانپوءِ ڪندا سا سره بڻجي وڃي.

    ڏسو اسان جا بزرگ مقيم انگلستان ۽ نو مسلم ڀائر هن مسئلي بابت ڪيتري نه سرجوشي ڪري رهيا آهن. هنن هڪ عرضداشت مورخه 12 جون 1919 جناب وزيراعظم جي خدمت ۾ موڪلي ترڪي سان انصاف جو سلوڪ گهربو آهي ۽ هن کي سندس وعدو ياد ڏياريڳ آهي جنهن ۾ هن صاحب فرمايو هو.

    ”۽ نه اسين انهيءَ لاءِ جنهن کي آزمائي ڪري رهيا آهيون ته ترڪي کي سندس دارالحڪومت (قسطنيطه) يا ايشيائي ڪوچڪ ۽ ٿريس جي زرخيز نامور سر زمين کان محروم ڪريون جتي نسلي لحاظ سان وڏو تعداد ترڪي قوم جو آهي.“

    اڳتي هلي هو عرضداشت ۾ لکن ٿا.

    ”گذشته جنوري جي پهرين تاريخ اسان هزمئجسٽريٽي جي سرڪار ۽ وزيراعظم صاحب جن جي خدمت ۾ هڪ گذارش پيش ڪئي هئي ۽ اوهان جو ڌيان مبارڪ ان يادگار اظهار طرف ڇڪايو هو جو خاص ڪري هز مئجسٽريٽي جي مسلمان رعايا ڏانهن مخاطب هو ۽ ان عرضداشت ۾ اسان لکڻ جي جرئت ڪئي هئي ته:“

    ”وزيراعظم صاحب جي مضبوط وعدي جنهن کي ٿورا ڏينهن ٿيندا ته پڌرو ڪيو هو، جنهن جو مطلب هو ته ترڪي قوم پنهنجي حڪومت پنهنجي نسلي ملڪ ۾ قائم رکندي هندوستان ۽ ٻين ملڪن جي مسلمانن کي دلداري ڏني. اسين چئي سگهون ٿا ته انهي يادگار وعدي جي انحرافي سخت مايوسي پيدا ڪندي. مسلمانن جن پنهنجو خون هاريو آهي ۽ سلطنت جي حفاظت ۾ مالي امداد ڪئي آهي انهن جو حق ته جو اها اميد رکن ته قومي امتياز ۽ آزادي جو اصول ترڪي سان به لاڳو رکيو وڃي جهڙي طرح اهو بئين يورپي قومن مان لڳايو ويو آهي. ان کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو به سمجهوتو دردناڪ نتائيج پيدا ڪندو ۽ ائين وسهڻ ۾ ايندو ته اعليٰ اصول ۽ خوشڪن ارادا ترڪي قوم سان هلت ڪرڻ ۾ پس پشت رکيا ويا آهن جن جي ئي سبب ڪري اسلامي دنيا جو وڏو حصو اتحادي حلقه ۾ وفاداري سان شريڪ ٿيو هو. اسان کي يقين آهي ته ڪو به قومي يا مذهبي تعصب مسلمانن جي اعتماد ۾ جو هن اتحادين جي راست بازي ۾ رکيو هو خال انداز نه ٿيندو آهن دنيا جي عظيم الشان مسئلي جو فيصلو عمل و انصاف قومي اتفاق ۽ قومي روايات جي اصولن مٿي طئي ٿيندو جيڪي اصول برطانيا  عظم جي وزيراعظم (مسٽر لائڊ جارج) ۽ متحده سلطنت جي پريذيڊنٽ (مسٽر ولسن) ۽ مرتب ڪيا آهن.“

    ايشيا ۾ ملڪ شام جي شمالي سرحد کان بحيره ايجين ۽ بحيره اسو ۽ ان جي جنوبي زمين سرحد آذربائيجان تائين جنهن جي آبادي تخميني 19، 20 ملين (2 ڪروڙ) ڪن ضلعن ۾ خاص ۽ ٻين ضلعن ۾ ڪثرت تعداد جي لحاظ سان ترڪي نسل ۽ اسلامي مذهب جي آهي. ٿريس ملڪ ۾ پڻ ساڳئي طور مسلمان ڪثير تعداد ۾ آهن اسين ادب سان العماس ڪريون ٿا ته اهو سمورو ملڪ پايه تخت قسطنيطه سان ترڪي قوم جي حوالي ۾ ڏجي.“

    عرضداشت جو قلم ظاهر ڪري ٿو.

    ترڪي سلطنت جي سلامتي لاءِ اوهان هزمئجسٽيٽي جي مسلمان رعايا کي جن سلطنت برطانيا جي آبادي جو چوٿون حصو آهي پڪو وعدو ڏنو هو.

    مطلب ته انهي عرضداشت  ۾ قسطنيطيه کي دارالخلافت ۽ سلطان المعظم کي خليفه المسلمين تسليم ڪيو ويو آهي ۽ انگلستان کي پرزور استدعا ڪئي وئي اهي ته هو ترڪي جي تقسيم ۽ بربادي جي تجويز ۾ شرڪت نه ڪري بلڪه مسلمانن جي مذهبي جذبات جو لحاظ ڪري نه فقط خالص ترڪي ملڪ ترڪن جي حوالي ۾ ڏياري بلڪه غير ترڪي صوبن (آرمينا، عراق، شام، فلسطين، عرب) تي خليفته المسلمين جي سياست قائم رکائي.

    هن عرضداشت تي هز هائنس آغا جان سيد امير علي صاحب مرزا عباسي علي بيگ صاحب، ايس افعاب احمد خان صاحب، لارڊ هيڊلي صاحب(نو مسلم) ۽ ٻين ڪيترن ئي سربراهه اصحاب ۽ انگريز نو مسلم مردن ۽ اهل نساءَ جا همخيا آهن. هن عرضداشت کانسواءِ تاريخ 24 مئي 1919 لنڊن جي اسلامي جماعت هڪ وڏي ميٽنگ منعقد ڪئي هئي جنهن ۾ نامور انگريز صاحبان، هندو برادران به شريڪ ٿيا هئا انهي ۾ زبردست ۽ مدلل تقريرن بعد مٿي ڄاڻايا. ميموريل پٽاندڙ ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيا جن ۾ پڻ حضرت سلطان العمظم کي جائز خليفو تسليم ڪيو ويو مون کي افسوس آهي ته هن خد ۾ ايترو بيان آڻي نه ٿو سگهجي ورنه اوهين معلوم ڪري سگهو ها ته اهل فهم اصحاب خلافت ۽ اسلامي سلطنت کي بچائڻ لاءِ ڪيڏي نه جدوجهد ڪري رهيا آهن پر تنهن هوندي به مسٽر مارماديوڪ پڪٽ انگريز نو مسلم برادر جي تقرير جو هڪڙو فقرو لکان ٿو جيڪو آب زور سان لکڻ جي قابل آهي.

    ”هن وقت سرڪار برطانيا جي واڳ منهنجي هٿ ۾ هجي ته آءُ هوندو حڪم ڪريان. اڳتي وڌو ۽ دل وچان ترڪي جي حمايت ڪريو آءُ يقين ڪريان ٿو ته هڪ ڪروڙ مسلمان اوهان جي پاران ان طاقت جو مقابلو سرفروشي سان ڪندا جيڪا اوهان جي مزاحم ٿيندي. هن وقت اسلامي سلطنت جي بچاءَ ڪرڻ ڪري اوهين انگلستان کي بدناميءَ کان بچائيندا ۽ ان کي فنا ڪرڻ سان اوهين انگلستان کي عظيم نقصان کان بچائيندا.“

    مولوي فيض الڪريم سنڌ جي اٻوجهه مسلمانن کي رسالا ۾ ويساهه ڏيکاريو آهي ته خلافت جو سوال سلطان المعظم ۽ شريف جي وچ ۾ آهي. شاهه حجاز ٿورا ڏينهن ٿيا جو پنهنجي عربي اخبار ۾ اعلان ڪيو.

    ته مسلمان هن کي اميرالمومنين نه سڏي جو اهو خطاب فقطه سلطان العظم لاءِ مخصوص آهي ۽ سچ پڻ اهو آهي پوءِ مدعي سست گواهه چست، ڪهڙن مدعين کاوفس فيصلو گهريو هو جو خواهه مخواهه ڪڏي پيو آهي. قريشت جو حل مذهبي ڪتابن ۾ اڳتي ٿيل آهي ته خلافت جو مدار فقط قريشي هئڻ تي نه آهي پر ان لاءِ ٻٽا شرائط به درڪار آهن ۽ نه ترڪي سلطان جو قرشي نه هئڻ هن جي خلافت کي مارج نه آهي (ڏسو مابره لابن الهمام).

    هن زماني ۾ ترڪي قوم گهڻي مظلوم آهي ڏهاڪو ورهيه ٿيا جو هن ترقي جي تي، قدم رکڻ گهريو پر هن ۽ ڪن پاڙوسي حڪومتن جي وچ ۾ اڻبڻت هئڻ ڪري ترڪن کي يڪي بعد ديڳري لڙائين ۾ جعلا ٿيڻو پيو.

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    پيغام

     

    پروفيسر ساڌو واسواڻي جو بطرف مسلمانان سنڌ

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    (يعني پروفيسر واسواڻي جي انهن معرڪه الارا مضمون جو ترجمو جيڪو اخبار نيو ٽائيمس مورخه 27 جولاءِ 1920ع ۾ شايع ٿيو.)

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    منهنجا مسلمان دوست سرڪار سان تحريڪ خلافت جي مخالف تازو جاري ڪيل پريس نوٽ جي ڪري ناراض آهن. هي وقت ڪاوڙ غصي جي خيالن کان پاڪ رکڻ جهرو آهي. بذات خود مون کي پريس نوٽ جي ڏسڻ کان ڪا به نااميدي ڪا نه ٿي ڇاڪاڻ جو ڪيترن هفتن کان اهڙي روش جي مون کي توقع هئي. سرڪار ڄاڻي ٿي ته سنڌ تحريڪ خلافت جو روح روان آهي اهو به ڄاڻي ٿي ته ڪهڙي نه ذلت سان خلفت جي مخالف جيڪا هلچل سنڌ جي ڪن ڪامورن کڙي ڪئي هئي سا ناڪام ٿي. سرڪار جو حافظو اهڙو ڪمزور نه آهي جهڙو اسان مان گهڻن جو آهي، سرڪار کي ياد آهي ته مسلمانن هڪ ٿي صلح جشن ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ کان انڪار ڪيو هو. سرڪار محسوس ڪري رهي آهي ته سنڌ جي مسلمانن ايثار ۽ خود قرباني جي هڪ تعجب خيز قوت ڏيکاري آهي. جيتوڻيڪ ترڪ موالات تي عمل پهرين آگسٽ کان اڳي شروع ٿيڻو نه آهي تنهن هوندي به ڪيترن سنڌي مسلمانن وقت مهينن کان اڳ ۾ خطاب نوڪريون ۽ اعزازي عهدا ڇڏي ڏنا آهن. ڪيترن ته تعليم کاتي جا گرانٽ به ڇڏي ڏنا آهن ۽ ڪثير تعداد ۾ مسلمان مال متاع وڪڻي ضمير کي حب الوطني کان مقدم سمجهي ۽ ڏکن ڏولائن کي بطور گواشان اسان برداشت ڪري هندوستان مان هجرت ڪري ويا آهن. ترڪ خردي جي ميدان ۾ سڄي سنڌ هندوستان جي رهبري ڪري رهي آهي سنڌ هڪ نئين ۽ شاندار تواريخ جا سامان موجود ڪري رهي آهي. اها سرڪار جيڪا تسلي کانڌيو جا برانه قوتي رکي ٿي. سا قدرتي اهڙي ملڪ جي عام ۾ جتي ايمان ڊپ کي ڀڄائي رهيو آهي تحريڪ خلافت جي پکڙي وڃڻ کان ڪنئو پيئي کائي.

    هن ڳالهه جي ڪري مسلمانن جا جذبات سخت جوش ۾ آيل آهن ۽ مشڪل آهي جو هر ڪو تقرير ڪندڙ پنهنجي جذبات کي قابو ۾ رکي سگهي ۽ آءُ قبول ٿو ڪريان ته خلافت جي جلسن ۾ بعض  اهڙا لفظ ڪم آندا ويا آهن جن کي آءُ پسند نٿو ڪريان پر سرڪار جو هي الزام غير منصفانه آهي ته اهڙين جلسن جي هڪ خاص روش هي آهي ته انهن ۾ اهڙا لفظ ڪم آندا ٿا وڃن جيڪي نه رڳو قومن ۾ باهمي نفاق پيدا ڪن پر مذهبي بغض فساد ۽ بي چيني کي اڀاريندڙ آهن بي آرامي ته سڄي ملڪ ۾ پکڙيل آهي ۽ نه رڳو سنڌ ۾ اها بيچيني جاري رهندي ته وڌيڪ مسئلا خلافت مشڪل ٿئي ۽ پنجاب جي زخمن جو علاج ٿئي پر بي آرامي جي معنيٰ غدر ڪين آهي مذهبي جذبو زور سان ڀڙڪجي اٿيو آهي ۽ زوردار جذبات جو پرزور اظهار فطرت انساني ۾ وديعت ٿيل آهي پر آئين سمجهڻ غلط آهي ته خلافت جي جلسن جي هڪ خاص روش هي آهي جو بدامني ۽ ڀوري ڪاري جي خيالن کي ڄاڻائين ٿا. سرڪار جو الزام انصاف جوڳو نه آهي پروري به هت به مون کي نراسائي ڪا نه ٿي ڇاڪاڻ ته هن تحريڪ جي خلاف سرڪار وري وري اهڙا الزام لڳائيندي. سرڪار به ڪهڙي؟ جيڪا پنهنجي عقل کي انهن جاسوسن جي رپورٽن جو مطيع ڪري ٿي جيڪي هر قدم تي اسان جا همدرد ۽ همساز آهن ۽ بلا کٽڪي دروغ باغي کي بطور هڪ نفع ڏيندڙ ۽ اپائيندڙئن جي قائم رکن ٿا.

    سرڪار بغاوتي جلسن جي ايڪٽ تي سنڌ سان عافد ڪرڻ جا دڙڪا پئي ڏئي. جڏهن اها ڌمڪي بطور حڪم جي نافذ ٿي وڃي ته گهرجي ته منهنجن مسلمانن دوستن مان ڪو به انحرافي نه ڪري. اسان گهڻائي جلسا ڪيا آهن ۽ شايد ضرورت کان به زياده اسان جي قوت جو وڏو حصو هن وقت تائين نعرن ۽ ڳالهين ۾ صرف ٿي ويو آهي. هن وقت منزل مقصود کي حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ اسان کي سڀني قوتن جي جمع ڪرڻ جي ضرورت اهي، جيڪڏهن پهرين آگسٽ وارن مجوزه اجلاس جي خلاف ڪنهن به هنڌ ايڪٽ عائد ڪيو وڃي ته حاميلن تحريڪ خلافت کي گهرجي ته مئجسٽريٽن جي حڪمن کي خاموشي ۽ خودداري سان مڃين. عام جلسن کان وڌيڪ مفيد ته دعا آهي ۽ جن هنڌن تي جلسا ممنوع آهن اتي قومن جي بچائيندڙ خدا لابذال کان مسلمان دعا پنڻ ۾ اهو ڏينهن ملهائي سگهن ٿا.

    مون کي انهي ڳالهه جي پوري پوري توقع اهي ته سرڪار عنصريب ظلم جي شديد طرز عمل اختيار ڪندي سرڪار هن تحريڪ جي مٿيا ڪڍڻ جي ڪوشش ڪندي اسن کي نراس ٿيڻ نه گهرجي. جنهن ڏينهن ان سرڪار سان عدم اشتراڪ عمل ڪم آڻينداسين ته سرڪار به اسان سان اها ئي روش وٺندي اسان مان گهڻن جون گرفتاريون ٿينديون. اها اسان جي آزمائش جي گهڙي آهي ۽ انهي وقت پاڻ کي قابو ۾ رکڻ جي عظيم توپن ضرورت آهي. هن تحريڪ جو امتحان انهن مهل شروع ٿيندو جنهن مهل سرڪار ستم ۽ جبر ڪرڻ لاءِ ڏنئري تي هٿ هڻي بيهندي. ظلم جو ڪاوڙ ۽ حقار سان مقابلي جي زور جي خلاف زور لڳائڻ جي تحريڪ جو شيرازي جهندر سرڪار جي دعويٰ جو مقابلو اسان جا جلسا ته ڀلي ڪري اسان کي وڌيڪ جلسن جي ضرورت ڪا نه آهي. سرڪار اسان مان ڪن کي جيل ڏي موڪليندي ڀلي ائين ڪري يا ته زنجير ته اسان اڳيئي آهيون قيد کان بدتر مصيبتون شايد اسان تي اچڻيون هجن اسان کي خفا ٿيڻ نه گهرجي ۽ نڪا شڪايت ڪرڻ گهرجي نه ڪي ڪنهن انگريز جي خلاف اسان کي نفرت هئڻ گهرجي. انگريز به بشرآهي ۽ ان ڪري بني نوع انسان جو رڪن. اسان جو احتجاج ۽ جهيڙو ڪنهن شخص سان ذاتي نه آهي پر هڪ سرشتو حڪومت ۽ دسترالعيل جي خلاف آهي ۽ جيڪا ڪشمڪش اچڻي آهي ۽ ان ۾ نوع انسان ڀلائي جي کي قطع نظر ڪرڻ نه گهرجي. اسان جي طاقت مصيبتن کي خاموشي سان سهڻ ۾ آهي جنهن آتش جي اسان کي ضرورت آهي سا آهي آتش دل ۽ نه ساڙيندڙ ۽ هاٿڪ کن باهه جنهن قوت جو اسان کي احتجاج آهي اها آهي قوت روحاني ته بم گولي ۽ تلوار جو وحشيانه زور، عدم تعاون جي حقيقي معنيٰ آهي اسان جي بهترين دماغي ۽ روحاني قوتن سان تعاون. هي خبيس ڳالهين گار گند نفرت يا غصي جو وقت نه آهي. مشڪلات جا وقت جيڪي سنڌ تي اچڻ وارا آهن تنهن ۾ حقيقي ڪشمڪش جن ڌرين جي وچ ۾ ٿيڻي آهي اهي هي آهن هڪ طرف حڪام جابرانا قوت سان مصلح ٿيل ۽ ٻئي طرف مسلمانن ۽ سندن هندو به خواهن جا اعليٰ ترين اخلاقي اصول، مغربي فيلسوفن ۽ سياسي ممدبرن جسماني زور (يعني قوت آلات حرب) کي نظام انساني جو سنگ بنياد قرار ڏنو آهي. انهي هوندي به شايد هندستان قيدن جو چراغ اميد ثابت ٿئي ۽ خود قرباني ۽ اختيار مصائب سان قادر مطلق جي هستي تان شڪ ڪندڙ گروهه کي قائل ڪري ڏيکاري ته مٿيون ئي طريقو وڏن ڪم ڪرڻ جو آهي. اسان راسٽبازي ۽ پاڪ طيننت کي هٿان نه ڇڏينداسون ناپاڪ خيالن کي اسين دلين ۾ جاءِ نه ڏينداسون. نوع انسان جي ڀلائي جا خواهان رهنداسون زور جسماني ڪاري ڀوري رنگ جي خيالن ۽ قومي فوقيت جو مقابلو اسين صبر ايمان حب الوطني مصيبتن سهڻ ۽ قرباني سان ڪنداسون. يقين ڄاڻو ته اسان جي بزرگن ۽ مشاهرين وٽ قرباني کان وڌيڪ عزت وارو طاقتور ۽ مقبول نذرانو ڪو نه آهي. 

    Document-6

     

    KHILAFAT DAY AT KARACHI

    Seth Haji Abdulla Haroon’s Speech

     

    The followingis the full text of the address deli­vered by Seth  Haji Abdullah Haroon, President of the Khilafat Meeting, held in khalikdina Hall on Friday , the 17th  October 1919:-

    In the name of GOD the most Merciful and Compassionate,

    Praise be to GOD and blessings and peace to the Holy Prophet.

    Brethren in Faith and Fellow Countrymen

    If eel it my duty to express thanks for your having conferred upon me the distinguished honour of presiding over this assembly. I certainly realize that far abler personages are present in this meeting, who are better entitled to this high position but it is my religious duty also to place my humble services at your call in a matter that has thrown all Muslims in a profound grief and thus work shoulder to shoulder with you.

    Muslim Conference at Lucknow

    Yon all fully know that having been startled by the intentions which European Powers entertain towards our Grand Khalifat and Turkish Empire and over­whelmed with fears that bythe proposed dismemberment they will inevitably cause disruption in our religious duties, which the Islamic world cannot tolerate and submit to quietly, an all India Muslim. Conference was held at Luck now on 21st September1919, for the pur­pose of placing our demands before the Government and raising a protest against the proposed partition of Turkey, which the Allied Peace Council was contemplat­ing. In this Conference it was resolved that on a parti­cular day all Indian Muslims should raise their united voice so that it may prove effective and convincing. This is therefore that day on which we are gathered to­gether here for the purpose of giving vent to our wounded feelings and horror, which the events have necessarily created in our minds.

    If you expect to hear from me a strong and stirring speech, I would liketo be excused for telling you that you will not he fully satisfied,because considering my inability and limited resources it is quite impossible for me to meet with your wishes. But you will surely hear from me all that should emanate from the heart of a true follower of Islam, and feel that a wave of pain is striking at my heart in the same manner as it has touched and broken’ yours.

    The Question of Khilafat

    Among other duties which are enjoined upon Muslims, the one is that they should select a Muslim Sover­eign who should look after the civilization ofI slam and spiritual progress of its followers. The Holy Land, the cradle ofIslam, known by the name of Jaziratul Arab, corned with such discussions, arealso anxious and full of fears on this problem because this is such a precious Islamic Principle that no Mussalman, of any caste or creed, can afford to ignore it. It is therefore that the people of those sects of Islam, which are little interested in the problem of Khilafat, also have been feeling on this problem.

    Holy Places

    Keeping in view the orders of our religion, we Mnssalmans firmly believe that the Holy Land, which, in the Laws of 

    Islam is called Jaziratul Arab,”and the boundaries o which, have been described on several occasions, from the religious point of view, must always remain under the Sovereignty of Mussalman. Therefore the Mussalmans, all over the world, cannot for a moment. See thecontrol of non-Muslims over any part of the Holy Land withoutfeeling that it clearly means an undue interference with our religiousresponsibilities. During the War, in order comfort their minds, the Mussalmans were given promises in most Clear words to the effect that the war will not affect the position of the Holy Land, that they will have more liberty than before and that they will not affect remain under the control of any non-Muslim Power. But now with great regret are the Mussalmans seeing that those who made these promises, are forgetting their word by means of which it was always sought to keep the Muslims at ease as defined by the Founder of Islam (May the Blessings and Peace be on him), should remain in his possession and control. It also indispensible that he should be so mighty and powerful as to claim the leadership of the large population of Muslims, the right of preserving the purity of the faith and defending the Holy Land. The law of Islam has given the sacred title of “Khalifat-ul-Mussalmin” to such a sovereign. The Muslim, in accordance to the teaching of religion has been recognizing this high ideal and conducting their life in conformity with this distinct commandment.

    Since this world-wide and terrible conflict has ended, the Muslim world does not find that pleasure which would be natural in demand of every person inview of righteous principles formulated at its culmination. Quite contrary toour expectation we find from that day, deep sensation of pain and injury because our Khilafat and the Ottoman Empire which was one of the opponents of the Allies, is not being treated in the manner we were assured of and which justice and righteousness demands. It is not necessary to say that all followers of Islam, young and old alike are over shadowed with gloom. All shades of opinions among Muslims have always and in all possible forms been representing their views and necessities. The Muslim League, The London Central Islamic Society and other Muslim bodies by means of memorials, petitions etc.have thrown sufficient light on their afflictions.

    The Allied aims of War and Pledges of Statesmen

    0n the declaration of war, Mr. Asquith, the then Prime Minister, declared We are fighting to vindicate the principle, in these days when material force some­ times seems to be the dominant influence and factor in the development of the mankind, that small nationalities are not to be crushed, in defiance of international good faith, by the arbitrary will of a strong and overwhelming power.”

    The Rt. Hon’ble Mr. Lloyd George, the present Prime Minister of Great Britain in the memorable speech delivered on 5th January 1918, while explaining the war aims said “Nor are we fighting to deprive Turkey of its Capital, or of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, winch are predominantly Turkish in race.” And in another speech, which was principally addressed to His Majesty’s Muslim subjects, he pronounced thus we do not challenge the maintenance of the Turkish Empire in the Homelands of the Turkish race with its Capital at Constantinople.”

    President Wilson in the 12th of his Fourteen Points, advanced as the  basis for the conclusion of the war, spoke of the ”assured Sovereignty” of Turkey being safeguar­ded. And in his speech at the tomb of Washington on 4th July 1 918, lie insisted on “the settlement of every question, whether of territory or Sovereignty, of economic arrangement or of Political relationship,upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the People  immediately concerned and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other Nation or people which way desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.”

     

    The Allied Peace Council

    In face of these clear and unequivocal pledges given byresponsible statesmen, His Majesty ‘s. Muslim subjects were naturally led to be at rest as regards the integrity of their religious supremacy,because. With Muslims all other Asiatic people believe in the sanctity of the pledges given by responsible ministers. It is an irony, of fate that we see the reply given by the Allied peace Council to the Turkish Delegates diametrically opposed to the lofty principles, quite unjust, and tending to create alarm and indignation. The apprehension has been confirmed that some fanatical and selfish powers are designing to occupy and control the territories of the’Khalifatul Mussalmin in the ill—used name, of justice and equity and for this they persuade the world to believe’ that the Turks are devoid of the capacity to rule. This must be reme­mbered that the neighboring hostile and greedy Christian Powers never allowed the, Turks a moment of respite to put their house in order and by, their intrigues involved them into perpetual wars and the internal risings, the events which persons well versed in History are well aware of. Any other Nation would have succumbed long ago to these dire onslaughts. The Turks alone had the courage to face their numerous enemies and to put down their rebellious Christian subjects for centuries together.Now the Muslims have quite realized that this is the first step to violate their principles of religion. Considering all the present and past events the Muslims are perfectly justified to think that they are being driven into such acatastrophe as appears,to be a fatal blow to their religious aims and ideals. This feeling becomes still more aggravated when they perceive that the charming pledges and the lofty principles of equality of nations and self-determination declared at the conclusion of the war were only advanced to be applied to those enemies of the Allies, who in comparison to the Islamic Power, Turkey, are decidedly more dangerous to the peace of the world in general and the Allied supremacy in particular.But the same in connection with our KhiIaftat are thrown over board. Now we are confronted with the result of those efforts, bwhich after all the Khilafat, cherished by the forty crore followers of Islam,is to be annihilated, thus causing an intense injury to the civilization of Islam and our spiritual duties and progress.

    The Proposed Dismemberment of Turkey

    The schemes, which the Council of the Peace Conference proposes, to enforce, show that practically whole territory of the Khalifat-u1-Muslmin is to be detached from his sovereignty, including those portions of his dominions in which the Turkish nation is predominant. The British Government wants to have a Mandate for Mesopotamia, and France is to have all rights of a Mandate over Syria, and in Palestine is being created a Jewish State. The Islamic World has invariably protest against these designs and the British Ministers have been reminded of their pledges and also of the hitter and grave consequences which the breach on their part is fraught with. It was made clear to them that many of the provinces, which were thus unjustly to be snatched from Turkey, besides being include in the Holy Land (Jaziratul Arab), were So connected with the past brilliant history of Islam that foreign domination there was a cruel test oft heir peaceful and solemn fee­lings. The principles of justice and equity (if they have the same meaning in the dictionary of Europe, as is understood by the simple, but sincere Asiatic) would demand, that these provinces be granted the right of: Self determination and allowed to remain under the suzerainty of the Klialifatul-Mussalmin, so that the spiritual relations between the different factors of Muslins be not’ rent as under.

    Turkey and Bulgaria were equally responsible for declaring waron the Allies but it is so painful, for the Muslims to see the Islamic Territory being broken into pieces by time advocates of righteousness, while the Bul­garian’ aspirations which she couldnot attain before the war, are being supported, and she is being given thechance of extending her territory to the sea. Our grief becomes still more unbearable when we see that for the imaginary persecutions of the Christians, which were circulated by the Government of the Czar, millions of avenging hands are raised in Europe against time Mus­lim.On time other hand, is this not barbarity and violation of all human instincts that when poor Muslims are plunged into the welter of tyranny and persecutions. By the Christians, as by the Greeks recently in Smyrna these Champions of righteousness deafen their ears, which were so alert to hear the slanderous voice against the Muslims. No sympathetic expression has yet beenheard from any quarter of Europe on the cries of brutal murders and acts of violation committed by the Greeks.

    The Turkey Government is thus blamed for atroci­ties on subject races, especially Armenian massacres. The spokesman of the Allied Peace Council described this as the serious crime of the Turks. Is it not, a well- known fact that Christian subjects and particularly Armenians have been notorious for their risings against the lawful authority? In the present war, the Arme­nians, at the instigation of Russia took arms to stab the Turks at time back when they were busy in their opera­tion against Russia in the Caucasus. What forms of treatment the followers of Christian morality approve of in such a case? We see that most civilized Governments, even in time of peace, do not hesitate tocrush the unarmed oppositionwithout discrimination.Why then should timepoor Turk, pay the penalty of being strangledif they dealt with the rebels, as they deserved to be dealt with

     

    Thedisappointment of the Mussalmans is still more increased when they find thatthe responsible Ministers of our British Government, which always proudlyclaims to be a “Great Islamic Power,” are plunged deep in the same bigotry. When the same Mr. Lloyd George, whose clear promises have been narrated above, remembers the war in Palestine as a“Crusade”, we cannot help doubting his intentions and purposes.

     

    Obligation of the British Government towards Mussalmans

    Wehave no reason to find fault with other European powers, if they do not payheed to our cries and lamen­tations. But our own Government which alwaysproudly reiterates to be patron of the great Islamic population, and justly so,cannot set itself free of concomitant obligations. Our restlessness is aggravated when we find the Ministers of the Crown actively forward in the scheme of the dismemberment and partition of Turkey and solicitous of secret treaties, ignoring their solemn pledges.

    Musalmansdid not shed their blood and pour out money like water, to see their aspirations dishonored in the Peace Council and the Victory, in which they took prominent Part to be designated as the Victory of the “war of the Crusade.” Now when we realize the situation, our hearts become greatly lacerated.

    The Existence of Turkey is essential and Useful for Great Britain

     

    It will he idle to repeat how the interests of Great Britain are c1oely bound up with the stability and continuance of the Ottoman Caliphate because so far asIthe Indian political complications are concerned, those noble Englishman whoremember the services rendered by the Ottoman Caliphate during the War with Tippoo Sultan and again on the occasion of the great Indian Munity of 1857, do not lose sight of their importance.

    Besides, the Islamic World views the existence and ascendency of Turkey as vital to their religious needs. In this svur1d-vde. conflagration it has been proved beyond doubt and acknowledges that the British cannot do away with the sympathy of the vast population of the Mussalmans for the strength and economical advan­teges of their great Empire. Again, if a generous hand is extended to a people,(whose life and conduct is entirely religious,) in a matter of high importance touching their beliefs and affections they will appreciate it passionately and that policy will be a great asset to secure their permanent loyalty, gratitude and devotion which are their national virtues.

    On this occasion it is advisable that I should repro- d reproduce for you a portion of the speech of that just and true Englishman, Mr. Marmaduke Pickthall,who, in the true sense of the world, deserves to be called a friend and  well-wisher of the British Government. Hesays

    What fools we are deliberately to go and anger Asiain order to please Powers of Europe, which we have to bribe. Europe is commercial. The European nations sell their faith. Asia is, no doubt, ulterio to Europe in this respect and others as is self-evident. But if you want undying faith and loyalty, a passionate devotion which never fail you at a pinch, a pure enthusiasm for, ideals not commercial nor political,but righteous, just and human, then go to Asia and seek by all means in your power to win the heart of Asia,“If I had the ear of the British Government at this Juncture, I would say: ‘Step forth and with a generous gesture saves Turkey now;and if any Poweropposes you, I promise you an army of 10,000,000 of Muhamma­dans who will fight for you against that Power with wild delight. Save the Muslim Empire now, and you save England from dishonour. Destroy it and you Wreck the British Empire.

    I beg to be pardoned if i[ frankly warn Ministers Of the Crown againstthe blunder they are committing by utter disregard of the Muslim feeling,taking them to be the feelings of a dormant and dying nation. They forget theLaw of God. Thai Virile Nations Die Notand they lose sight of thestruggle of Nations, once fallen for their rise. They must remember that theirhaughtinessand breach of faith is acting as a lash for the sleeping Muslim Nations.The time has come when tire Muslims are face to face with novel political situation and with it the deplorable attitude of the Ministers of.the Crown entails serious issues.

    The Duty of the British Government

    Brethren,from: what has been narrated above, it is quite clear what we Mussalmans demand. It is the moral duty of the Government to honour imperish­able feelings,based on the rights we claim as seven crore subjects of the Crown. The formal excuse that Great Britain has no control over the decisions of the Allied Peace Council cannot be entertained as valid. The events have confirmed the conviction that if the British

     

    Government were to use prestige and weight with a sincere desire and induce the Entente Powers;it will be impossible for them to turn, away from the British and particularly when our demands are within the limits of time principles formed as the basis of peace.

    Suppose that the Entente Powers, in their thirst for territory disregard the brilliant and valuable part played by England, by which they have attained now the position of settling the politics of the world, then for the British it will be the real test of their sincerity amid good intentions by ill will they have always soothed the Muslim mind and in that case they should not give the support to the Peace Treaty out of deference to the conviction of the seven crore Muslim subjects of time Crown. If the British Ministers cannot prevail upon time Peace Conference, and the treaty is passed in such. terms as are opposed to the demand of the’ Islamic world, and contrary to the pledges of President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George and it should be the duty of the British Nation to reject it when the same is finally placed before the Parliament for ratification.

    As to what should be the duty of the Musalman in this connection, I would convey to you message of time venerable member of our community Hon’ble K.B. Ibrahim Haroon Jaffur, given by him in conclusion of his address delivered on.21st September 1919 President of the All— India Muslim Conference Lucknow. That is:-

    After this, the question rises, what should be the attitude of the Muslims if the fate of. Turkey is not decided agreeably. There is only one answer to this, and that is that we shall never recognise that decision of the Peace Conference, which insults forty crores Mus­lims of the world and destroys their hopes.Such a treaty can, in no circumstances, be binding on us, as was conveyed to the Prime Minister in a resolution of the All India Muslim League Council,passed on 27th August 1919, to the effect that Indian Muslims were not prepared to acknowledge any settlement which is against their demands and wishes.Eventually, the Muslims will be perfectly justified to pursue all constitutional means and utilize their material resources in the cause of Islam.”

    The Allied aims of War and Pledges of Statesmen

    0n the declaration of war, Mr. Asquith, the then Prime Minister, declared We are fighting to 1vindicate the principle, in these days when material force some­times seems to be the dominant influence and factor in the development of the mankind, that small nationalities are not to be crushed, in defiance of international good faith, by the arbitrary will of a strong and overwhelming power.”

    The Rt. Hon’ble Mr. Lloyd George, the present Prime Minister of Great Britain in the memorable speech delivered on 5th January 1918, while explaining the war aims said “Nor are we fighting to deprive Turkey of its Capital, or of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, winch are predominantly Turkish in race.” And in another speech, which was principally addressed to His Majesty’s Muslim subjects, he pronounced thus we do not challenge the maintenance of the Turkish Empire in the Homelands of the Turkish race with its Capital at Constantinople.”

    President Wilson in the 12th of his Fourteen Points, advanced as the  basis for the conclusion of the war, spoke of the ”assured Sovereignty” of Turkey being safeguar­ded. And in his speech at the tomb of Washington on 4th July 1 918, lie insisted on “the settlement of every question, whether of territory or Sovereignty, of economic arrangement or of Political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the People immediately concerned and not upon the basisof the material interest or advantage of any other Nation or people which way desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.”

     

    The Allied Peace Council

    In face of these clear and unequivocal pledges given by responsible statesmen, His Majesty ‘s. Muslim subjects were naturally led to be at rest as regards the integrity of their religious supremacy, because. With Muslims all other Asiatic people believe in the sanctity of the pledges given by responsible ministers. It is an irony, of fate that we see the reply given by the Allied peace Council to the Turkish Delegates diametrically opposed to the lofty principles, quite unjust, and tending to create alarm and indignation. The apprehension has been confirmed that some fanatical and selfish powers are designing to occupy and control the territories of the ‘Khalifatul Mussalmin in the ill—used name, of justice and equity and for this they persuade the world to believe’ that the Turks are devoid of the capacity to rule. This must be reme­mbered that the neighboring hostile and greedy Christian Powers never allowed the, Turks a moment of respite to put their house in order and by, their intrigues involved them into perpetual wars and the internal risings, the events which persons well versed in History are well aware of. Any other Nation would have succumbed long ago to these dire onslaughts. The Turks alone had the courage to face their numerous enemies and to put down their rebellious Christian subjects for centuries together. Now the Muslims have quite realised that this is the first step to violate their principles of religion. Considering all the present and past events the Muslims are perfectly justified to think that they are being driven into such a catastrophe as appears, to be a fatal blow to their religious aims and ideals. This feeling becomes still more aggravated when they perceive that the charming pledges and the lofty principles of equality of nations and self-determination declared at the conclusion ofthewar were only advanced to be applied to those enemies of the Allies, who in comparison to the Islamic Power, Turkey, are decidedly more dangerous to the peace of the world in general and the Allied supremacy in particular. But the same in connection with ourK1iiIaftt are thrown overboard. Now we are confronted with the result of those efforts, by which after all the Khi1afat, cherished by the forty crore followers of Islam, is to be annihilated, thus causing an intense injury to the civilization of Islam and our spiritual duties and progress.

    The Proposed Dismemberment of Turkey

    The schemes, which the Council of the Peace Conference proposes, to enforce, show that practically whole territory of the Khalifat-u1-Mithslmin is to be detachedfrom his sovereignty, including those portions of his dominions inwhich the Turkish nation is predominant. The British Government wants to have a Mandate for Mesopotamia, and France is to have all rights of a Mandate over Syria, and in Palestine is being created a Jewish State. The Islamic World has invariablyprotested against thesedesigns and the BritishMinisters have been reminded of their pledges and also of the hitter and grave consequences which the breach on their part is fraught with. It was made clear to them that many of the provinces, which were thus unjustly to be snatched from Turkey, besides being include in the Holy Land (Jaziratul Arab), were So connected with the past brilliant history of Islam that foreign domination there was a cruel test of their peaceful and solemn fee­lings. The principles of justice and equity (if they have the same meaning in the dictionary of Europe, as is understood by the simple, but sincere Asiatic) would demand, that these provinces be granted the right of: Self-determination and allowed to remain under the suzerainty of the Klialifatul-Mussalmin, so that the spiritual relations between the different factors of Muslins be not’ rent asunder.

    Turkey and Bulgaria were equally responsible for declaring waron the Allies but it is so painful, for the Muslims to see the Islamic Territory being broken into pieces by time advocates of righteousness, while the Bul­garian’ aspirations which she could not attain before the war, are being supported, and she is being given the chance of extending her territory to the sea. Our grief becomes still more unbearable when we see that for the imaginary persecutions of the Christians, which were circulated by the Government of the Czar, millions of avenginghands are raised in Europe against time Mus­lim.On time other hand, is this not barbarity and violation of all human instincts that when poor Muslims are plunged into the welterof tyranny and persecutions. By the Christians, as by the Greeks recently in Smyrna these Champions of righteousness deafen their ears, which were so alert to hear the slanderous voice against the Muslims. No sympathetic expression has yet been heard from any quarter of Europe on the cries of brutal murders and acts of violation committed by the Greeks.

    The Turkey Government is thus blamed for atroci­ties on subject races, especially Armenian massacres. The spokesman of the Allied Peace Council described this as the serious crime of the Turks. Is it not, a well- known fact that Christian subjects and particularly Armenians have been notorious for their risings against the lawful authority? In the present war, the Arme­nians, at the instigation of Russia took arms to stab the Turks at time back when they were busy in their opera­tions against Russia in the Caucasus. What forms of treatment the followers of Christian morality approve of in such a case? We see that most civilized Governments, even in time of peace, do not hesitate to crush the unarmed opposition without discrimination.Why then should time poor Turk, pay the penalty of being strangled, if they dealt with the rebels, as they deserved to be dealt with

     

    The disappointment of the Mussalmans is still more increased when they find that the responsible Ministers of our British Government, which always proudly claims to be a “Great Islamic Power,” are plunged deep in the same bigotry. When the same Mr. Lloyd George, whose clear promises have been narrated above, remembers the war in Palestine as a “Crusade”, we cannot help doubting his intentions and purposes.

     

    Obligation of the British Government towards Mussalmans

    We have no reason to find fault with other European powers, if they do not pay heed to our cries and lamen­tations. But our own Government which always proudly reiterates to be patron of the great Islamic population, and justly so, cannot set itself free of concomitant obligations. Our restlessness is aggravated when we find the Ministers of the Crown actively forward in the scheme of the dismemberment and partition of Turkey and solicitous of secret treaties, ignoring their solemn pledges.

    Musalmans did not shed their blood and pour out money like water, to see their aspirations dishonored in the Peace Council and the Victory, in which they took prominent Part to be designated as the Victory of the “war of the Crusade.” Now when we realize the situation, our hearts become greatly lacerated.

    The Existence of Turkey is essential and Useful for Great Britain

     

    It will he idle to repeat how the interests of Great Britain are c1oely bound up with the stability and continuance of the Ottoman Caliphate because so far asI the Indian political complications are concerned, those noble Englishman who remember the services rendered by the Ottoman Caliphate during the War with Tippoo Sultan and again on the occasion of the great Indian Munity of 1857, do not lose sight of their importance.

    Besides, the Islamic World views the existence and ascendency of Turkey as vital to their religious needs. In this svur1d-vde.conflagration it has been proved beyond doubt and acknowledges that the British cannot do away with the sympathy of the vast population of the Mussalmans for the strength and economic advan­tages of their great Empire. Again, if a generous hand is extended to a people, (whose life and conduct is entirely religious,) in a matter of high importance touching their beliefs and affections they will appreciateit passionately and that policy will be a great asset to secure their permanent loyalty, gratitude and devotion which are their national virtues.

    On this occasion it is advisable that I should repro- d reproduce for you a portion of the speech of that just and true Englishman, Mr. Marmaduke Pickthall, who, in the true sense of the world, deserves to be called a friend and  well-wisher of the British Government. He says

    What fools we are deliberately to go and anger Asia in order to please Powers of Europe, which we have to bribe. Europe is commercial. The European nations sell their faith. Asia is, no doubt, ulterior to Europe in this respect and others as is self-evident. But if you want undying faith and loyalty, a passionate devotion which never fail you at a pinch, a pure enthusiasm for, ideals not commercial nor political, but righteous, just and human, then go to Asia and seek by all means in your power to win the heart of Asia,“If I had the ear of the British Government at this Juncture, I would say: ‘Step forth and with a generous gesture saves Turkey now; and if any Poweropposes you, I promise you an army of 10,000,000 of Muhamma­dans who will fight for you against that Power with wild delight. Save the Muslim Empire now, and you save England from dishonour. Destroy it and you Wreck the British Empire.

    I beg to be pardoned if i[ frankly warn Ministers Of the Crown against the blunder they are committing by utter disregard of the Muslim feeling, taking them to be the feelings of a dormant and dying nation. They forget the Law of God. Thai Virile Nations Die Notand they lose sight of the struggle of Nations, once fallen for their rise. They must remember that their haughtinessand breach of faith isacting as a lash for the sleeping Muslim Nations. The time has come when tire Muslims are face to face with novel political situation and with it the deplorable attitude of the Ministers of.the Crown entails serious issues.

    The Duty of the British Government

    Brethren, from: what has been narrated above, it is quite clear what we Mussalmans demand. It is the moralduty of the Government to honour imperish­able feelings, based on the rights we claim as seven crore subjects of the Crown. The formal excuse that Great Britain has no control over the decisions of the Allied Peace Council cannot be entertained as valid. The events have confirmed the conviction that if the British

     

    Government were to use prestige and weight with a sincere desire and induce the Entente Powers; it will be impossible for them to turn, away from the British and particularly when our demands are within the limits of time principles formed as the basis of peace.

    Suppose that the Entente Powers, in their thirst for territory disregard the brilliant and valuable part played by England, by which they have attained now the position of settling the politics of the world, then for the British it will be the real test of their sincerity amid good intentions by vlii1i they have always soothed the Muslim mind and in that case they should not give the support to the Peace Treaty out of deference to the conviction of the seven crore Muslim subjects of time Crown. If the British Ministers cannot prevail upon time Peace Conference, and the treaty is passed in such. terms as are opposed to the demand of the’ Islamic world, and contrary to the pledges of President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George and it should be the duty of the British Nation to reject it when the same is finally placed before the Parliament for ratification.

    The Duty of the Mussalmans

    As to what should be the duty of the Musalman in this connection, I would convey to you message of time venerable member of our community Hon’ble K.B. Ibrahim HaroonJaffur, given by him in conclusion of his address delivered on.21st September 1919 President of the All— India Muslim Conference Lucknow. That is:-

    After this, the question rises, what should be the attitude of the Muslims if the fate of. Turkey is not decided agreeably. There is only one answer to this, and that is that we shall never recognise that decision of the Peace Conference, which insults forty crores Mus­lims of the world and destroys their hopes. Such a treaty can, in no circumstances, be binding on us, as was conveyed to the Prime Minister in a resolution of the All India Muslim League Council, passed on 27th August 1919, to the effect that Indian Muslims were not prepared to acknowledge any settlement which is against their demands and wishes. Eventually, the Muslims will be perfectly justified to pursue all constitutional means and utilize their material resources in the cause of Islam.”

    Propaganda of the Muslim Object

    In conclusion, it is necessary to say that time organized fanaticism and unsympathetic attitude of Europe and America towards the Islamic world, which has quit blinded them to treat Muslims with even common human courtesy, is due to the fact that the ill- informed and shortsighted press of those Countries has fanned, by false and unfounded allegations, the flames of great racial prejudice against Islam, and particularly against time Turks. These dastardly attempts are not the peculiarities of time Press of any particular country, but generally this hysteria has spread like an epidemic in all those countries. Therefore, it is imperatively necessary that through the medium of a journal and by other means, a movement, slow but sure, should be set on foot to contradict those calumnious charges which have driven the misrepresentation to such a high pitch.

    Realizing the importance of this idea, of our respected leader H. H. Sir Agha Khan, the Hon’ble G. M. Bhurgri and other Muslims residing in England, and our newly converted Muslim brethren, especially Mr. MarmadukePickthall, are striving bard in this direction. I think this auspicious work must have been regularly commen­ced from September last. You very well know that forsuch purposes, a co-ordinate effort and a large fund are necessary. Perhaps many from among us may be unaware of the fact that the European Nations spend thousands of pounds annually on purposes which can influence the public opinion in their favour, it appeal’s from a fresh letter, received from H. ,H. Sir Agha Khan that the Greeks spend twenty thousand pounds, and the Armenians ten thousand pounds annually ontheir detes­table propaganda. The present events demand that we stand more in need of making use of such means. Can here be any other more pressing occasion than this to try and test our established generosity and large heartedness? The spirits of our those ancestors, whose lives and treasures were sacrificed for the National welfare are at this time expectantly  looking for our liberality to see how far we act to defend and preserve our reli­gions and national existence. In fact, our this, life is only meant to he sacrificed in the Path of God, theAlmighty, Who has ordered us to say prayers, our Sacrifices, our lives and our deaths are all for God, the. Lord of the worlds.”Will the Nation entrusted by God with such clear Commandment.-, allow its momentary wâ1th to be kept back from being spent in a cause acceptable to Him? Thanks.

    I would lack in the discharge of my. duties if 1 (10 not express deep sense of gratitude towards those righteous English men including several retired Officials and our new Muslim brethren, who, for right and justice and in the best interest of the, British Government, are whole-heartedly denouncing the dismemberment of Turkey. They have invited the British Ministers and their Nation to turn their attention to the practice of that virtue, which will enable them easily to win over the hearts of the Muslim world and which ‘will leave the ineffaceable impressions of gratitude on their minds.

    Gentlemen, I cannot control the deep feelings of gratitude, which have been naturally created in my mind as well as in the mind of all my co-religionists, by our fellow-countrymen, sympathising with us in our presenthour of trial. How auspicious are these days for us, when we the    son of mother India feel that touch of real injury and pain which result from the calamities of one another. The expression, that 11 and my co-religionists are on this account, thankful to our Hindu and other brethren, is a mere formality in fact their fraternal inclinations towards it are far superior and stronger to be appreciated in suitable terms. Thisour reciprocal unity is a happy augury of the bright future of our Motherland.

    Conclusion

    Gentlemen, in wishing you farewell, I will remind you that it isour religious obligation to press our de­mands, and God forbid, if our efforts prove futile, Islam will, undoubtedly, receive a severe blow. But it is my firm belief that the existence of Islam and its integrity do not depend on any particular Nation. Several nations have come and gone, having served the cause of Islam in the Divine Light which will never wane,for, the Great God has promised: ‑

    “VerilyWe hath sent down the Quran and Verily, We shall protect it.”

    The darkness of the night forestalls the Dawn o the Sun of Glory with fresh splendor and brilliancy.

    PEACE BE UNTO YOU.

    AMEN

     

    Karachi Meeting

     

    The Khilafat Day, Friday the 17th October 1919, was suitably observed in Karachi, Musalmans and most Hindus fasted the whole day. After the Juma prayers in every mosque special prayers were offered for thecontinuance and permanence of the temporal power of the Klia1iat-ul-Mussi1inin, the Sultan of Turkey, SultanWaheeduddin VI.

    The public meeting presided over by Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon President of the, Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee, came off at 7-30 p.m. that day in Rhalikclina Hall. Muslims and their other brethren mustered strong on the occasion. Thousands of people were present and the Hall was packed to its full capacity, the verandah also being full. Most people had to go away for want of space to stand. Among those present were Maulvi Muhammad Siddik, Abdul KarimDaras, Hakim Shamshudin, Hakim. Valimahomed, Principal T. L. Vaswani, The Hon’ble Mr. HarchandaniVishindas, Messrs. YnsafaliAlibhaiKarimji, ulamali G. Chagla, Jamshed N. It. Melita, LokamalChellaram, T. K. Jes- wani, editor, “New Times,” Durgdas B. Advani, Princi- pal T. K. Shaliani, Pandit M. D. Amersaii and Narsing­lal, M. Misquita, Abdul Rahema.nBar-at-Law, Fakir Mahomed D utrakhan, Mir Maliomed T3alocli, Drs. Haji, G. H. Kassim and Nihalchand U. Va.swani, TikamdasWadh n mal, Bar-at-Law, Thakurdas V. Thadhani, Bar­at-Law, SrikirishnaLulla, Seth Adam Khatri, TyebaliAlibliai Kari fl)]i, GulamhusenShoikhValiji, Wali Muhammad Hasanally B.A., LL.B.; Peer Bukhsh and several other Ulermas and Faqirs.

     

    The proceedings opened with a recitation from the Holy Quran which was excellently done by Hafiz Khan MahmoodSaheb. Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon then read his thoughtful address in eloquent Urdu and throw light on the problems regarding the Caliphate and the KhaliafatulMussilmin, on the satisfactory solution of which, the learned president thought, depended the future peace and progress of the world, dwelt on the promises hitherto made by responsible British Ministers on the fulfillment of which, he said, the Muslims had every right to insist. Letters of sympathy from MaulviFateh Muhammad bhaiAlkamari, Hyderabad, Priest of the Borah community of Karachi, Hakim MaulviFateh Muhammad and Mir Ayub Khan bar-at-law, who were unavoidably absent from the meeting, wore read, as also a telegram from the Anjurnan-e-Islarn, Mirpurkhas, giving account of the meeting held there. The Head Priest of the Borah Communitywrote: -” I am one with you in the object of the meeting to-night to memorialize Government on the subject of the Khalifatand the Holy Places of Islam.”

    Then was sung by Munshi Abdul Ghani in a melodious tone, an elegy on the present deplorable circums­tances in which Turkey and Islam havebeen hurled and the audience listened to him in rapt attention. The poem was so pathetic that it moved one and all any manywere heard sighing and sobbing in the hail and tears.

    Coursed down many a cheek.This poem more than any­thing else brought home to the Muslim mind the extent of the present Islamic decline as the result of the con­templated dismemberment of the KhaIif’s dominions Iqbal’s National Anthem, sung by a Muslim boy, created a bright ray’ of hope in the audience and at every couplet the singer was enthusiastically applauded.

     

    Resolutions

    The first resolution ran:—”That this public meeting of the Mussalmans of Karachi held under the auspices of Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee, after solemn Friday Prayers and Prayers for the continuance and permanence of the temporal power’ of the Khalifat-ulMussilmin, approves the proceedings of and adopts all the resolutions passed by the All—India Muslim Conference held at Lucknow on the 21st September 1919 and expresses its greatest anxiety and ,indignation over the threatened dismemberment of Turkey and removal of the Holy Places of Islam from the Khalif’s control, and trusts that His Majesty’s Ministers will secure fulfillment of the pledge of the Right Hon’bleLloyed George, given on behalf of the British Empire regarding Turkey, for,otherwise there will inevitably be created an upheaval among the Muslims threatening alike the peace and pro­gress of the world generally, and giving rise to strong and deep rooted discontent within the British Empire particularly.”

     

    Maulvi AbdulKarimDaras, while moving the resolution, said that he did so not as a matter of custom andformality but as hischief religious duty. Islam had never -been without a Khalifat, he said, and never would: remain so. The booklet named “TahqiqulKhilaJat” has been written by an unknown Mulla with a view to deceive the simple folks in the muffasil, and the writer thus had doubtless played into the hands of the enemies of Islam. The Mullawrote in his pamphlet that the Musalmansin loyalty bound to the British Government in India should not bother themselves with the “Ottoman Caliphate. The learned Ulama refuted that mischievous statement by saying that their loyalty to the British Throne could, never bar them from owning spiritual allegiance to the Sultan of Turkey, the KhalifatualMussilmin the Comm­ander of the Faithful, the Keeper and Protector of the Holy Kaaba to which Muslims of the world ever turn their faces in prayers five times a day. Some advanced, the Maulvi said, that ridiculous argument that they were against Islam when the Caliphate was in imminent danger. He beautifully illustrated his idea by saying that it would be the height of folly to wish for the, pres­ervation of Attarif the bottle containing it was broken into pieces. The KhalifutalMussilmin might lose his dominions, as the Prophet did when hewas forced to emigrate to Medina,, but he believed that the Turks would return not as conquerors of Mecca alone, but like the Prophet, peace of God be upon Him, asconquerorsand ruler of God’s land.This resolution was seconded and supported by Mr. Abdul Raheman Bar-atLaw, Moulvui Muhammad SidikSaheb and Mr. Muhammad Ali Muhammad, in spirited speeches.

     

    The Hon’ble Mr. Hari Chand Raisympathised with the Mussalmans in their present hard situation, as much as, he said, lie would with his own people. 1-lindoos and Muslims are like the limbs of one body and it is therefore natural that if one limb is injured the whole body must ache with pain. Principal T. L. Vaswani who wore an expression of sincere sympathy on his face, more eloquent than his words, moved as he was by the solemness of the occasion, quietly gave his whole­hearted support to the resolution.

    Messrs. Jamshèd N. R. Mehta, Lokamal Chellaram1 Principal Tarachand K. Shahani, Pandit M. P. Amersain a Unitarian Christian,narsinglal and ShrikisiiindasLulla expressed their sympathy with the Muslim cause. Prin­cipal Tarachand himself agreeing with the text of the resolution as it was, insisted on the inclusion of the word “Hindus” also along with Mussalmans in it. PanditAmersain warned his fellow Christians that the cause of Christ and hence that of Christianity would suffer more than of Islam by the proposed dismemberment of Turkey for has not Christ ordered the Christians to love their friends and foes alike?

     

    This resolution was unanimously carried. The second resolution ran as under: ‑

    With a view to safeguard the integrity of the Turkish Empire and maintain the Ottoman Klialifat and consequently Khalifat-ul-Mussalmin’s necessary con­trol over the Holy Place of Islam, by means of carryingon an effective propaganda in England and elsewhere, including the proposed organ of the Muslim Opinion in London, this Public Meeting of the Mussalmans of Karachi resolves that a fund for the proposed object be startedand controlled by the Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee and appeals to all brethren-in-faith and their sympathizers to make liberal contributions towards the same”

    Mr. Mohammed Khan moved this resolution and said that the European Powers had been planning the expulsion of the Turks hag and baggage from Europe and thus wanted to strike at the very heart of Islamic Polity. Then he referred to various massacres of Muslims by Armenians and Greeks and said that false stories regarding Turkey were given free publicity in the European Press inorder to justify their own misdeeds       whichput civilization andjustice alike to shame. In view of the facts which he disclosed, he said that a Muslim Propaganda on the lilies suggested by the Hon’ble Mr. G. M. Bhurgri was essentially, necessary. While appealing for the funds, he said that ten thousand pounds as Reserve Fund and Fifteen hundred pounds as recurring annual expenditure for a weekly organ of Muslim Opinion in London was not a sum which Muslims could not afford. Dr. Haji seconded the resolution which was unanimously passed

     

    The third and the last resolution authorizing the Pre­sident “to forward copies of the first Resolution by wire to the Prime Minister, the Secretary of State for India, His Excellency the Viceroy, H. H. Agakhan and theHon’ble Mr. G. M. Bhnrgri” was moved and secondedby Dr. Haji, M. B. B. S. and Mr. MuledinaAbbasi, B.A., LL.B, respectively and was unanimously carried.

     

    A vote of thanks to the President moved by Mr. Mahomed.Khan and seconded by Seth Tayebali “AlibhaiKarimji, the latter eulogising the efforts of the President in glowing terms, was carried with acclamation and thus terminated the splendid meeting the memory of which will ever be cherished in’ the minds of all and which will be remembered in the history of the Indian Evolutionfor the fact that perfect order prevailed there and thereit was that the ties of Hindu-Muslim unity were bound and cemented more strongly than ever.

    Khilafat Day at Hyderabad

     

    AUDIENCE MOVED TO TEARS.

    Inquiry Demanded into Anti-Khilafat Movement in Sind,

     

    MUSLIM LADIES’ GATHERING

    The Khilafat Day was celebrated here yesterday with the greatest enthusiasm. Musslmans had voluntarily on the mere announcementof Moulana Abdul-Bari stopped business. HazaratMoulanaTaj Muhammad, one of the greatest religious teachers in Sind, came down to preside and was welcomed at the railway station by Hindus and Mussalmans. At the Jumma prayers in tile Mosques of the townspecialprayers for the safety of the Khilafat, Turkey and Jazeeratul Arab were offered and in the Sadar Mosque MoulanaTaj Muhammad spoke on these questions taking an Ayatfrom the Quran as his text. There were tears in theeyes of the entire congre­gation. The whole of the Mosque was so overcrowded that people had to stand outside in the sun in the afternoon a long procession of several thousands of Muss­almans on foot passed through the main bazaar amidst

    The enthusiastic and enthusiastic takbeers of Allah O Akbar .Never before in the history of Hyderabad had such a long yet orderly procession taken place. At shortinter­vals Hindus garlanded the president—elect and other religious 1eders and sprinkled rose water on the procession.

     

    Integrity of Turkish Empire

    At Holmstead Hall where an openair meeting was held, the entire front ground wascrowded up. The proceedings began. Witha recitation from the Holy Quran by Moulana Hafiz Asadullah Shah, Mian Muhammad Hashim, Editor of the Ka.chlcol, then read an especially composed poem for the occasion which moved the hearts of hearers so much thatthere was actual sobbing among the Mussulmans. Mr. Noor Muhammad , pleader, than spoke on behalf of the conveners of the meeting, explaining at some length the purpose of their gathering there that evening The president then read his speech in a loud voice, showing the importance of the Khulafat and Jazeeratul Arab and the necessity of the integrity and independence of Turkey. The meeting then adjourned for the sunset prayers and on its reassembling Iqbal’sTurana was sung in chorus. Mr. Abdul Jabbar pleader then in a forceful speech proposed the following resolution.

     

    In view of the threatened dismemberment and Parceling of the Turkish Empire among some of the European nations the Mussalmans of Hyderabad, (Sindh) in public meeting assembled after invoking in the mosque theaid of God Almighty to avert the calamity over the House of Islam deem it necessary in the interest of both, Islam and British Empire to place on record their strong convictions

     

    (a) That the spiritual supremacy and the status of the Khalifat-uI-Mussilmeen are inseparably bound up with his complete political independence and therefore any scheme that aims at his removal from the seat of Khilafat Islam or at reducing his power, andprestige in any shape or form would be considered by the entire Muslim world-as a direct encroachment upon their faith and violation of the pledges given to Muss1­mans by the chief spokesmen of the British Empire ‘and the Associated Governments.

     

    (b) That, in conformity with the doctrine of Jazeeratul Arab and in justice to Turkey, the only power in the world that can have the mandate for the provinces of Turkey now under military occupation is Turkey herself and they appeal to the British Government not to disregard the doctrine of the JaeeiatulAiab

     

    (c) That any interference with the authority and absolute control of the Commander of the Faithful H I IM. Sultan Wahid-ud-Din Mohamd over the land and affairs of Hedjaby any non-Moslem Power or any help howsoever small, given to any tribe or ‘party be it even to protect the Holy Kaba itself or the Holy Sepulchre at Medina would be an intolerable offence to Mussalman sentiments.

    (d) That the time has come when Mussalmans respectful1ybut emphatically demand that the British Government should give effect to the most solemn pledges it gave to the Muslim world with regard to Turkey, the Khlafat and the Holy. Lana, and to uphold the principles for which the Allies fought a those promises and principleswere in no small measure instrumental increasing the enthusiastic support in men and money which the Mussalmans of India gave to the British, Empire in the hour ofherneed.”

    Seth Haji Ahmed seconds this resolution and Mr. Santdas, pleader, and Professor Ghashaidas supported it and it was carried amidst loud Takbeers of Allah-o-Akber.

     

    Greek Atrocities in Asia Minor

    Mr. Sheikh Abdul Majid, Editor of the Alamin, in a beautiful speech, which made both Hindus and Mussa1mas weep, moved the following resolution:

    “That this meeting condemns the Greek atrocities committed upon the Muslim population of Asia Minor and considers the Greek occupation of the Turkish territory, at a time when the Turkish Army is under the terms of Armistice, disarmed and demobilized, as a vio1átiôn of all-principles and laws of war and justice and therefore urges upon the British Government the necessity of securing the Mussalinans of the unhappy areas safety of life and property and of obtaining the immediate evacuation of the territory forcibly taken possession of by the Hellenic,troops.”

    Mr.Majid wound up his speech by reciting a poem appealing for the mercy of the Prophet which made the entire the assembly weep like children. The resolution was second by Mr. SikanderBeg and was supported by Dr. Choithram in a forceful speech. It was carried amidst still louder Takbeers.

    The resolution created the greatestpossible indignation the extent of which canonly be realized by those present in the meeting. It ran as follows:-

     

    Anti-Khilafat Propaganda in Sind

    AN APPEAL TO H. E. THE GOVERNOR

    “That this meeting views with contempt the anti-Khilafa  propaganda  started in Sindh and feels it to duty to bring to the notes of His Excellency  Sir  George Lloyd the fact that very strong belief is widely  prevalent in Sindh that the movement owes its Organ and existence solely to the official capacity  and influence of some Government servants. This meeting, remove the fears that the Mussalmans of Sindh now entertain regarding the intentions of the Government in this question. This meeting is confident that his Excellency will with his usual breathed of mind secure the Sindh Mussalmans peace of mind by taking immediate action against such Government servants as may be found responsible for starting, aiding and carrying on this propaganda.

    This resolution was moved by Dr. Sheikh Noor Mohammed who traced: the history of the movement and showed how it had been started after the Easter last during which the Ulemas of Sind had unanimously held the Sultan to, be the rightful Caliph He chew attention to the state- merits of the Moulavees of Sind and how their signatures had been obtained for a pamphlet MoulaveeFaiz-ul-Karim is said to have written, He would not believe that MoulaveeFaiz-ul-Karim could possibly be the writer of the Anti-Khilafat Pamphlet because the Moulavee had inmost clear word testified to the correctness of the Fatwa of Moulana Abdul-Bari Sahib only in the Easter last’. If he was really the author of the anti-Khalift pamphlet there must be something which made him change his views in. so wonderfully short a time. He read out the facsimile of a 1etter of MoulveeGul Muhammad to Khan BahadurNabiBukhsh, Native” Assistant Commissioner and another facsimile of a letter of the Khan Bahadur himself enlisting the help of a friend of big in the matter of the distribution of pamphlets in Karachi. He drew attention to the articles of the Aihaqand Sind Moslem and showed that this movement had all the characteristic of a political propaganda and said that it was against the Government Service Conduct Rules for any Government Servant to start aid to carry onthe propaganda, as it had been carried on in Sind. He was sure that Sir. George Lloyd would hear their appeal. The resolution was seconded by MianMahomed Ismail SahlbLada Sahib of the Peer of Jhandoo who in supporting the resolution, said that the resolution had two parts.

    One was the expression of their feelings regarding the movement and the second an appeal tothe greatand good Governor of Bombay to hold an enquiry into this affair. He was concerned more especially withthe second part ofthe Resolution than the first as he had some personal experience of it. He was called to Karachi by Khan BahaduNabiBuksh, native Assistant Commissioner, through one of the speaker’s friends whowrote to him three letters urging him, to go to Karachi. In consequence of those letters he went to Karachi the Khan Bahadur called on him five times and he avoided meeting him but the fifth timemanners did not permit him to refuse to see him. The khan Bahadur then spoke to him things which supported this resolution. Perhaps he thought that all Peers in Sind were so timid, illiterate andignorant of the history and principles of Islam that he would be able to achieve his object through them. But it was not possible, for him (the speaker) to be so dishonest to the faith and ho had to disappoint the Khan Bahadurby refusing point-blank to put his signature on what is said to be the pamphlet of MoulaviKarim.Heappealed to HisExcellency to hold an enquiry into this matter and announce the result of it, to the satisfaction ofMussalmansonthe occasion of his forthcoming visit to Sind, and thereby earn the gratitude as he did, during his last visit when of all the Governors he made the best soothing references to the Khilafat and the TurkishQuestion in reply to the address of the Sind Muhammaden Association. He believed that it was the good fortune of Mussalmans that they had a sympathetic and above all a vigilant.Governor and he were sure that hisExcellency would consider it necessary to hold an enquiry.

    On being put to vote the resolution was carried amidst the loudest TAKBEERS OFALLAHO AKBAR and the whole assembly loudly demandedan open enquiry.

    A committee was then appointed to form a Khilafat Committee.

    With a vote Of thanks to president and the outside guests the meeting dispersed. The meeting was a huge success and the people were most orderly throughout The Police were cons­picuous by their absence in the bazar through which the procession passed, which reflects greatcredit to the common sense of the DistrictOfficers. As a large number of Mussalmans had fasted that day theHindusmade the arrangement at the Holmstead Hall for their Iftari. Thismeeting demonstrated the sincere co-operation of Hindus and Mussalmans.

     

    Another most important feature of the local Khi1afat Day was theMussalmans Ladies Meeting at which prayers were offered for their Kha1fa. Never before had a meeting of Mussalmans Ladies taken p1ace in Sindh the present gathering shows the attachmentof Mussalmans to theirbeliefs.  The resolution been cabled to Premier, the Aga Khan and the Hon’bleMr. Bhurgi.

    The Khilafat Day in other places in Sind

     

    LARKANA

     

    Larkana deserves to be congratulated on the wonderful success it achieved in celebrating the Khilafat Day. The local Eidgah was full to the brim, and among others were present Mr. Jan MahommadJoonejoBarat­Law; Pirzada. Abdul Ghaffar Bar-at–Law, Syed Ahmad Akhtar, Syed Malunuci Shah, Seth Khudadad Sb., PirTurabali Shah, Pir Syed Imarnni Din: Shb, PirSyédFathul: Din Shah, Pir Ali ‘Mania, Pir Ibrahim Shah, Maulana .Abdul FaizGhuiarnUrnMaulavi Haji AhmaclSb.,MulviMohdAlamSb,,MaulviSulemanSbMauiaviMolid. Shah Sb., MaulaviGhulatnHussain Sb., Pir m, Aahullah Shah Sb, Pit,Syed’Ali Anwar Shah, MtulaviGhuiamNabi Sb., Wadei’oMohd.. .Khn Sb., Wadero Syed Panah Ali Shah Sb., SyëdGhausal Shah Sb., WaderoMohd.Bachal Khan and MaulaviGhulamRasul. Mr. G. M. Ghulam Ali, B. A. Pleader occupied the chair. MaulaviMohd. Aq’il Sb. read the khutba. The following resolution was unanimously passed

    Chairman—Mr. Ohulam Au, Pleader Larkana.

     

    “Graciously accept and convey following resolution passed under my presidency to British Premier and Secretary of State England. Mahomeclans of Town and District of Larkana in mass meeting assembled at Eidgah support All India Moslem Conference Lucknow held 21stSeptember and approach you with their earnest loyal request that you will press with Your BritishPower and prestige as you havepromised to us Indian Mussalmans, that integrity, dignify an I prestige of the Ottoman Caliph and safety and sanctity of the holy lands of Islam shall be reserved to the Mahomedans of the world.”

    SUKKUR

    CItaiuinan-11oidvi Abdul K7u.li1e 1forai,.Sulcicur,

    Resolution.

    “The local Mussalmans and Hindus of Sukkur assembled in a meeting near Mir Massuim Shah Minaret and supported by the pardahNashin ladies meeting held today, emphatically appeal to His Excellency the Viceroy of India to urge His Majesty’s Prime Ministerto use the full weight of his office and the influence of the British Empire to prevent any interference by any Non-Muslims power with the universal Khilafat of the Sultan of Turkey and with his undisputed. Control over all Holy Places and to preserve unimpaired the integrity of his Empire for which the loyal and law abiding population of the Indian Empire will remain sincerely grateful.”

    Radhan(District Larkhana).

    (From Saiyed Hafiz Misri Shah.)

    A mass meeting of the Muslims of Radhan was held on 17th October 1019 under the presidency of Saiyed Hafiz Misri Shah to celebrate the Khilafat Dayand the following resolutions were passed:-

     

    1.    That the boundaries of the Turkish Empire should remain the same as they were before the war.

    2.    That Arabia should remain under the sovereignty f the Turkish Empire.

    3.    That the Indian Government be requested to use their good offices to influence the Peace Conference to give a due consideration to the feelings of the Muslims in general.

    4.    That the above resolutions be sent to the Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee Karachi for transmission to the Government.

    (From.Mahom,edHashimBalochZeminclai )

     

    A general mass meeting of the Muslims was held under the presidency of MianMuhammedHashim Khan Baloach, founder of the MadrassehHashma near post 78 miles Post 84 Jamrao Canal TalukaMirpurKhas District Thar and Paikar, and the following resolution, was passed :—         

     

    That the Government request over and over again to use their influence to preserve the integrity of Islam by maintaining the temporal authority of the Sultan of Turkey, this year the number of pilgrims being comparatively so small is a clear proof of the weakness of the Islamic situation and the weakness of the temporal authority of the Turkish Empire will lead to the weakness of Islam.

     

    Goth Kazi Muhammad Araf

    (From Mr. dbcioolKärirn.)

    The Muslim residents of Goth Kazi Muhammad Araf assembled in a meeting on Friday the 17th October 1919 to offer prayers for the safety of the Turkish Empire, when the following resolution was passed:-

    We the Muslims of this village pray to theBritish Government to preserve the integrity of HazratKhalifat-ul-Musilmin Sultan WahiduddinMuhammad VI, and thus earn the blessings of their Muslim subjects.

    Goth Pir of Jhanda

    A mass meeting consisting of about 700 Muslims washe1d to celebrate the Khilafat Day under the dencyof the Pir Sahib of Jhando, and prayers were offered for the integrity of the Turkish Empire and continuance and permanence of the ‘Khahite of Razrat Sultan Wahiduddin Muhammad VI.

    Bakrani Road (District Larkhana).

    A mass meeting of the Muslims of Bakrani Road was held under the presidency of Pir Muhammad  FatahllahShahto offer prayers for the integrity of the Tur­kih Empire, and for the maintenance of the Khalifat of the Sultan-of TurkeyonFriday the17th October 1919 Many Mussalmans were present, and great enthusiasm prevailed.

     

    Goth Shah QuliPurTalukhaGarhiYasin

    (FrommrMahomedAzim)

     

    A mass meeting of the Muslims of Goth Shah QuliPur was held on Friday the 17th October 1919 to offer prayers for the Caliphate of the Sultan of Turkey and to request the British Government in India to maintain the integrity of the Turkish Empire.

    Goth Thai TalukaGarhiYasin

    (From Mr Haji Sachal0

     

       A mass meeting consisting of 200 Muslims was held in the village on Friday the 17th October to offer prayers for the sultan of Turkey and to request the Indian Government to preserve the integrity of his Khilafat.

    Goth Ruk

    (From MrWaderoChuttamal)

     

       A meeting of the Muslims of Goth Ruk assembled on Friday the 17th October 1919 to offer prayers for the Sultan of Turkey and to request the Indian Government to maintain the integrity of the Khalifa of Islam.

     

    GarhiYasin

    (From Mr. Haji AkhundMahomed Khan)

     

    A mass meeting of the Muslims of GarhiYasin was held on Friday the 17thOctober 1919 to celebrate the Khilafat Day Prayers for the Sultan of Turkey were offered and the following resolutions were passed:‑

    1.Thatthe territories of the Sultan of, Turkey should be the sameas they were before the war.

    2., That the integrity of the Khilafat of the Sultan of Turkey should be preserved and maintained by the Peace Conference.

    GarhiBudhal (TalukaShikarpur.)

    (jlh,.oin, .rir).Ghula’mKadiirshah.)

    A massmeeting of the Muslims was held to celebrate the Khulafat Day and the following resolutions were passed: ‑

    1.    That the Government of India be requested to preserve the integrity of the Khalifat-ul-Mussalmans the Turkish Sultan.

     

    2.    That clue regard be paid by the British Government to the-feelings of the Indian Muslims, who rendered useful and valuable services during the war.

    3.    That the Anti-Khilafat propagandists are not right in their work. They themselves have been recognizing the Sultan of Turkey as their rightful Khalifa for a long time past, and this sudden change in their beliefis not based on reason.

    General Report.

    The Khilafat Day was celebrated in Sind in a manner befitting the solemn occasion. Hindus andMussalmans, all joined without any distinction of creed and caste. Prayers for the continuance and protection of the Ottoman Khilafat and for the integrity of the Temporal Power ofKhialifat-ulMusslamn, were offered all over the Province oven most of the small villages taking active part. Public meetings were held at almost all the important centers, a brief summary of the proceedings of which we have given above. Karachi, Hyderabad, MirpurKhas, Halla Old, Sukkur, Larkna, Amrot, Shikarpur Taluka GarhiYasin and innumerable other places observed the day. Purdah ladies meetings were held at Hyderabad and Sukkur. Reports from all these places show that fasting was observed both by males and females. Our Hindu brethren also observedupvas (fasting) in some places where meetings were held at 7 p refresh­ment had been provided for those Hindu gentlemen who had observed fasts. Such was the case at Sukkur where Hindu gentlemen, before the meeting commenced, were requested to go to the adjoining bungalow and break and break their fasts. Elsewhere we have given the text of all resolutions passed at different persons who will show how keenly Sindh Mussalmans feel and deprecate the designs of dismembering Khilafat and Turkey.

    APPENDIX 10

    Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee’s Manifesto

    The following Manifesto, issued in Smdlu by the Sind Provincial Khilafat Committee, was distri­buted broadcast in Sind:-

    “Hold YeFast the-Rope-of God and be not Divided To uphold the Grand Khilafat is our Religions Ditty

    All our Muslim brethren are well aware of the fact that our Holy Faith strongly enjoins upon us thatwemust maintain bur spiritual relations and tieswitha  Muslim Sovereign, who is in every was both powerful and independent; competent to’ advance the cause Islam and defend ‘”it against’ the aggression of hostile people and who mustbe in possession of the Holy Land and the sacred places of Islam and must be in strong enough toprotect them. It is our, duty to own spiritual allegiance to him. The Law of Islam has called such a Sovereign bythesacred title of Khali’fat-u1-Müsi1nieen and Amir-al-Mussalmans(Khalifa of Muslims and commander of the Faithful).  Our Holy Prophet, (May the blessings of GOD be on him) has enjoined that’ whoever dies without recognizing the Imam (Khalifa) of the time; will die the death of ignorance (Ignorance was the period preceding the advent of Islam when the people. were idolaters). This saying makes it clear1y manifest how far we Muslimsarereligiously bound tostick to our fealty to the Klilafat.  At all times have the Muslims,bygeneral,agreement, unanimouslyrecognized such a Muslim Sovereign as is possessed of all the requi­site qualifications of the Khilafat to be their Khalifa and religious guide; because the existence of the Khalifa is absolutely necessary for the stability and safety of Islam and for the maintenanceof the religion inits purity.

    It is for the last tour centuries or so that by the unanimous verdict, of the learned in religion and law and the agreement Of the people, this high-office has remained vested in the illustrious Turks, sine neither then, nor now was there any Islamic people worthy of that high office, They have ever offered their lives as sacrifices at the altar of Islam. Even today the whole Islamic world, proclaims aloud that besides His, Majesty, Waheed-ud-din Muhammad VI, (May his kingdom and glory be everlasting) there exists no otherSovereign fit to be entrusted with the duties of the Office of the Khalifa,

    Allied Peace Council and the Islamic Khilafat

    It is regrettableto find, that the replygiven by the Allied Peace” Council to the delegates of the Khilafat and Turkish Government, is extremely discouraging and bound to, cause uneasiness, if not consternation.  This has revived and fully confirmed the apprehension that some self-aggrandizing powers, burning with fanaticism and earth-hunger, by declaring, the socalled unfitness of the Turkish Government to, rule, are plotting in the namejustice andrighteousness the occupation of its territories, thus, affording reasonable, ground for fearthat our, religious beliefs, and acknowledged Muslim allegiance the Khilafat may be meddled with. Endeavors are being made to put us in the embarrassment which we consider a great calamity to our religious feelings and obligations. These depressing replies decidedly confirmed the belief in the Muslim mind that the principles of justice and equality of nations, formulated on the conclusionof the war, are being deliberate1y set aside in dealing with the.Khi1afat and wefully realize that by the destruction and undermining of the Khilafat, our Islamic civilization arid spiritual progress will receive an incalculable injury.

    Our prayer to the British Government

     

    Now we have only a ray of hope in our British Government which rules over the majority of the Muslims in the world and which has invariably prided itself on being the greatest Islamic empire of the day. The Present British Prime Minister Mr. Lloyd Geoge, has given several times distinct pledges as on an occasion, describing then aims and objects for entering into the war,he said “Nor are we fighting to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and,renounced lands or Asia Minor and Thrace which arAprdominent1y Turkish in race “And, again, on some other occasion he declared Wedo not challenge the maintenanceof theTurkishthe  Home lands of the Turkish race with its capital at Constantinople.”

     

    In the beginning of the War and thereafter from time to time we wereassured that the Holy Lands and sacred places will in no way beinterfered with, we may respectfully approach the British Govern­ment that they may usetheir influence with the Allies, who seem to have trampled down the principle of Self‑                    determination, and are now full of insatiable thirst forterritory, and compel them to recognise the religious aspirations of the Muslims and get the Suzerainty of the Khilafat maintained over the provinces which were beforethe war, under his rule. If this is not done, the fallof the Khilafat isinevitable, which events will certainlycreate intense bitterness and resentmentamong the Muslims

     

    Under the circumstances the All-India Muslim Con­ference, held at Lucknow on 21st September 1919, resolved that on the 17th October   1919 all Muslims should offer Friday Prayers, bowtheir heads before Almighty God and pray that He inthrough Hismercy and grace, relieve us of this calamity. Our Sacred Religion has ordained that at the time of misfortune we should invoke the blessings of God, as none else can save us from distress.

     

    On that, (Friday, I7th of October) wemust organize meetings for the purpose of beseeching our Government that they may strongly place our religious demands before the Peace Conference. After holding the meetings, the resolution passed should be forwarded to the Excellency, if the office of SindhProvincialKhilafat Committee, Karachi. If a telegraph office cannot be resorted to, then only copies of -the resolutions should be sent to the office of theabove Committee.

    ·        Seth Haji AbduihiIlaioon

    ·        Maulvi Abdul Karim:Daras,

    ·        MailaviMahamedSadik.

    ·        Fakir.MahamedDurraklian.

    ·        Hakim. ShatnisuddinAbmad.

    ·        Mir MahomedBaloch

    ·        Haji Jan Mahamed.

    ·        Haji G. H.Kassam.

     

    APPENDIX II

    Resolutions of the all IndiaMuslim Conferenceheld at Luck now on ‘the 21st September 1919.

     

    Resolution No. 1

    That in the opinion of this Conference the question of the spiutia1 position of the Sultan of turkey as a Caliph of the Islamic world is indissolubly bound up with his temporal power as a ruler and the contemplated dismemberment of Turkey and creation of a Turkish empire with non-Muslim power as mandatories is an intolerable interference with the Khilafat which would sow a seed of permanent discontent in the Muslim world.

     

    Resolution No. 2

    That this Conference strongly. Protests against: Syria Palestine, Mesopotamia and Armenia where the population is almost exclusively or predominantly Muslim in faith, being formed into separate States with non-Muslim powers as mandatory’s in direct conflict with the principle of self-determination laid down by the Alliedand Associated Power themselves, and conference urges that the principle applied to the Christian peoplesin Europe should also be applied to the aforesaid countries s with the suzerainty of the Sultan of Turkey and any difference in the treatment of Christian ad Muslims populations is sure to give rise to feelings of deep discontent p I alarm in the minds of His Majesty’s Moslemsubjects with whosehelp the war was brought to a victorious termination.

     

    Resolution No. 3

    That this Conference views with indignation and dismay the report regarding the internationalization of Constantinople and a portion of Thrace and the cessationof another portion of Thrace to Greece, which not only .Militates against the principle of self-determination and. Justice but would also be a direct breach of the edges given by the Prime Minister in his speech of the 5thJanuary 1918 in the name of BritishEmpire.

     

     

    Resolution No. 4

    That this Conference strongly condemns the al absolutely unjustifiable encroachments by Greece upon Turkish territory in Asia Minor and regards is toleration by the Allied Powers opposed to all principles justice and protection of weak states, and is convinced  that the Greek occupation of Smyrna fraught with  grave dangers to the future peace of Western Asia

    Respectfully calls upon his Majesty’s Prime Minister secure the immediate evacuation, of the aforesaid Turkish territories, in Asia Minor, and thus put an end the perpetration of brutal deeds of violence by Greeks.

    APPENDIX III

    The Executive Committee

     

     

    ·        SETH HAJI ABDULLAH HAROON-President

    ·        MAULANA ABDUL KARIM AL DARS-Vice-President

    ·        MOHAMMAD SADIG SABIB,

    ·        Mr. MOHAMMAD KHAN,—Secretary

    ·        HAKIM SHAMSUL DIN,- Joint Secretary

    ·        Mr. MOHAMMAD ALI   MOHAMMAD,—Treasurer

    ·        Dr. A.M AHMED, B.A., (Causal)

    ·        Dr. H.G KASSIM, M.B.B.S

    ·        Mr. G.G MIRZA, B.A- Pleader.

     

     

     

     

    PRINTED BY MR UDHARAM KEWALLM, AT THE BHARAT ELECTRIC PRINTING WORKS KPACHLAND PUBLISHED BYMr. MAHOMED KHAN, SECRETARY, SIND PROVINCIALKHILAFAT COMMITTEE, KARACHI.

     

     

    سنڌ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جون سرگرميون

     

    (نوٽ﷢: هن موضوع تي وڌيڪ مواد لاءِ ملاحظه ڪريو ”واقعا/Events“ جيڪي هن ئي ويب سائيٽ تي موجود آهن.)

     

    حيدرآباد سنڌ ۾ خلافت ڪانفرنس ۽ انجمن علماءَ جا جلسا

    4 جنوريءَ 1920ع تي خلافت ڪانفرنس ٿي ۽ پنجينءَ تي انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جو جلسو، ڪانفرنس ۾ 800 ڊيليگيٽ شريڪ هئا ۽ انجمن ۾ مولوين ۽ پيرن جو تعداد 86 هو. ٻنهي ڪائونسلن ۽ انجمن جي جلسن ۾ جڏهن انهن ظلمن ۽ ستمن جا واقعات بيان ڪي ويا ٿي جي خلافت عثمانيہ جي دشمنن مولوين ۽ ٻين مسلمانن تي ڪيا آهن. تڏهن علم روڄ ۾ راڙو پئجي ويو ٿي. مير مجلس حضرت مولانا غلام محمد صاحب ملڪاڻي پنهنجي صدارتي خطبي ۾ فرمايو ”مسلم ليگ جي صدر صاحب جيڪي گاو قرباني بابت فرمايو آهي تنهن جي دلي تائيد ڪرڻ ۾ مون کي تمام گهڻي خوشي آهي. جيستائين هندو مسلم هڪ ٻئي جي مذهبي احساسات  جي عزت احترام نه ڪندا تيستائين اتحاد پخته پايه تي بيهي نه سگهندو.“

    5 تاريخ تي جڏهن مسٽر ڄيٺمل جو جلوس هوم اسٽيڊ هال وٽان لنگهيو تڏهن سنڌ جا پير ۽ مشائخ ۽ مولوي هال کان ٻاهر نڪري آيا ته مسٽر ڄيٺمل جي مرحباڪن ۽ هن سان بغلگير ٿي مليا. سنڌي اتحاد جي اها سچي تصوير ڪڏهن به اکين مان غائب ٿي نٿي سگهي.

    علماءَ جون تقريرون ٻئي موقعي تي ڏنيون وينديون في الحال گورنر حاجي ڌيان ڇڪائڻ لاءِ هيٺيان ٺهراءَ ڏجن ٿا. (ص 3)

    انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جا ٺهراءَ

    ريزوليشن نمبر 1

    هي جلسو علماءَ سنڌ جو هز ايڪسلينسي لائڊ جارج گورنر بمبئيءَ کي هيٺين بابت ذاتي استدعا  ڪري ٿو ۽ بمبئي سرڪار کان اصرار سان اها طلب ڪري ٿو ته جن سرڪاري عملدارن خلافت عظميٰ جي برخلاف واري تحريڪ ۾ ظلم ڪيا آهن ۽ ڪرايا آهن. تن کي جوڳي سزا ڏيئي سنڌ مان يڪدم ڪڍي. ڇاڪاڻ ته مذهبي علمائن ۽ عام مسلمانن تي اڃا تائين ظلم ٿيندڙ آهن. اهي ظلم سرڪار جي نالي کي بي عزت ڪري رهيا آهن. جيڪڏهن انهن کي يڪدم جوڳي سزا ڏئي سنڌ مان نه ڪڍيو ويو ته هيءَ انجمن علماءَ سنڌ سمجهندي ته سرڪار انهن کي رعيت کان وڌيڪ پيارو ڄاڻي ٿي.  پوءِ انجمن مجبور ٿي پنهنجو شرعي فيصلو جاري ڪندي.

    تحرڪ مولانا تاج محمود صاحب.

    (1) مريد مولوي حڪيم فتح محمد صاحب، (2) مريد مولوي محمد عاقل صاحب، (3) مريد مولوي دين محمد وفائي، (4) مريد پير سيد علي نواز شاهه صاحب.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 2﷢:

    از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه پاس ٿيو. هي جلسه انجمن علماءِ سنڌ جو هز ايڪسلنسي لائڊ جارج گورنر جو ڌيان انهن فوجداري ڪيس ڏي ڇڪائي ٿو. جي ڪيس لاڙڪاڻه ضلعي جي مشهور ۽ معزز مسلمانن تي داخل ٿيا آهن. انهيءَ انجمن جو اهو سوچيل سمجهيل خيال آهي ته اهي ڪيس انهن عملدارن جي مدد ۽ انهن جي ايجيٽيشن جي معرفت داخل ڪيا ويا آهن جن عملدارن جو تعلق خلافت جي برخلاف واري تحرڪ سان آهي. هيءَ انجمن تنهنڪري سرڪار کي اصرار سان چوي ٿي ته سرڪار هڪدم هڪ آزاد ڪميشن مقرر ڪرڻ فرمائي. انهي نسوري ظلم جي جاچ لاءِ جو خلافت جي تحريڪ جاري ڪرڻ واري وقت کان وٺي هلندڙ آهي.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 3﷢:

    از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه پاس ٿيو، انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جي هي جلسه آل انڊيا سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽي ۽ مسلم ليگ ۽ هندستان جي مسلم ليڊرن کي استدعا ڪوٺيو ته اسان کي ظلمن کان ڇڏائين ۽ خلافت جي مسئله بابت مسلمانن تي ٿيا آهن.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 4﷢:

    از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه

    انهن مسلمنن کي جن تي خلافت ڪري مقدما ٿيا آهن کي مالي مدد ڏني وڃي.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 5:

    از صدر باتفاق راءِ جلسه

    هيءَ انجمن مولوي شوڪت علي ۽ مولوي محمد علي صاحب کي مبارڪباد ڏئي ٿي. جو انهيءَ صاحب  نظربندي ۾ جيل خاني جون سختيون سهي ڪري پنهنجي ايمان تي قائم رهيا.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 6:

    هي جلسه آل انڊيا يا خلافت ڪانفرنس منعقد دهلي مورخه 23 نومبر 1919ع ۾ جيڪي ريزوليشن پاس ٿيا هئا خصوصن تحريڪ بائيڪاٽ ۽ سرڪار سان قطع تعلقات بنسبت انهن سان اتفاق ظاهر ڪري ٿو.

    ريزوليشن نمبر 7:

    صوبه  سنڌ جي خلافت ڪانفرنس لاڙڪاڻه ۾ 5 فيبروري 1920ع جي منعقد ڪئي وڃي هي ٺهراءُ به اميد منظوري سيٺ حاجي هارون پريزيڊنٽ سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي پاس ڪجي ٿو.

    الامين، نمبر 13، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 15 جنوري 1920ع، جلد 5، ص 4.

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    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي.

    428 مئڪلوڊ روڊ

    ڪراچي 23 جنوري 1921ع

    جناب من…………. اسلام علڪيم.

    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ جي منتظم ڪاميٽيءَ جو جلسو ڇنڇر ڏينهن تاريخ 5 فيبروري 1921ع 11 بجي صبح جو خلافت ڪاميٽي جي آفيس ۾ ٿينگو- مهرباني اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.

    هيٺيان ڪم سرانجام ڪيا ويندا.

    1.بيت المال جو حساب ڪتاب

    2.بيت المال ڪيئن ڪجي

    3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ماتحت آفيس (سب مرڪز) خلافت جا ٺاهڻ.

    4.قومي تعليم فنڊ ۽ ان جي گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪهڙا اپاءَ ۽ تجويزون اختيار ڪجن.

    5. هميشه لاءِ وفد مقرر ڪرڻ جو ڪم ڪندو رهي.

    6.تبليغ ۽ سوديشي رپورٽون.

    7. ڪنهن ماڻهن کي روڪجي جي سنڌ پراونشل ڪاميٽي جي نالي پئسا گڏ ڪن ٿا.

    8. جنرل ڪاميٽي ڪوٺائڻ لاءِ تاريخ ۽ هنڌ مقرر ڪرڻ.

    9. قومي دارالقضائون برپا ڪرڻ.

    10. مجاهدن جون جماعتون تيار ڪرڻ.

    11. سرڪاري دٻاءُ کي ڪيئن منهن ڏجي

    12. ميرپورخاص ۾ سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس سان گڏ سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪجي يا نه ڪجي.

    13. مولانا محمد صادق صاحب جون تجويزون ملان اسڪولن بابت

    14.هميشه لاءِ مبلغين مقرر ڪرڻ.

    15. مرڪزي خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئي جا جاري ڪيل نوٽ ڪيتري قيمت جا وڪري لاءِ گهرايا وڃن.

    16. ڪانگريس مقاصد- سوراج ۽ قطع تعلقات.

    خاڪسار

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري

    سيد پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچي.

    23 جنوري 1921ع

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    فتويٰ انجمن علماءَ سنڌ

    درباره آنکسان کہ عمدََا

    گزشتہ شريک شدند

    سوال

    ڇا ٿا فرمائين علماءَ ڪرام انهن مسلمانن جي باري ۾ جيڪي گذريل جشن ۾ عهدا شامل ٿيا باوجود علماءَ ڪرام هند جي متفقه فتويٰ هئي ته صلح جشن ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ حرام آهي ۽ انهيءَ پنهنجي ڪئي تي نادم ۽ توبهه تائب به نه ٿيا آهن.

    جواب

    انهن مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته پنهنجي انهيءَ ناجائز ۽ فاسقانه فعل تي علانيته اظهار ندامت ڪن ۽ بارگاهه الاهيءَ توبهه تائب ٿين. ٻيءَ صورت ۾ مسلمان انهن کي نفرت جي نگاهه سان ڏسن ۽ انهن کي بڇڙو سمجهن ۽ انهن کان قطع تعلقات ڪن. مثلن سلام ڪلام وغيره وغيره. جيڪڏهن اهڙن مسلمانن مان ڪي مسلمان ڪنهن اسلامي منصب وارا هجن مثلن قاضي يا پيش امام وغيره ته مسلمانن تي لازم آهي ته انهن کي انهن منصبن کان معزول ڪن ڇو ته هو شرعن اهڙي منصب جا لائق نه آهن. والله اعلم بالصواب.

    (1) مولوي سيد تاج محمد امروٽ (2) هٰذا هوالحق سيد امام صاحبزاده پيرجهنڊي (3) اسد الله الحسيني (ٽکڙ) (4) من اتبع غير سبيلا المومنين نولہ ما تولي ونصفہ جهنم ساعت مصيرا- حامد الله عفي عنه (لاڙائي)، (5) الجواب صحيح- صديق (6) قال النبي صلي الله عليہ وسلم من فارق الجماعتہ سبرا فقد خلع رقبة الاسلام عن عنقہ العبد- محمد عاقل لاڙڪاڻو (7) ذلک کذلک دين- وفائي (8) فقير- عمر سرهندي مٽياري، (9) فقير عبدالرحمان (10) محمد نورالحق مدرس ڳوٺ پير جهنڊه (11) ما قال المحققون فهو حق موولوي محمد واهڙائي مقيم ٽنڊه سائينداد (12)صحيح احقه العباد-امين ٽنڊو غلام حسين خان (13) صحيح العبد سليمان (لاڙائي)، (14) الجواب صحيح عبدالڪريم مقيم گهٽگهڙ تعلقه قنبر (15) خليفه حاجي محمد هالا نوان (16) مولوي عبدالله هالا پراڻا (17) هي قول سارو حق آهي. جنهن کان اسان کي انڪار نه آهي. مولوي عبدالله سانگهڙ (18) مولوي خوش- ميرو خان لاڙڪاڻو (19) الجواب صحيح محمد اڪرم انصاري هالاڻي (20) هٰذا هوالحق غلام محمد ٽنڊه محمد خان (21) هٰذا هوالحق- محمد صديق مورائي (22) هي جواب صحيح آهي عبدالخالق ڪنڊيارو. (23) مولوي محمد اسماعيل ڳڙهي حسن تعلقه ٺل (24) مولوي نور-ٽنگواني ڪنڌڪوٽ (25) مولوي احمد- مراد پور ٺل (26) مولوي غلام رسول ساڪن رئيس قائم خان تعلقه قنبر (27) ختمت علي ختم العلماءَ لافهم واجب الاتباع المسڪين- سليمان، ٿرڙي محبت، ميهڙ (28) صحيح مولوي دين محمد مقام بٺي تعلقه ميرا خان (29) صحيح- يوسف ويٺل نٻون تعلقه ميرپور بٺورو (30) صحيح مولوي شيخ نور محمد مٽياري (31) جڏهن ان مسئلي بابت اجتماع ڪري علمائن فتويٰ ڏني آهي سا دل و جان سان قبول آهي- معين الدين کياري والا ضلع نوابشاهه (32) نور”ولد ميان حامد الله علامه لاڙ“ (33) مولوي حافظ نور محمد ڳڙهي ياسين (34) صحيح ابو الحبيب مٺل شاهه ٺلاه شريف باقراڻي روڊ (35) مولوي سرور بخش مقيم ٺل سرحد سنڌ (36) مولوي حبيب الله مدرس مدرسه کاڻ تعلقه دادو (37)مولوي محمد هاشم- اسحاق ديرو تعلقه ڳڙهي ياسين (38) صحيح مولوي الاهي بخش معلم ٻانها تعلقه ميهڙ (39) مولوي عبدالخالق مورائي حال مقيم ٺل اپر سنڌ (40) مولوي الاهي بخش گوٺي (41) مولوي در محمد مدرس ص 9 مدرسه مراد پور تعلقه ٺل (42) مولوي غلام رسول شهر پيربخش قنبر (43) مولوي ابوالفيض غلام محمد سونو جتوئي تعلقه لاڙڪاڻو (44) مولوي حاجي احمد-مولوي ملا ابرو تعلقه ڏوڪري (45) مولوي عبدالله الهالائي مدرس مدرسه محمد ۾ هالا ڪهنه (46) صحيح مولوي-صالح عباسي، مقيم دادو(47) مولوي شيخ عبدالقدوس حيدرآباد سنڌ (48) مولوي سيد حزب الله شاهه ڳوٺ نور- شجراه تعلقه شڪارپور(49) صحيح (پير سيد) فخرالدين گهوٽڪي (50) مولوي عبدالڪريم- شهر حاجي خان تعلقه شڪارپور (51) مولوي سيد عابد شاهه- نور محمد شجراه-تعلقه شڪارپور (52) مولوي عبدالڪريم دين پور تعلقه ٺل (53) مولوي محمد يوسف معلم مدرسه ڀان تعلقه سيوهڻ (54) صحيح مولوي غلام فريد ڳوٺ نور محمد پريد  تعلقه قنبر (55) صحيح مولوي نبي بخش عودي اپر سنڌ.

    هفتيوار الامين، نمبر2، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 26 جنوري 1920، جلد 5. ص: 10

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    جلسو عام خلافت اسلامي

    نصرپور سنڌه

    جنهن صورت ۾ يورپ جون بعض عيسائي حڪومتون مقامات مقدسه ۽ خليفتہ المسلمين جي پٺيان هٿ ڌوئي لڳيون آهن ۽ خود مڪه معظمہ مديني منوره، بيت المقدس قسطنطنيہ جهڙن مقدس اسلامي شهرن لاءِ ساڳيون چالبازيون ۽ حرفتون هلايون وڃن ٿيون جهڙيون مصر سان کيڏيون ويون هيون تنهن صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو اهو مذهبي فرض آهي ته هو اهڙي نازڪ آزمائش جي وقت اسلامي عزت ۽ اقتدار قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ باقاعده هر ممڪن تجويز اختيار ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي غيرت جو ثبوت ڏين.

    هينئر موجوده حالتن ۾مسلمانن جو پهريون فرض آهي هر طرح تن، من ۽ ڌن سان مدد ڪري جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌه ۽ خلافت بيت المال کي وڌائڻ ۽ زور وٺائڻ لاءِ هر ڪنهن ضلعي جي هر هڪ تعلقي ۽ هڪ ڳوٺ ۽ واهڻ ۾ مٿيئن جماعت جون شاخون قائم ڪن.

    اسان جي قديم اسلامي شهر نصرپور تعلقه ٽنڊه الهيار ضلعي حيدرآباد سنڌه جا مسلمان اها ضرورت گهڻي وقت کان محسوس ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ هاڻي پنهنجي فرائض جي ادائيگي لاءِ ارادو ڪيو اٿن ته هتي نصرپور ۾ انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو ماهه پهرين جمعرات تاريخ 2 شعبان هجري 1338 مطابق تاريخ 22 اپريل 1920ع خميس ڏينهن شام جوجناب حضرت پير شاهه محمود شاهه صاحب جيلاني رحمت الله عليہ جن جي درگاهه شريف تي منعقد ڪجي.

    هن مبارڪ موقعي تي جناب حضرت پير ميرحافظ حاجي سيد اسد الله شاهه صاحب زميندار ٽکڙ ۽ حيدرآباد جا مشهور محبان اسلام جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايڊيٽر الامين، ڊاڪٽر شيخ نور محمد صاحب ۽ اسان جا وطن دوست هندو ليڊر ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام ۽ مستر نرسنگ لال ۽ ٻيا حضرات پڻ مهرباني فرمائي اسان جي استدعا تي اچڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيا آهن.

    سڀني عام خاص هندو مسلمانن ڀائرن کي استدعا ٿي ڪجي ته هن جلسي تي شريڪ ٿي نصرپور جي مسلمانن کي ممنون ڪندا.

    خميس ڏينهن شام کان رهائش ۽ خوراڪ جو عام بندوبست رکيو ويندو.

    الملتمس

    مولوي تاج محمد قاضي عبدالرحمان قريشي

    مسٽر محمد يوسف خليفہ جمع خان عباسي.

    تاريخ: 22.04.1920

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    دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميہ صوبه سنڌ

    مئڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي، مورخہ 7 مئي 1920ع

    جناب من سيّد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب زميندار

    اسلام عليڪم- ڪثرت راءِ سان فيصلو ڪيو ويو آهي ته خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي جنرل ميٽنگ حيدرآباد سنڌ ۾ ڪجي تنهنڪري اوهان جي خدمت ۾ اطلاع ٿو ڏجي ته تاريخ 22، 23 مئي 1920 بروز ڇنڇر ۽ آرتوار جلسو مسٽر نور محمد صاحب وڪيل جي جاءِ تي ٿيندو ۽ هيٺين تجويزن تي غور ڪيو ويندو.

    هي جلسو تمام ضروري آهي ۽ گهڻين اهم ڳالهين جو فيصلو ڪرڻو آهي. تنهنڪري ضرور توهين شريڪ ٿي ممنون فرمائيندا. تاڪيد- فقط والسلام.

    (1) جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ جي لاءِ قاعدا.

    (2) چنده جمع ڪرڻ ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيون ٺاهڻ ۽ ٻين ضروري ڳالهين لاءِ وفد ٺاهڻ گهرجن ۽ انهن جي گذاري لاءِ ڪهڙو انتظام ڪيو وڃي.

    (3) انهيءَ تحريڪ کي ڪامياب ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪرڻ گهرجي ته ديسي شيون ڪم آڻجن ۽ سنڌ جي هندن کي زور وٺرائجي.

    (4) عملدار جي خلافت جي تحريڪ ۾ حصي وٺندڙن کي تڪليف ٿا ڏين تن جو ڇا بندوبست ڪرڻ گهرجي؟

    (5) هندستان کان نڪري اسلامي ملڪن ڏي هجرت ڪرڻ.

    (6) رمضان شريف جو سمورو مهينو چنده گڏ ڪجي ۽ ان کي بيت المال جو مهينو ڪري ملهائجي ۽ ڪوشش ڪجي ته پنهنجو حصو (5 لک) پورو ڪري ڏئي.

    (7) گورنمينٽ کان قطع تعلق ڪرڻ.

    نوٽ﷢: حالتون ڏينهون ڏينهن وڌيڪ نازڪ ٿينديون ٿيون وڃن. اسان جي درخواستن تي ڪو به خيال ڪو نه ڏنو ٿو وڃي. جيتري قدر اسان گهڻا عرض ڪيا اوتري قدر خلافت اسلام کي تباهه ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ٿي رهي آهي. ڪم ڪرڻ جو وقت آيو آهي توهان ضرور شريڪ ٿي پنهنجو فرض ادا ڪندا ۽ پنهنجي اچڻ جو اطلاع مسٽر نور محمد وڪيل کي ڏيندا. 20 تاريخ اندر، ته هن سان گڏ ٽڪيٽ پڻ موڪلجي ٿي جو رڳو توهان جي لاءِ آهي ٽڪيٽ کانسواءِ جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ جي اجازت نه آهي.

    حڪيم شمس الدين

    جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري

    الوحيد پريس، مئڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي، تاريخ 7 مئي 1920.

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    ڍورو نارو ۾ خلافت جلسو

    زير صدارت پير آف غلام مجدد صاحب.

    27، 28 شعبان 17، 18 مئي 1920ع تي ڪيترائي مولوي، ايڊيٽر، ماڻهو گڏ ٿيا، ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ويا. جيڪي خليفه المسلمين، خلافت جي حفاظت، انگريزن جي غلط پاليسي وغيره بعد، هيٺين ماڻهن پنهنجي اسڪول گرانٽن ۽ عهدن ۽ ڪرسين تان استعيفائون ڏنيون.

    گرانٽس وٺڻ کان انڪار ڪندڙ هيٺان آهن﷢:-

    1. مولوي لعل محمد صاحب، انڙپور.

    2. ميان خير محمد مانجهو.

    3. ميان شفيع محمد مانجهو.

    4. حاجي خير محمد، مٽياري.

    5. حافظ محمد، مٽياري.

    6. لعل خان لغاري

    7. ملا خان محمد گهموري، عمرڪوٽ.

    8. مولوي محمد طاهر، ڦلهڏيون.

    9. مولوي محمد قاسم عزيز مگري

    10. مولوي نور محمد ڪونجي گر.

    11. مولوي محمد عثمان.

    12. محمد حسن چبل، عمرڪوٽ.

    13. مولوي ميان حاجي عبدالحڪيم، عمرڪوٽ.

    14. حافظ حامد الله ڏيپو

    15. حافظ متارو ساڍر، عمرڪوٽ.

    16. حسين ماڻبو ڳوٺ عبدالڪريم پلي.

    17. عمر مچندو نڪر جو ڳوٺ.

    18. ميرو خان نڪر پٿورو.

    19. محمد سليمان آزاڙو.

    20. محمد يوسف رحم خان لغاري.

    هيٺين صاحبن ميمبرن ڪرسين ۽ آفرين نامه ڇڏڻ جو اعلان ڪيو.

    1. ميان جلال شاهه ويٺل غلان نبي شاهه، لوڪلبورڊ جي ڪرسي.

    2. وڏيرو سمون خان ڪانڀو خان ڪليڪٽر جي ڪرسي.

    3. آغا محمد علي جان ڪرسي

    4. وڏيرو خدبخش ڀرڳڙي ڪرسي.

    5. ميان محمد هاشم ولد محمد اسماعيل ويٺل نوهين عمرڪوٽ اسڪول ڪميٽيءَ جي ميمبري ۽ ڪليڪٽرجاتي آفرين نامه- ٻيو ڪليڪٽر ٿرپارڪر کان مليل ٻيو سپرنينڊنٽ  کان مليل، ٽيون ڊپٽي ڪليڪٽر تاره کان مليل.

    42 زميندارن اعلان ڪيو ته جڏهن علماءَ ۽ ليڊر حڪم ڏيندا تڏهن ڍلن ڏيڻ کان انڪار ڪنداسون.

    سب انسپيڪٽر پوليس سي آءِ ڊي استعيفيٰ لکي ڊي آءِ جي کي موڪلي.

    اٽڪل ٻن سئو ڄڻن لکي ڏنو ته هجر ڪرڻ لاءِ ۽ جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ تيار آهيون. هڪڙي هندوءَ نالو لکايو ته هو به جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ تيار آهي.

    الامين نمبر 15، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 31 مئي 1920ع، جلد 5، ص 5 کان 6.

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    از دفتر ”سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي

    24 جون 1920ع

    جي ايم سيد ڏانهن خط

    ته 3 جولاءِ 1920ع تي ڇنڇر ڏينهن خلافت آفيس الوحيد پريس ۾ ميٽنگ ۾ شرڪت ڪري.

    حڪيم شمس الدين

    جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري

    تجويزون﷢:

    1. قطع تعلقات کي ڪيئن ڪامياب ڪجي؟

    2. ان لاءِ پير صاحبن ۽ علماءِ جون فتوائون.

    3. تبليغي ڪميٽيءَ جي رپورٽ.

    4. سوديشي ڪاميابيءَ لاءِ تجويز.

    5. سنڌ مان ڪي صاحب ڪراچيءَ ۾ هي خلافت جي ڪم ۾ مدد ڏني.

    6. ابتدائي تحريڪ خلافت کان وٺي اڄ تائين جي مظالم جي پوري رپورٽ ٺاهجي.

    7. هر هڪ ضلعي ڪميٽيءَ جا ميمبر هڪ لک هجن ۽ 4 في چنده ڏين.

    8. سنڌ جي ظلم روڪڻ لاءِ اپاءَ.

    9. تبليغي ماڻهن جون پگهارون.

    10. هجرت ڪميٽيءَ جو ٺهراءُ، کين مدد لاءِ.

    11. مولوي عبدالخالق ۽ مولوي عبدالغفور جو خط جيڪب آباد جي مظلومن جي امداد.

    12. هڪ مصيبت زده ترڪ جي امداد.

    13. منظم ڪميٽيءَ جي فيصلي جي اشاعت ۽ تعميل لاءِ ضلع ڪانفرنسون.

    14. نظامِ تبليغ.

    الوحيد، 24 جون 1920ع.

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    سنڌ خلافت جلسه

    26 شوال 24 جون خلافت جو جلسو ڳوٺ حيات خان رند تعلقه ٺل ۾ مولانا تاج محمود صاحب امروٽي وارن جي زير صدارت هڪ عاليشان پيماني تي ٿي گذريو ان جلسي ۾ قريب 2 هزار ماڻهو جمع هئا ۽ ماڻهن ۾ ڏاڍو اسلامي جوش هو. الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان بلند آواز هئا. صدر صاحب جي تقرير کانپوءِ هيٺان ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.

    الوحيد 2 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 3.

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    مهاتما گانڌي ينگ ”انڊيا“

    مهاتما گانڌي لکيو آهي ته مان جيڪر خوشيءَ سان شهزادي جي مرحبا ڪريان پر سرڪار ان جو اهو فائدو وٺي ثابت ڪندي ته هندو واسي سرڪار مان خوش آهن. ان ڪري اسان کي شهزادي جي مرحبا ۾ ڪو به بهرو وٺڻ نه گهرجي.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 60، 11 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 6.

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    اسلامي دنيا

    وزير علي بيگ نالي هڪ اسان جي ملڪي مسافر ابي سينا آفريقه مان اخبار وڪيل کي هڪ خط لکيو ته هجرتي جيڪڏهن ابي سينا هجرت ڪري اچن ته آءُ هر طرح مدد ڪندس ۽ روزگار جا موقعا آهن. پاڻ ته يارنهن سالن کان واپار ڪري ٿو.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 60، 11 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 4.

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    خلافت جلسو

    19، 20 شوال تي ماڏي تعلقه خيرپورناٿن شاهه ۾ خلافت جلسه پير سيد عبدالله صاحب جي زير صدارت ٿي گذريو. ڪم جو انتظام مولانا محمد صالح صاحب بلڪل چڱو رکيو هو. جابلو ماڻهو ۽ ٻي تر جي خلق قريب ٻه هزارن جي آيل هئي. قطع تعلقات ۽ سوديشي ۽ هجرت، هندو مسلم ايڪتا تي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيا. مولانا محمد سليمان واعظم ۽ مولوي محمد صديق پير صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون.

    تعلقه ڪنڌڪوٽ ضلعي جيڪب آباد ۾ هڪ ٻروچن جي ڳوٺ ۾ مسلمانن خلافت جو جلسو ڪرائڻ چاهيو پر وڏيري شير محمد بجاراڻي کين ڌمڪائي جلسو بند ڪرائي ڇڏيو.

    الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 41، 13 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 4.

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    ٻٽ سرائڻ تعلقه سيهڙ ۾ خلافت جو جلسو

    17،18 شوال جي تعلقي ميڙ شهر ٻٽ سرائڻ ۾ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو پير سيد عبدالحق صاحب سجاده نشين درگاهه پير جو ڳوٺ نئون ديرو جي صدارت ۾ ٿي گذريو. ماڻهو تقريبن 3 هزارن ۾ آيل هئا. ڪم ڪار جو انتظام پير سيد شاهه دوران شاهه صاحب سجاده نشين ٻٽ سرائي ۽ وڏيري ميان عبدالرحمان صاحب جي سپرد هو ۽ وڏيري صاحب مهمانن جي خدمت ڪئي ۽ آرام جو پوري جان شان سان انتظام رکيو هو ۽ پوري سرجوشيءَ سان جلسي جي آخري ڪارروائي تائين معزز مهمانن جي خاطرداري ۾ بيٺو هو. ان موقعي تي مولانا سيد تاج محمد صاحب ۽ رئيس جان محمود خان مهاجر ۽ پير سيد تراب علي شاهه ۽ جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ۽ ٻيا علماءَ ڪرام ۽ بزرگ موجود هئا. قطع تعلقات سرديشي، هجرت ۾ ڪامورن جي ظلمن تي اظهارِ نفرت تي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيا ۽ زوردار تقريرون ٿيون.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 41، 13 جولاءِ 1920ع.

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                                     حڪيم مولوي معاذ جو مضمون

    هجرت ڪرڻ لاءِ سبب

    انسان ۽ ان جي زندگيءَ جو مقصد اسلام ۽ ان جون ذميواريون، هڪ وڏو مضمون. هجرت ۽ عالمن جون فتوائون، مخالفن جون نيتون.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 64، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 1 کان 2.

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    ”خط“  خلافت جي خادمن سان ظلم (ايڊيٽر ڏي)

    موري جي خلافت ڪميٽي سٺو ڪم ڪري رهي آهي پر، منڪر خلافت مٿن سختيون ڪري رهيا آهن.

    لکندڙ: حاجي محمد صديق حڪيم

    سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي مورو

    ضلعي نوابشاهه سنڌ.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 64، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 2.

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    هجرت

    سنڌي مهاجرن جو قافلو جنهن ۾ اٽڪل 50 مرد 200 عورتون ۽ ٻار هئا سو لاهور ۾ آچر رات دير سان پهتو جو واٽ تي سندن مرحبا ٿيندي رهي ۽ دير ٿي وئي. شهرن (ملتان) جا وڏا ننڍا گڏ ٿيندا رهيا ، مهاجرن لاءِ طعام کنيو آيا.

    خلافت جلسو

    ڳوٺ ڪنڊي شريف تعلقه دادو ۾ مولانام حمد هاشم جي صدارت ۾ جلسو ٿيو. اٽڪل 7 سئو ماڻهن شرڪت ڪئي. خلافت جي اهيمت تي صدر صاحب تقرير ڪئي. قطع تعلقات هجرت، مظالم جيڪب آباد تي اظهار نفرت جا ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا ۽ ڪيترن هجرت لاءِ نالا ڏنا. زوردار دعائون گهريون ويون  ۽ ماڻهو زارون زار روئي رهيا هئا.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 62، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1

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    فرام المهاجرين ۽ مهاجرن کي اعانت

    مولوي معاذ نوابشاهه جو مضمون، جنهن ۾ سنڌ ۽ اهل سنڌ کي سلام ۽ تعريف ڪئي وئي آهي. سنڌ واسين کي همٿايو اٿس ۽ هجرت کان وري موٽي سنڌ جي زمين تي رهڻ جو ارادو به ظاهر ڪيو اٿس. يعني سنڌ کي وسارڻ جي نٿو ڪري ۽ ٻين کي به سنڌ جي اهميت ۽ سنڌ واسيبن جي باري ۾ ٻڌائي ٿو.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 44، 18 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1

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    سنڌ جون خبرون

    تعلقه جوهي جي هيٺين مولوين صاحبن قطع تعلقات جي سلسله ۾ ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ وٺڻ کان استعيفائون ڏني آهي. جيئن ته:

    1.مولوي محمد حسن صاحب

    2.مولوي محمد حمزه ڊگهه بالا

    3. مولوي دين محمد صاحب

    4. مولوي محمد علي جمالي

    5. مولوي خان محمد ڳوٺ ٺوڙه.

    ڳوٺ سبزل خان گبول جي هڪ مسلم صاحب حبيب الله به ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفا ڏني.

    تعلقي شڪارپور ڳوٺ ڊکڻ منگر واهه جي مسلمانن هڪ جلسو سڏايو جنهن ۾ مولانا عبدالڪريم چشتي خلافت ۽ موجوده حالت تي دردناڪ واعظ فرمايو، ماڻهن ۾ روڄ هو ۽ دعا هئي.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 70، 24 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 4.

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    ملا اسڪول گرانٽ کان استعيفا

    ضلعي لاڙڪاڻه جي تازو هيٺين صاحبن ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفائون ڏنيون آهن.

    1. حافظ شير محمد ڳوٺ پوراچو تعلقه ميهڙ.

    2. حاجي غلام رسول ميو خان جلباڻي تعلقه وارهه.

    3. ملا گل محمد تعلقه وارهه دڙو سيهڻ ميهڙ.

    4. ابراهيم شدو جهتيال دڙو سيهڻ ميهڙ.

    5. حاجي الهه آندو مهرو

    6. دين محمد، باڊهه

    7. الهه بخش، پپري

    8. مولوي الهه بخش پٽ سرائي

    9. ابراهيم، ميهجر ابريجو

    10. سيد مولوي غلام شاهه تعلقه دادو.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 72، 29 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1.

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    جوش عدم تعاون ۽ استعيفائون

    حيدرآباد سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي هيٺين صاحبن عملي ڪم ڏيکاري حيرت ۾ وڌو.

    1. سيد عبدالحڪيم شاهه زميندار اعظم ٽکڙ، پروانه ڪرسي

    بندوق- 12 آفرين نامه ۽ هڪ گورنر صاحب جو انهن کان دستبردار ٿيو.

    2. رئيس در محمد خان زميندار قنبر ڪرسي ۽ پروانه بندوق.

    3. قاضي ميان عبدالحڪيم صاحب بئنچ مئجسٽريٽ زميندار ڪوٽڙي.

    4. سيد نبي بخش شاهه زميندار اعظم ڪرسي، تعلقه هالا.

    5. سيٺ عبداللطيف صاحب، سيلا نائيج، مئجسٽريٽ حيدرآباد سنڌ.

    6. مراد علي خزانچي پٿورو استعيفا ملازمت

    7. ميان محمد صادق تپيدار تعلقه حيدرآباد 12 ورهين جي ملازمت کان استعيفا.

    8. مير محمد ڪيهر خان بلوچ آبڪاري جمعدار، 20 سالن جي نوڪري 60 رپيا پگهار ماهوار تان دستبرداري.

    9. حاجي امام بخش صاحب زميندار تعلقه لاڙڪاڻو ڪرسي ۽ ٻيا عهدا.

    10. مسٽرامام الدين پوسٽر ماستر ڳڙهي ياسين حال موڪل تي نوڪري تان استعيفا.

    11. محمد خان زميندار لاڙڪاڻو، پروانو ڪرسي، لوڪلبورڊ جي ميمبر ۽ ليسن.

    12. ماستر ڪرم الله حيدرآباد، 15 ورهين جي نوڪري 63 پگهار کان استعيفا.

    13. ربڏنه بيلف سول ڪورٽ حيدرآباد.

    14. جمال الدين پيرزاده اورنگ آباد تعلقه ڳڙهي ياسين، پٽيوالا سول ڪورٽ حيدرآباد.

    15. بچو جمع شيدي انجمن شيڊ جي نوڪري 60 رپيا ماهوار پگهار کان دستبرداري ۽ هجرت جو اعلان.

    16. مولوي عبدالحڪيم ملان اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفا.

    17. ميان محمد هاشم مخلص پنهنجي ڀائٽي پاران سندس لوڪلبورڊ ميونسپل جي ماستري کان بيزاري جو اعلان.

    18. ملا محمد لائق تعلقه سنجهورو گرائونڊ ملا اسڪول.

    19. محمد اسماعيل تعلقه ميهڙ.

    20. محمد عثمان تعلقه ٽنڊوباگو گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.

    21. جان محمد صاحب تعلقو ڇاڇرو.

    22. مولوي نور سومرو، نظاماڻي ٽنڊو، گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.

    23. ملا محمود تعلقه ميرپور ماٿيلو، گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.

    24. طيبُ تعلقه سڪرنڊ ڳوٺ پيرو لکمير گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.

    25. علامه نورالحق صاحب.

    پنجاب يونيورسٽي جي سندات

    منشي فاضل ۽ مولوي فاصل جون واپس ڪيون.  هڪ بچي شيدي ريلوي نوڪري ڇڏي هجرت جو ارادو ۽ غريب هئڻ ڪري کين سيد ميان حاجي نور محمد ۽ زميندار بقاپور  لاڙڪاڻو هڪ سئو رپيا ۽ وڏيري سان گل محمد ڦل، زميندار لاڙڪاڻو پنجاهه رپيا ۽ مستري عظيم غلام حسين سيد حيدرآباد 60 رپين ڏيڻ جو اعلان ڪيو.

    الوحيد 1، نمبر 72، 29 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 4.

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    ايڊيٽر ڏي خط سيد تاج محمود صاحب  امروٽي

    جناب ايڊيٽر صاحب الوحيد….

    مهاجرن جي هڪ اسپيشل ٽرين شڪارپور مان تاريخ 13 آگسٽ مطابق 27 ذوالقعد جمعي ڏينهن پشاور ڏانهن رواني ٿيندي، ٽڪيٽون جاري ڪيو ويون آهن ۽ اسپيشل لاءِ درخواست ڪيل آهي. هر هڪ مهاجر کان 15 رپيا ٽڪيٽ جا ورتا ويندا ۽ وڌيڪ پاڻ سان 60 رپيا کڻڻ علاوه کڻڻ گهرجن.

    (سيد) تاج محمد (از امروٽ شريف)

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 73، 31 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 2.

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    الوحيد کي شيخ عبدالمجيد جي تار

    جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب حيدرآباد سنڌ خلافت ڪاميٽي جي سيڪريٽري کان هيٺين تار پهتي.

    ”ضمانت جي واسطي مهرباني فرمائي پنجاهه روپيه چندو منهنجي طرفان ۽ 60 رپين جو هڪ زيور منهنجي اهليه جي طرفان قبول ڪيو. هڪ فنڊ جاري ڪيو، ڪو به ڊپ نه ڪيو. خدا مهربان آهي.“

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر73، 31 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 3.

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    سنڌ ۾ ٽيون يوم الخلافت

    آچر 1.8.1920

    سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪانفرنس جون هدايتون

    1. آچر ڏينهن سڀ ڪم بند رکجو.

    2. ٿي سگهي ته سڄو ڏينهن روزو رکجو.

    3. لفظن، خيال يا فعل ۾ ڪا به زبردستي يا ڪو زور نه ڏيکاريو.

    4. ماڻهن کي اخلاق طور سمجهايو پر دٻاءُ نه آڻيو ۽ ڪو ڪم بند ڪري. هڙتال خوشي سان ٿيڻ گهرجي.

    5. احڪم العالمين جي درٻار ۾ دل سان دعائون گهرجو ته قوم جي بهبودي کپي ۽ دنيا تي رحم ڪري.

    6. ڪراچي ۾ جلسو، اچڻ جي هدايت.

    7. عام جلسن ۾ ترڪ موالات بنسبت ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيا وڃن.

    8. حڪومت سان تعاون ڪري سندن حڪمن جي تعميل ڪئي وڃي ۽ حالات خراب ٿيڻ نه ڏين.

    9. ڪو به جلوس ٻاهر نه ڪڍيو وڃي.

    10. ترڪ موالات بنسبت اهو ئي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيڻ ۾ ايندو جو مهاتما گانڌي ۽ خلافت ڪميٽي شايع ڪيو آهي.

    11. اعزاز ۽ خطاب ڇڏي ڏيو.

    محمد خان

    الوحيد- 1.8.1920

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    حاجي عبدالله هارون کي تارون

    مولانا شوڪت علي کان هڙتال بابت

    ”خدا جي واسطي سخت ڪوشش ڪجو، اسلام کي بي عزتيءَ کان بچايو. 1 آگسٽ جو ڏينهن ڪامياب ٿيڻ گهرجي ۽ ڪا به دو طرفي نه ٿيڻ گهرجي.“

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 87، پهرين آگسٽ 1920ع، ص1.

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    پنڊت امرسين صاحب

    خلافت-هندو مسلم اتحاد قلع تعلقات وغيره.

    سنڌ ۾ گشت جو……

    هي صاحب 26 جولاءِ صبح جو حيدرآباد کان ميهڙ طرف روانو ٿيو ۽ 27 تاريخ شام جو 5 بجي کان 12 بجي رات تائين ميهڙ تعلقي جي تيوڻن جي ڳوٺ ۾ جو قاضي ميان شفيع صاحب جي زير صدارت جلسو ٿيو ان ۾ پنڊت صاحب قطع تعلقات ۽ هندو مسلم اتحاد جي ضرورت تي دلچسپ تقريرون ڪيون. مولانا مولوي محمد صديق جا مورائي ۽ مولي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ به پنهنجي عمدين تقريرون سان حاضرين جي دلين تي اسلام جي فرائض نسبت چڱو اثر وڌو.

    بدين

    پنڊت امرسين صاحب وري خير سان 30 جولاءِ تي بدين پهتا جتي جمعي ڏينهن جناب پير عبدالستار جان صاحب سرهندي جي زير صدارت پنڊت صاحب قطع تعلقات ۽ سرديشي تي زوردار تقريرون ڪيون. ساڳئي شهر ۾ ڇنڇر ڏينهن وري ڀڳت ليمچند صاحب جي زير صدارت هڪ عام جلسو ٿيو جتي پنڊت امرسين ”هوم رول“ تي عمدي تقرير ڪئي.

    ماتلي

    21 آگسٽ هڙتال ڏينهن صبح جي پهر ۾ پنڊت صاحب جن ماتليءَ ۾ پهتا جتي مولوي عطاءَ الله صاحب جي مدرسي ۾ چڱو تعداد ماڻهن جو کين ملڻ آيو. اتي ٿورو وقت ترسي هڙتال بنسبت ماڻهن کي مرڪزي خلافت ڪميٽي جي اعلان مطابق هدايتون ڏئي پنڊت صاحب جن ان ئي ڏينهن هڪدم اچي ساڳيءَ ٻيڙيءَ ۾ ٽنڊه محمد خان ۾ پهتا.

    ٽنڊو محمد خان

    هتان صبح جي پهر ۾ بلڪل سويل پير محبوب شاهه صاحب جن گرفتار ٿي حيدرآباد موڪليا ويا هئا. ڦليلي جي ڪپ تي مختيارڪار صاحب مسٽر جشن مل بي آرام ۽ بي قرار ويٺل هو. پنڊت صاحب جن ٻيڙيءَ تان لهندي ئي ماڻهن جي هڪ ٽولي جا اتي پير صاحب جن جي گرفتاريءَ جي غم ۾ ويٺل هئي تنهن سان همدردي ظاهر ڪئي ۽ انهن کي فرمائش ڪيائون ته جيئن پير صاحب جن خوشيءَ سان خلافت جي نيڪ ڪم خاطر پنهنجي سر تي صداقت ۽ سچائي سان مصيبتون هموار ڪيون آهن تيئن کين به گهرجي ته ڪو گوڙ شور نه ڪن بلڪه خدا جي عبادت ڪري اهو ڏينهن عام هڙتال جو ڏينهن ڪري ملهائين. اتي هڪدم مختيارڪار حواس باخته ٿي پنڊت صاحب جن کي تنبيهه ڪئي ته وڌيڪ نه ڳالهاءِ نه ته هڪدم گرفتار ڪيو ويندين ۽ تڙ تڪڙ ۾ ٻه ٽي ڀڳا، ٽٽا الفاظ ڳالهائيندي مختيارڪار هڪ ڳنڍي ڇوڙ جي عادتن موافق پنڊت صاحب جا کيسا کولي سندس ڪاغذ ڪڍي پڙهڻ لڳو. جي هنديءَ ۾ هئڻ سبب هو ڪجهه سمجهي نه سگهيو ۽ پنڊت صاحب کي موٽائي ڏئي ککو وکو ٿي پوليس وارن کي وٺي ويو. ايتري ۾ پنڊت صاحب هٿ منهن ڌوئي وري وڃي پنهنجي جاءِ تي آگبوٽ ۾ ويٺو ۽ مختيارڪار هڪ پوليس نائڪ ۽ ٽي سپاهين سان اچي وارو ٿيو ۽ انهن چار باهٿيار پوليس وارن کي حڪم مليو ته هن پنڊت تي حيدرآباد تائين پهرو ڏيندا وڃن ۽ اتي کيس چائڙيءَ ۾ پوليس جي حوالي ڪن.

    پنڊت صاحب گرفتار؟

    پوليس جو حوالدار جيڪو مسلمان هو تنهن انهيءَ حڪم جي تعميل ڪرڻ کان انڪار ڪيو ۽ چيائين ته جيڪڏهن ائين ڪرڻو آهي ته باقاعده اسان کي ڪيفيت سان چالان لکجي ملي. مختيارڪار کي ته مجال نه هئي جو اهڙو بي قاعده چالان لکي سو چپ ڪري واڇون ٽيڙي بيهي رهيو ۽ پوليس وارن کي فقط پنڊت صاحب حيدرآباد تائين پهري ڏيڻ لاءِ حڪم ڪيائين ۽ انهي وچ ۾ ماڻهو به جام اچي آگبوٽ وٽ مڙيا سو پنڊت صاحب پوين 8،9 منٽن ۾ بندوقن ۽ ڪوچن جي پهري اندر بيهي بلند آواز ٻيڙيءَ تان سڀني حاضرين کي هدايت ڪئي ته خدا جي عبادت روزه نماز ۾ پڪو اعتقاد رکن ۽ اهو سمورو ڏينهن سانت سان گذارين ۽ سڀ ڪم ڪار بند ڪري خدا جي در دعا گهرون ته خليفته المسلمين سان بي انصافيءَ جو صلح اتحادي نه ڪن. اتي جڏهن ”الله اڪبر“ ۽ ”بنده ماترم“ جي نعرن جي اندر آگبوٽ هلڻ لڳو تڏهن ويچارو مختيارڪار مس مس آرام ۾ اچي سانت سان ويو.

    حيدرآباد سنڌ

    شام جو ساڍي پنجين بجي حيدرآباد پهتو، پوليس کائنس رخصت ٿي وئي.

    ڪراچيءَ ۾ پوليس

    حيدرآباد ۾ عام جلسن ۾ آچر ۽ سومر ڏينهن تقرويرون ڪري اڱاري تي پنڊت صاحب ڪراچي پهتو.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 75، 4 آگسٽ 1920ع. ص 4

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    قابل تقليد مثال

    مولوي ميان غلام محمد صاحب ملڪاڻي سنڌ جي پهرين خلافت ڪانفرنس جو صدر هو مگر ان کانپوءِ هن تحريڪ ۾ ڪو نمايان عمل حصو ڪو نه هو هئائون پر اسلامي درد جو ثبوت پنهنجن صاحبزادن جي طوهرن تي ڏنو. تاريخ 31 جولاءِ 1920ع جي تقرير خطي تي اٽڪل ٻه هزار ماڻهو گڏ ٿيا هئا. سندن رهڻ ۽ مهمان نوازيءَ جو حق مولوي صاحب جن حسن انتظام ۽ فراخدلي سان ڪيو هو. ان مجمع ۾ مولوي عبدالرزاق صاحب بوجڪاڻي، مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب ڪنڍي وارو، مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب ٿرڙي وارو، مولوي عبدالرحيم صاحب سنڌ مدرسي وارو ۽ قاضي خدابخش نيز ڪيترا علماءَ موجود هئا ۽ مسئله خلافت ۽ ترڪ موالات تي تقريرون ڪيون ويون. مولوي غلام محمد صاحب پاڻ به تقرير ڪئي.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 75، 4 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.

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    هجرت جو ارادو معطل رکو

    جان محمد جوڻيجي جو خط

    جلال آباد مان رئيس المهاجرين جان محمد جوڻيجي لکيو آهي ته اسان سڀني سنڌي ڀائرن جي خدمت ۾ عرض ٿا ڪريون ته هن وقت شدت گرميءَ جي ڪري اوهان کي گهرجي ته ارادي هجرت کي معطل ڪرڻ فرمايو ته اوهان لاءِ بهتر آهي. رستي ۾ گرميءَ سببان بلڪل گهڻي تڪليف آهي.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع ص 3.

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    سيٺ عبدالله هارون پير صاحب گرفتاريءَ تي تارون موڪليون.

    بقي پير صاحب جهنڊي وارن پير صاحب محبوب شاهه ڏانهن سينٽرل جيل حيدرآباد ته اوهان جو ٻڌي سخت صدمو پهتو آهي. اوهان بردباريءَ کان ڪم وٺي خلافت جو ڪنڌ مٿي کنيو آهي.

    اوهان جي جيل وڃڻ تي مهاتما گانڌي سنڌ جي ماڻهن کي هن پهرين گرفتاريءَ لاءِ مبارڪباد ٿو چوي.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع.

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    شيخ الهند مولانا محمود الحسن صاحب جو واجب العمل

    اعلان

    1.سرڪاري عزتن ۽ خطابن کي موٽائي ڏئيئ

    2. ملڪ جي نين ڪائونسلن ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ کان انڪار ڪري.

    3. فقط پنهنجي ملڪ جي ٺهيل شين جو استعمال ڪري.

    4. سرڪاري اسڪولن ۽ ڪاليجن ۾ پنهنجي ٻارن کي داخل نه ڪري.

    5.ان کانسواءِ جي تجويزن وقت به وقت شايع ٿينديون رهن انهن تي عمل ڪن پر هيٺين شرطن جو به لحاظ ڪرڻ گهرجي.

    1. شريعت جي حڪمن جي تابعداري ڪئي وڃي ۽ مٿين حڪمن تي عمل ڪرڻ وقت خلاف شرعي حڪمن جي ڪو ڪم نه ڪيو وڃي.

    2. جن ڪمن مان فساد ۽ خلل پوڻ جو انديشو هجي ته ان کان بچجي.

    3. حضرت عثمان رضه جي هيٺين ارشاد کي فائديمند سمجهجي.

    ”جڏهن ماڻهو چڱو ڪم ڪن ته انهن سان چڱي ۾ شريڪ ٿئي جي برو ڪم ڪن ته انهن جي برائي کان ڀڄي پري ٿئي.“

    محمود حسن ديوبندي

    3 ذالقعد 1338هه

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع. ص 1.

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    خاص خط

    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ.

    بمبئي خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جو فيصلو ٿيو ته ترڪيءَ سان صلح بعد هتان جي مسلمانن جي شرطن ڏانهن حڪومت جو ڪو به ڌيان نه آهي ان لاءِ ترڪِ موالات جي سلسلي ۾ 28، 29 آگسٽ 1920ع تي حيدرآباد ۾ خلافت جو جلسو ٿيندو، جنهن ۾ مسلمانن سان گڏ هندن کي به شرڪت ڪرڻ جي دعوت ڏني وئي ته جيئن انهن جو به سهارو رهي. وغيره.

    مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.

    17 آگسٽ 1920ع

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچي

    (حڪيم) شمس الدين

    جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري

    الوحيد 17 آگسٽ 1920ع ڪراچي.

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    هجرت

    ڪراچي مان 30 جهازن جا ملازم هجرت ڪري ويا آهن جن جو لاهور جي اسٽيشنز تي استقبال ڪيو ۽ اهي ماڻهو قدري هيثيت وارا هئا.

    همعصر زميندار مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته هن وقت تائين سنڌي ماهجرن جا ڪم پيش 4 قافلا لاهور جي اسٽيشن تان لنگهيا آهن جن مان رئيس جان محمد جي قافلي کانسواءِ 3 قافلا هن مهيني آگسٽ جي 15،16،18 تاريخن ۾ پشاور ڏانهن روانا ٿي ويا.

    سنڌي مهاجرن جي چوٿين قافله جي لاهور ۾ چڱو استقبال ٿيو ان قافله ۾ 80 ماڻهو هئا جن ۾ 32 عورتون به هيون. هڪ رات ساري انهن کي لاهور ۾ ترسايو ويو ۽ مولانا ظفر علي خان صاحب ۽ ٻيا رضاڪار سندن خدمت ۾ هئا. شام جو انهيءَ ئي ڏينهن ۾ هڪ شاندار جلوس نڪتو. سنڌي مهاجرن جي متعلق لاهور جي ڊپٽي ڪمشنر مولانا ظفر علي خان ڏانهن هڪ حڪم ڪڍيو جنهن جو مطلب هو ته سنڌي مهاجر جي پشاور وڃي رهيا آهن تنهن ڪري خلافت ڪميٽي لاهور کي تنبيهه ڪجي ٿي ته هو مهاجرن کي اطلاع ڏئي ته سرحد بند آهي ۽ انهن کي افغانستان وڃڻ جي ارادي کان بند رکڻ گهرجي. ان تي مولوي ظفر علي خان جواب ڏنو ته پنجاب خلافت ڪميٽي کي ڪهڙو آهي جو امن پسند مهاجرن کي روڪي.

    الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 93، 25 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.

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    سنڌ خاص پراونشل ڪانفرنس

    حيدرآباد

    29 آگسٽ 1920ع

    قطع تعلقات جو رستو مهاتما گانڌيءَ جي مقرر ڪيل منزلن موجب بحالي

    هيءَ ڪانفرنس اهم هئي. قطع تعلقات ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيو. مخالف ۽ موافق ڌرين وارن پنهنجا ذرين خيال پيش ڪيا. تجويز لوڪمانيه بال گنگاڌر تلڪ جي افسوسناڪ قضيه ٿي هئي. جا ياد غم لاءِ هن ڪانفرنس جي حاضرين اٿي بيهي پاس ڪئي. اهڙيءَ طرح ڪيترن ئي جهڙوڪ تر سنڌاس وڪيل ۽ گوپالداس وڪيل تقريرون ڪيون.

    الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 96، 31 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.

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    مولوي صاحب کي سزا

    نوشهري جي مولوي محمد سلطان صاحب کي پشڊاور جي سيشن جج ست سال سخت پورهئي سان قيد جي سزا ڏني.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 90، 3 سيپٽمبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    خلافت بيت المال سيپٽمبر تائين.

    ڪل جوڙ 48650-6-11

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 91، 4 سيپٽمبر1920ع- ص 4.

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    پوليس جو تنگ ڪرڻ

    مولوي عبدالحسين صاحب چوٽيارين واري کي پوليس وارو فقير محمد نالي انسپيڪٽر پوليس نوابشاهه جي چوڻ سان سندس جاچ لاءِ آيو ۽ مولوي صاحب کي ڪيترن ئي سوالن ڪرڻ سان خوامخواهه تنگ ڪيائين.

    الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 92، 5 سيپٽمبر 1920ع- ص 3.

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    دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ

                                            مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.

    11 سيپٽمبر 1920ع           جي ايم سيد ڏي خط

    چندي سميت رسيدون ڏياري موڪلڻ لاءِ.

    ٻيو ته جن ملن گرانٽون ڇڏيون آهن، انهن بندوبست متعلق مشوري متعلق.

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري

    11 سيپٽمبر 1920ع.

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    دفتر سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽيءَ کان جي ايم سيد ڏي خط

    مورخه 15 سيپٽمبر 1920ع

    ته 14 سيپٽمبر 1920ع سومر تي 5 بجي شام جو دفتر ۾ ميٽنگ ۾ شرڪت ڪري.

    هيٺيون تجويزون هيون.

    ڪائونسلن جو بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ.

    قومي تعليم لاءِ مدرسا کولڻ

    پنهنجو پنچائتون ٺاهڻ

    سوديشي اسٽور کولڻ.

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري

    15 سيپٽمبر 1920ع.

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    سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي منتظمه مجلس جو جلسو

    سنڌ پراونشل خلافت جي منتظمه جماعت جو جلسو 26، 27 سيپٽمبر 1920ع سندس دفتر ۾ پهرين ڏينهن سيٺ امين الدين صاحب پنهنجي زير صدارت ۽ ٻي ڏينهن سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون صاحب جي زير صدارت منعقد ٿيو.

    پهريون سيڪريٽري صاحب مسٽر عرفان منتطمه ڪميٽيءَ جي گذشته  اجلاس حيدرآباد جي ڪارروائي پڙهي ٻڌائي تنهن کانپوءِ پير ميان محبوب شاهه صاحب ۽ پير غلام مجدد صاحب سرهنديءَ جا همدردي ۽ ڪم ڪرڻ لاءِ آمادگي ڏيکارڻ جا آيل خط پڙهيا ويا ۽ هيٺيان ريزوليشن پاس ٿيا.

    1.هيٺين صاحبن جو وفد سنڌ ۾ ڪائونسلن جي سڀني اميدوارن کي وڃي ملي ۽ استدعا ڪري ته هو پنهنجي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿين.

    1. سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون، 2. مولانا تاج محمود صاحب، 3. مولانا محمد صادق صاحب 4. پير تراب علي شاهه صاحب 5. مولوي سيد اسدالله شاهه صاحب 6. پير محبوب شاهه صاحب 7. پيرزاده غلام مجدد صاحب 8. مسٽر امين الدين 9. مسٽر عبدالجبار صاحب (سيڪريٽري وفد) انهيءَ وفد کي اختيار آهي ته پاڻ سان پير صاحب ضرورت وقت شامل ڪري سگهون ٿا. اهو وفد آڪتوبر جي پهرين تاريخن ۾ حيدرآباد ۾ گڏ ٿي ڪم کي شروع ڪري.

     ٺهراءُ نمبر2: پهرين نومبر جي ڏينهن سنڌ جي مختلف شهرن ۽ ڳوٺن ۾ جلسا منعقد ڪري اميدوارن کي دستبرداريءَ لاءِ عرض ڪيو وڃي  ۽ ووٽرن کي ووٽن نه ڏيڻ جي هدايت نه ڪئي وڃي ان کان اڳ ۾ اشتهار شايع ڪيا وڃن ۽ مولانا شاهه عبدالعزيز ۽ جمعيت العلماءِ ۽ هند جي فتويٰ ترڪ موالات جو ترجمو ڇپائي شايع ڪرايو وڃي.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 3: تبليغ جو ڪم شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب جي حوالي ڪيو وڃي، ۽ انهن کي اختيار ڏجي ته ڪنهن به مبلع (پروپيگنڊا ڪندڙ کي)ڪاروبار ڪميٽيءَ جي منظوريءَ جي اميد تي مقرر ڪري سگهي ٿو.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر4: ملان اسڪولن جي اصلاح لاءِ مولانا صادق صاحب کي سندس سفر جو خرچ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ مان ڏنو وڃي جو مولانا صاحب انهيءَ اصلاح لاءِ هڪ پنهنجي تجويز ڪاروبار ڪميٽيءَ کي پيش ڪري منظورڪرائي. مسٽر محمد خان ان ريت جي به خلاف ويو. باقي ٻين سڀني منظور ڪئي.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 5: سوديشي جو ڪم مسٽر عبدالجبار جي سپرد ڪيو وڃي ۽ هو ان ڪم لاءِ اسڪيم تيار ڪري ميٽنگ ۾ منظوريءَ  لاءِ پيش ڪري.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 6﷢: هن ڪميٽيءَ جو خيال آهي ته مولانا محمد صادق صاحب ۽ سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون صاحب، کڏي محله ۾ ميمڻ جماعت ۽ مسٽر محمد خان غير ميمڻ آبادي ۽ ڊاڪٽر احمد صاحب خوجن ۾ اها ڪوشش ڪن ته سندس سپرد ڪيل حدن جا ماڻهو پنهنجا مقدما امينن جي معرفت فيصلو ڪرائين ۽ ڪورٽن ۾ نه کڻي وڃن.

    حوالہ- الوحيد نمبر 118، 29 سيپٽمبر 1920ع، صفحو نمبر 2.

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    شاهه جي ڀٽ تي تبليغي وفد

    خلافتين جي تقرير

    ڪائونسلن جا اميدوار به فقيرن کان دعائون ڪرائڻ ويا پرخلافت وارن جو وفد به خير سان ميلي ۾ پهچي ويو. شيخ عبدالمجيد مولوي عبدالخالق حڪيم محمد معاز مسٽرخدابخش مسٽر مخلص صاحب انهيءَ وفد ۾ هو. اربع جي شام ۽ صبح جو درگاهه شريف  تي ميلي جي انبوهه ۾ خوب ليڪچر ڏنائون ۽ خلافت جي دردناڪ احوال ٻڌائڻ تي مسلمانن سخت گريهه زاري ڪيو، ڏاڍا اثرا جهڙا نظم به پڙهيا ويا ۽ ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ۽ ترڪ موالات جا هزارن جي تعداد ۾ اشتهار ورهايا ويا.

    تبليغي وفد جو پروگرام ٺاهيو ويو ۽ جيڪي سنڌ ۾ ڪم ڪندا اهي وفد جا هيٺيان ميمبر مقرر ڪيا ويا.

    جيڪب آباد﷢:

     

    مولوي عبدالخالق ۽ حڪيم فتح- شڪارپوري

    سکر:

     

    مسٽر خدابخش بي اي ميرالهه بخش ٽالپر، منشي فيض محمد

    نوابشاهه:

     

    حڪيم مولوي محاذ، مولوي گل محمد صاحب

    ٿرپارڪر:

     

    سيد مصطفيٰ ڪمال، قاضي ڪبير محمد

    لاڙڪاڻو:

     

    مولوي صاحب، مولوي نورالحسن

    حيدرآباد:

     

    مولوي محڪم الدين، شيخ محمد حسن

    ڪراچي:

     

    شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب، مولوي محمد هاشم مخلص

    الوحيد نمبر 148، 4 نومبر 1920ع، ص 4.

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    سنڌ جون خبرون، 14 نومبر تي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ تي تقريرون

    شڪارپور ۾ اميدوار به تڏهين بي آرام ٿي ڪم ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ ڪو رياست جو پير اچي نه لٿو آهي جو ڳجهيءَ طرح ماڻهو کي ووٽ ڏيڻ جي هدايت ڪري رهيو آهي. اميدوارن کي پگهاردار مقرر ڪيا آهن جي وطن جي ناوفادار فرزندن جي ناپاڪ حمايت ۾ سرگردان آهن پر هو ڏهن ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ڪندڙن جو ڪم به نهايت ڪاميابيءَ سان هلي رهيو آهي ۽ گهڻي اميد ووٽن ڏيڻ جي آهي.

    ميان جي ڳوٺ ۾ شيوا منڊلي قائم ٿي آهي جنهن ۾ مسلمانن کي ميمبر ڪرڻ جو به سوال ويچار هيٺ آهي في الحال ان شيوا منڊلي جي واسطي هڪ سوديشي ڪارخانو کولڻ جو ارادو ڪيو ويو آهي جنهن جي سرانجام لاءِ هيٺين ڪميٽي چونڊي وئي اهي.

    1. سيٺ شيوڪرام، 2. سيٺ خشومل 3.  حڪيم جشومل 4. ڪريم بخش 5. حڪيم سگنومل.

    سنڌو ديارٿي مجموٽيءَ جي روهڙي لوڪل ڪاميٽي وارن پنهنجي نئين جاءِ کولڻ جو مهورت گذريل سومر تي ڪيو ساڌو واسواڻي پريزيڊنٽ ٿاڦيو ويو، جنهن سيڪريٽريءَ جي رپورٽ پڙهڻ بعد شاگردن کي هڪ بالڪل سندر ليڪچر سادگي ۽ سوديشيءَ تي ڏنو ويو. شاگرد هن ليڪچر کان متاثر ٿيا ۽ وري شام جو 4 بجي شاگردن کي شاگردن جا فرض ۽ قطع تعلقات تي ليڪچر ڏنو ويو.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    ٺٽي ۾ جلسه خلافت:

    تيرهين تاريخ شام جو ستين وڳي، قاضين جي تلاءَ واري ميدان ۾ جلسه خلافت منعقد ٿيو. پير صاحب آقار غلام مجدد سرهندي صاحب جن جي اچڻ جو بڌي اڳينءَ رات کان به وڌيڪ ماڻهو آيا هئا ۽ هندو ڀائرن جو تعداد به اٽڪل چار يا پنج سئو هو. پير صاحب جن کانسواءِ حيدرآباد مان مسٽر عبدالجبار سيٺ امين الدين ۽ ميان محمد هاشم مخلص به ۽ قرآن ڪريم جن جي قرات ۽ سيد محمد زمان شاهه خلافت ڪميٽي جي سيڪريٽريءَ ۽ ٻين محمد باقر صاحب قريشيءَ، مسٽر عبدالجبار جي صاحبزاده جي نظمن پڙهڻ بعد صدر صاحب جي حڪم سان قاضي عبدالرحمان ۽ صاحبزاده جي نظمن پڙهڻ بعد صدر صاحب جي حڪم سان قاضي عبدالرحمان ايڊيٽر الوحيد اٿي ترڪ موالات تي تقرير ڪئي. سرڪار جي انصاف مان اسان جو اعتبار ڪيئن ۽ ڇو نڪتو ۽ پنهنجن حقن حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ  ڇا ڪرڻ گهرجي انهن ڳالهين کي حاضرين جي ذهن نشين ڪري مسٽر عبدالرحمان پوءِ ترڪ موالات جي سڀني درجن يعني سرڪاري عزتن ۽ عهدن ڇڏڻ ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ سرڪاري ۽ مددي اسڪولن مان ٻارن کي اٿارڻ پنهنجن اسڪولن ۽ ڪورٽن کي قائم ڪرڻ بنسبت تفصيل سان بيان ڪري حاضرين کي اپيل ڪئي ته هر طرح جي قربانين ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار رهن.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 1.

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    سنڌ جون خبرون

    تاريخ 10 نومبر ڳوٺ ميرپور تعلقو ٺل ۾ سيد متل شاهه جي زير صدارت ترڪ موالات لاءِ جلسو ٿيو. شهر ۽ آسپاس هندو مسلمان چڱي تعداد ۾ آيل هئا پهريائين حڪيم قادر بخش جمعيت علماءِ هند جي فتويٰ پڙهي ٻڌائي وئي پوءِ مولوي عبدالخالق صاحب مورائي صاحب اٽڪل ٻه ڪلاڪ تقرير ڪئي جنهن چڱو اثر ڪيو جلسي جي پڇاڙيءَ ۾ شهر ۾ خلافت ڪاميٽي قائم ٿي جنهن جا هيٺيان عهديدار چونڊيا ويا.

    پريزيڊنٽ پير متل شاهه، سيڪريٽري حافظ محمد بخش، خزانچي حڪيم احمد صاحب.

    نصرپور ۾ شام جو 14 نومبر سيد مصطفيٰ ڪامل ۽ ٻين صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون عام ماڻهن ڪائونسل کي بائيڪات ۽ امير وارن کي ووٽ نه ڏيڻ جو انجام ڪيو ۽ فارمن تي به صحيح ڪيائون.

    ڳوٺ ڪيساهند تعلقه بدين ۾ ترڪ موالات تي شهر جي ماڻهن هڪ جلسو ڪيو جنهن ۾ پير ارشاد علي شاهه ميان ابراهيم ڪاڍيارو شاهبندري به هو ماڻهن کي ووٽ نه ڏيڻ بابت تقريرون ڪري سمجهايو ويو، ماڻهو چڱي تعداد ۾ آيل هئا.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    ترڪ موالات جي ڪاميابيءَ تي خاص ناز

    بمبئي 15 نومبر مسٽر محمد عارف ملا رانديري واري بمبئي ڪائونسل جي اميدواريءَ تان هٿ کنيو آهي ۽ احمد آباد جي ڪمشنر کي اهڙو اطلاع ڏنو اٿس ته ظالماڻوصلح جا شرط انگريزن اسان جي خليفت المسلمين سان ڪيا آهن ۽ ترڪ موالات بابت جيڪا فتويٰ عالمن سڳورن شايع ڪئي آهي تنهن کي غور رکي. آءُ ڪائونسل ۾ وڃڻ نٿو گهران پنهنجي حد اندر ووٽرن کي به ملا صاحب لکيو آهي ته مون کي بنهه هاڻي علمائن جي فتويٰ ڏسڻ جو موقعو مليو جنهن موجب منهنجو ڪائونسل ۾ وڃڻ شريعت جي برخلاف ٿيندو تنهنڪري شڪرانا رب جا، جو آءُ هينئر چونڊن کان اڳ ئي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿي اوهان کي ۽ پاڻ کي هڪ غظيم گناهه کان بچايان ٿو.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    سنڌ جون خبرون، جلسه خلافت

    ڳوٺ مدد تعلقو بدين ۾ هڪ عظيم الشان جلسو ٿيو، جنهن ۾ هڪ جلسو خلافت ٿيو جنهن ۾ هزار کان به وڌيڪ ماڻهو آيل هئا. مولوي شيخ غلام حسين صاحب ڏاڍي وڻندڙ تقرير ڪئي، جنهن هندن مسلمانن تي ڏاڍو اثر ڪيو. ان جلسي ۾ ڪيترائي ٻاهر جا زميندار هاري حاضر هئا. قومي تعليم جي تقرير ايترو اثر ڪيو جو هيٺين صاحب استعيفائون ڏنيون. 1. مولوي محمد هاشم، 2. حافظ محمد عمر ڳوٺ بهاري زنگيجو، 3. محراب خان اسڪول بورڊ ميمبري ڦٽي ڪئي. اهڙيءَ طرح 28 ڇوڪرا انهيءَ ڳوٺ جي اسڪول مان اٿاري ويا ۽ ڳوٺ عمر دل تعلقه بدين مان پڻ 3 ڇوڪرا في الحال لوڪل بورڊ اسڪول مان نڪتا آهن.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    سنڌ جون خبرون، 14 نومبر تي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ تي تقريرون ٿينديون: خلافت ڪميٽي

    مبارڪپور تعلقه ٺل ۾ 11 نومبر پير ميان جان محمد صاحب جي زير صدارت خلافت جلسو منعقد ٿيو. مولانا در محمد صاحب مرادپوري ۽ مولوي عبدالخالق صاحب مورالائي ڪائونسل جو بائيڪاٽ تي پرزور تقريرون ڪيون ۽ مسٽر ڪريم بخش ٽانوري  سوديشيءَ ۽ قومي تعليم ۽ هندو مسلم ايڪتا تي ڳالهايو ان کانپوءِ مبارڪپور ۾ خلافت ڪميٽي قائم ڪئي وئي جنهن جا هيٺان عهديدار چونڊيا ويا. پريزيڊنٽ  وڏيرو غلام قادر ڀٽا، سيڪريٽري مولوي عبدالرحيم صاحب، نائب سيڪريٽري ايم ڪريم بخش ٽانوري.

    ميان جي ڳوٺ شڪارپور ۾ ڪائونسل کي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ واري وفد جي نهايت ڪاميابي ٿي. مولانا عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي جي پرائچ تقرير تي حاضرين جلسه يڪ آواز ٿي چيو ته ڪنهن کي ووٽ ڪو نه ڏينداسون ۽ فارمن تي به ڪيترن دستخط ڪري ڏنو پر پوءِ ٻئي ڏينهن اميدوارن جا چيلا آيا جن ۾ هڪ وڪيل به هو جن خوب ووٽرن کي ڊيڄاريو ۽ ليلايو ۽ ڦيرائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي پر ماڻهو پنهنجي قول تي بيٺا آهن. آهي ڪو جو انهن وڪيلن اميدوارن کان پڇي ته ڇو اهڙي ووٽرن سان هلت ۽ دست اندازي ڪري مجبور ڪري رهيا آهن.

    الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    ڪراچيءَ ۾ ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ جو پرچار

    مسٽر هرچند راءِ جي غلط هلت سبب مسٽر قاضي عبدالرحمان ايڊيٽر الوحيد هيٺيون ٺهراءُ ميٽنگ ۾ پيش ڪيو.

    ”هن ڪراچيءَ جي رهواسين جي عام ميٽنگ ڪراچي ميونسپالٽي جي اختياري وارن ۽ ميونسپالٽيءَ جي پريزيڊنٽ، نيٽ آنربل مسٽر هرچند راءِ هلت کي نندي ٿي جو هنن سڀاڻي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ  جي باري ۾ پبلڪ ميٽنگ ڪرڻ لاءِ ميونسپالٽي جي کليل رام باغ تلاءَ واري ميدان جي ڪم آڻڻ جي اجازت نه ڏني آهي. انهيءَ عجب بهاني تي نه ڪراچيءَ جي ڪليڪٽر کي شايد اها ڳالهه نه وڻي ته ڪائونسلن جي چونڊن واري ڏينهن اهڙي پبلڪ ميٽنگ ٿئي هڪ خيالي ڊپ جي ڪري متان پبلڪ جي امن ۾ ڪو خلل پوي. ٺهراءُ يڪ راءِ پاس ٿيو ۽ ميٽنگ جي سڀاپتيءَ جي صحيح سان ڪراچي ميونسپالٽي جي پريزيڊنٽ کي موڪليو ويندو.“

    الوحيد، 17 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.

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    The Sub Provincial Khilfat Committee 

    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبہ سنڌ ڪراچي

    7 ڊسمبر1920ع- مکرمي اسلام عليڪم.

    گذارش هيءَ آهي ته اوهان کي معلوم هوندو ته انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس جو هلندڙ اجلاس ناگپور ۾ 26 ڊسمبر تي ٿيندو جي نهايت اهم قومي ۽ ملڪي مسائل تي غور ڪيو ويندو. ترڪ موالات جي منزلن ۽ قدمن تي وڌيڪ ويچار ڪيو ويندو ۽ تحريڪ خلافت جا دشمن سرگرم ڪوششون ڪري رهيا آهن ته ڪثرت راءِ سان ترڪ موالات منظور ڪرائجي يا قدمن ۾ ڦيرگهير ڪئي وڃي. مسلمان مذهبي حڪمن موجب ترڪ موالات تي عمل ڪرڻ لاءِ ٻڌل آهن ۽ جيسين خلافت جو فيصلو اسان جي خواهش ۽ مذهبي حڪمن موجب نه ٿيندو تيسين ان قدم تان نه هٽنداسين. ان لاءِ ضروري آهي ته اسين ڪافي تعداد ۾ اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيون. ۽ پنهنجي رٽ بحال ڪرايون. ان کانسواءِ ڪانگريس جي اغراض و مقاصد ۽ ديگر قوانين جي جوڙجڪ تي به غور ڪيو ويندو. خلافت ڪانفرس جو جلسو به انهن ئي تاريخن ۾ اتي ٿيندو ان لاءِ منهنجو عرض آهي ته هن ۾ شريڪ ٿي ممنون فرمائيندا. خرچ اٽڪل سئو رپيه کن اچي ويندو.

    سفر جا رستا ٻه آهن، پهريون راجا جي گاڏيءَ ۾ رواڙ ۽ اجمير کان ٻيو سمنڊ جي رستي ڪراچيءَ کان بمبئي ۽ اتان ريلوي ۾ ناگپور.

    فقط والسلام

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري

    الوحيد، 7 ڊسمبر1920ع

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    The Sub Provincial Khilfat Committee 

    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبہ سنڌ ڪراچي

    14 ڊسمبر1920ع،

    ڪراچي.    

    مخدوم بنده- اسلام و عليڪم

    سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي منتطم ڪاميٽيءَ جو جلسو آچر ڏينهن 19 ڊسمبر 11 بجي مهل خلافت آفيس ۾ ٿيندو مهرباني ڪري ضرور اچي شامل ٿيندا.

    هيٺين ڳالهين تي غور ڪيو ويندو.

    1. بيت المال ۾ حساب، 2. بيت المال گڏ ڪيئن ڪجي؟ 3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ مرڪز ماتحتي، 4. قومي تعليم لاءِ روپيه ڪيئن گڏجن. 5. هيٺين صاحبن جو مستقل وفد ٺاهڻ.

    1. پير تراب علي شاهه، 2. پير علي انور شاهه صاحب 3. مسٽر عبدالجبار صاحب.

     6. تبليغ ۽ سوديشي جي رپورٽ، 7. جيڪي ماڻهو بنا سند خلافت جي نالي سان چنده جمع ڪن ٿا انهن کي ڪيئن روڪجي. 8. ضلعي اپر سنڌ ۾ ڪڏهن ۽ ڪٿي جنرل ميٽنگ ڪجي. 9. پئنچائتون ۽ ناگپور ڪانگريس لاءِ نمائندا موڪلڻ.

    والسلام

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري

    الوحيد، 14 ڊسمبر 1920ع.

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    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي

    جناب من اسلام علڪيم

    اوهان کي معلوم هوندو ته هندستان جي سڀني وڏين جماعتن جهڙيءَ طرح انجمن علماءَ هند- خلافت ڪانفرنس انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس- مسلم ليگ وغيره ۽ ملڪ جي وڏن وڏن اڳواڻن پوريءَ طرح فيصلو ڪيو آهي ته جنهن صورت ۾ انگريزي سرڪار خلافت ۽ پنجاب جي ظلمن جي متعلق اسان سان انساف نٿي ڪري اهڙيءَ حالت ۾ اسان عدم تعاون يا ترڪ موالات ڪرڻ گهرجي ۽ انهيءَ سلسلي ۾ سڀني کان اڳ ۾ ۽ سڀ کان ضروري ڳالهه هن ڪونسلن کي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ ۽ انهن ۾ نه وڃڻ آهي. تنهنڪري اسان جو مذهبي ۽ ملڪي فرمان آهي ته ڪونسل جي ڪنهن به اميدوار کي اصل ووٽ نه ڏيو ۽ يقين سمجهوته ته جيڪو اميدوار بيهي ٿو ۽ اوهان کان ووٽ گهري ٿو سو مذهب ۽ ملڪ جي عام راءِ جي خلاف آهي. هاڻ رٿ هي آهي ته 5 نومبر 1920ع جمعي ڏينهن جتي ڪٿي هر هنڌ جلسا ڪري جن ماڻهن جا ووٽ آهن تن کي سمجهايو وڃي ته انهن کي به ووٽ نه ڏيڻ گهرجي.

    ڀائرو! عوام ڪريو ڪريو هيئر اسان جي موت ۽ حياتيءَ جو سوال آهي، ڏسڻو آهي ته ڪير پنهنجي خدا جي خوش ڪرڻ ۽ پنهنجي پياري ديس جي ڀلائي لاءِ رڳو ايتري ٿوري کان ٿوري قرباني ڪري ٿو.

    ٻي هيءَ ڳالهه به تمام ضروري آهي ته خلافت جهڙي خالص مذهبي ڳالهه ۾ حصو وٺندڙن بيگناهه ماڻهن تي سنڌ ۾ وقت به وقت ڪامورن جيڪي بيجا ظلم ۽ انڌير ڪيا آهين، کين جيلن ۽ ٻيون طرح طرح جون تڪليفون ڏنيون آهن انهن مطلومن سان همدردي ظاهر ڪجي.

    هندو ۽ مسلمان ڀائرن جي خدمت ۾ عرض آهي ته مذهب ۽ ديس جي هن ڀلائيءَ واري ڪم ۾ ڪنهن به قسم جي غفلت يا سستي نه ڪندا!

    هجتي جتي جلسا ٿين اتان جلسن جو مفصل احوال اسان ڏانهن ۽ اخبار الوحيد جي ايڊيٽر ڏانهن اچڻ گهرجي.

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي

    ڪراچي

    الوحيد پريس 1920ع

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    سن ۾ هڙتال

    جي ايم سيد جو خط- جنرل سيڪريٽريءَ خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچيءَ کي ته، 19 مارچ 1920ع جمعي تي سن ۾ هندو فراد مسلمانن پنهنجا دڪان بند رکيا مسجدن ۽ مندرن ۾ ترڪي جي حق ۾ دعائون گهريون ويون.

    هيءُ خط سنڌيءَ ۾ نقل ڪيل آهي      

    اصل تي صحيح جي ايم سيد انگريزيءَ ۾.

    الوحيد، 1920ع

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    جمعيت اسلاميه خلافت صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي

    ضروري گذارش

    برادرم اسلام

    هيءَ ڳالهه پڌري آهي ته هن گذريل جنگ جي شروعات کانپوءِ جڏهن ترڪيءَ جنگ ۾ شامل ٿي تڏهن هندستان جي مسلمانن لاءِ اهو نهايت نازڪ وقت هو ڇو ته هڪ طرف خدا تعاليٰ پاڪ ۽ اسلام جا احڪام ته وري ٻئي طرف ظاهري حڪومت جا فرمان! هڪ طرف مسلمانن جو خلافت ترڪيءَ سان لاڳاپو ته ٻئي طرف ٻين سان جسماني تعلقات هئا!! اهو مسلمانن لاءِ عجيب ڪشمڪش جو وقت هو، خود سرڪار انهيءَ حالت کان واقف هئي. اهو ئي سبب هو جو سرڪار مسلمانن جي انهيءَ ڇڪتاڻ ۽ پريشانيءَ کي ٽاڙي کين انجام ڏنو ته هيءَ مذهبي جنگ نه آهي مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين کي نه رڳو حملي کان بچايو ويندو پر انهن مقامن جي عزت ۽ حرمت اسلامي قواعدن پٽاندر رکي ويندي ۽ خلافت کي وار ويسو به نه ٿيندو ۽ ترڪيءَ کان ڪو به ملڪ کسيو نه ويندو. وغيره وغيره. اهڙي قسم جي حرڪتن جي معرفت سرڪار مسلمانن کي ڀلائي وڌو ۽ هنن انهن  ڪوريئڙي جي تندن جهڙن وعدن کي مضبوط سمجهي پورو اعتبار ڄمايو ۽ پنهنجي جان ۽ مال ڏيڻ ۾ ڪنهن قسم جو عذر نه ڪيائون. اها امداد اهڙي حد کي پنهنجي جو خود سرڪار کي مڃڻو پيو ته انهن وعدن جي ڪري هند جي مسلمانن سرڪار کي چڱي مدد ڏني جنهنڪري نه رڳو هندستان ۾ امن قائم رهيو پر خود انهن مسلمانن پنهنجي ڀائرن جو خون وهائي برطانيا کي اها فتح ڪري ڏني جا شايد ٻئي ڪنهن طرح ممڪن نه ٿئي ها.

    جڏهن جنگ ختم ٿي ۽ مسلمانن اکيون کوليون ته انهن کي صاف نظر آيو ته جنگ ۾ باوجود ايڏي امداد ڪرڻ جي به فقط سندن مذهبي جذبات جو خون ٿئي ٿو پر ساڻن ڪيل انجامن جي به کليءَ طرح ابتڙائي ڪئي وڃي ٿي، تڏهن هنن جلسنجي معرفت سرڪار کي ڪيل انجام ياد ڏياري پنهنجي مذهبي جذبات جي پائماليءَ کان آگاهه ڪيو ۽ هنن انصاف ٿيڻ لاءِ ولايت تائين پنهنجا نمائندا موڪلي پنهنجي دلي ارادن کي ظاهر ڪيو ۽ گهڻيون دانهون فريادون زاريون نيازيون ڪيون پر ڪو نه ٻڌڻ نه آيون، هنن پنهنجي مرضيءَ موجب سلطان المعظم خليفتھ المسلمين کي مجبور ڪري اسلام جي برخلاف صلح جي شرطن تي دستخط ورتي جنهن صلح کي مسلمان ڪڏهن به جائز سمجهي نٿا سگهن. انهيءَ ڪري لاچار سڀني مسلمانن گڏجي سرڪار سان ترڪ موالات يعني لاڳاپن ٽوڙڻ يا عدم شرڪت عمل يعني گڏجي ڪم نه ڪرڻ جو ٺهراءُ مقرر ڪيو ۽ سڄي هندستان جي وڏن وڏن علمائن ان جي فرض هجڻ جي فتويٰ ڏني ۽ هندو ڀائر به خاص مسلمانن سان همدردي ڏيکارڻ لاءِ ان فيصلي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءڀ تيار ٿيا ۽ وري اڳتي هلي انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس ۽ مسلم ليگ اهو ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيو. جنهنڪري مذهبي لحاظ کانسواءِ هندستان جي سڀني قومن تي انهيءَ ٺهراءَ يعني ترڪ موالات تي عمل ڪرڻ هڪ زبردستي قومي فرض ٿي چڪو آهي. انهيءَ ترڪ موالات جي تجويز جا گهڻا ڀاڱا آهن جي عام طور مشهور آهن پر هن وقت مکيه سوال هيءُ آهي ته ايندڙ نومبر جي ڪائونسل جي ميمبريءَ لاءِ چونڊون ٿيڻيون آهن تنهن بابت رٿ آهي ته ڪو به مسلمان خواهه هندو اميدوار ڪو نه بيهي ۽ نه وري ڪنهن اميداور کي ڪو ووٽ ڏئي. الحمدالله جو انهي تحريڪ تي عمل ڪرڻ جون خبرون سنڌ کان ٻاهران گهڻي انداز ۾ اچي رهيون آهن جو ڪيترا صاحب ترڪ موالات جي مدنظر ڪري ڪائونسل جي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿي رهيا آهن. اگرچه سنڌ ۾ ٻن ٽن هندو صاحبن کانسواءِ ڪنهن مسلمان اهڙو قدم ڪو نه کنيو آهي. پر اوهان اسلامي ڀائرن ۾ اميد آهي ته توهان اميدوار ڀائرن کي سمجهايو ته هو دستبردار ٿين ۽ ٻين ووٽرن صاحبن جي قومي جمعيت ۽ اسلامي همدرديءَ ۾ اميد آهي ته هو ترڪ موالات جي مذهبي اصول کي مدنظر رکي ڪنهن به اميدوار کي ووٽ نه ڏيندا ۽ پنهنجي سڀني مسلمان ڀائرن کي ان حقيقت کان واقف ڪندا رهندا.

    سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته هن صوبه ۾ ٻين علائقن بنسبت گهڻا مسلمان اميدوار بيهڻا آهن ۽ مسلمانن جي ڪثرت آبادي ڪري وري ووٽر به مسلمان گهڻائي آهن تنهنڪري ساري هندستان ۾ سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي وڌيڪ اسلام ۽ قوم جي عزت کي برقرار رکڻ فرض آهي. تنهنڪري يقين آهي ته سنڌ جا مسلمان خدا تعاليٰ ۽ رسول اڪرم ﷺ جن جي حڪمن جي پيروي ڪرڻ ۾ ڪا ڪوتاهي نه ڪندا يعني ترڪ موالات جي متي موجب ڪنهن به ڪائونسل ۾ اميدوار نه بيهندا ۽ نه وري ڪنهن اميدوار کي ووٽ ڏيندا.

    (2)

    ترڪ موالات جو نظامِ عمل

    اي ايمان وارو! اوهان لاءِ هينئير ٻيو ڪو به چارو رهيل نه آهي سواءِ انهيءَ جي ته خلافت ڪانفرنس- انجمن علماءِ هندو ڪانگريس ۽ مسلم ليگ جي پاس ڪيل ترڪ موالات جي تجويز قبول ڪري حال في الحال هيٺين ڳالهين تي هڪدم عمل ڪريو.

    (1) سڀ خطاب ۽ اعزازي عهدا هڪدم ڇڏي ڏجن ۽ مقامي جماعتن (ميونسپالٽين ۽ لوڪلبورڊن وغيره) جي سرڪاري مليل ميمبرين کان هڪدم استعيفا داخل ڪرڻ گهرجي.

    (2) سرڪاري درٻارين ۽ ٻين سرڪاري ۽ غير سرڪاري مجلسن ۾ (جي سرڪاري حاڪم ڪن ۽ انهن جي اعزاز واسطي ڪيون وڃن) شامل ٿيڻ کان صاف انڪار ڪيو وڃي.

    (3) ٻارن کي انهن اسڪولن ۽ ڪاليجن مان آهستي آهستي اٿاريو وڃي جي سرڪار جي ملڪيت آهن يار سرڪاري انتظام هيٺ آهن يا سرڪار کان امداد حاصل ڪن ٿا. ۽ انهن جي بجاءِ مختلف صوبن ۾ قومي اسڪول يا ڪاليج قائم ڪيا وڃن.

    (4) سرڪاري ڪورٽن کي آهستي آهستي بائيڪاٽ ڪري انهن جي بجاءِ خانگي پئنچاتي ڪورٽون قائم ڪيون وڃن ۽ انهن ڪورٽن جي امداد سان خانگي جهڳڙن جو فيصلو ڪيو وڃي.

    (5) عراق عرب ۾ فوجي، منشيگيري ۽ مزدوري جي نوڪريءَ لاءِ رنگروٽن جي طور ڀرتي ٿيڻ کان صاف انڪار ڪيو وڃي.

    (6) نين ڪائونسلن جي ميمبريءَ جي اميدواري لاءِ جيڪي درخواستون ڏنيون ويون آهن اهي سڀ واپس ورتيون وڃن ۽ ووٽرن کي گهرجي ته اهڙن اميدوارن کي ووٽ ڏيڻ کان انڪار ڪن جيڪي ڪانگريس جي هن هدايت جي ڪا به پرواهه نه ڪري هن هوندي به پنهنجي مٿي ميمبر چونڊجڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن.

    (7) سموري ڌارئي ملڪ جي مال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪيو وڃي ۽ جنهن حالت ۾ ترڪ موالات جي هيءَ تحريڪ هڪ ترتيبوار نموني تي ماڻهن کي قرباني سيکارڻ واسطي اختيار ڪئي وئي آهي جنهن کانسواءِ ڪا به قوم حقيقي ترقي نٿي ڪري سگهي ۽ پڻ جنهن حالت ۾ هر مرد، عورت ۽ ٻار کي ان تحريڪ جي مهڙيءَ منزل ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ جو وجهه ڏيڻو آهي، ان ڪري هيءَ ڪانگريس سڀني کي هدايت ڪري ٿي ته جيسين هندستاني واپارين جي سرمايه سان قائم ٿيل انتظام ڪپڙي جي ضروريات کي پورو ڪري ته بس سوديشي مال ئي واپرائين، اگرچه هندستان ۾ هن وقت ايترو ڪافي سٽ ۽ ڪپڙا تيار نه آهن جو ملڪ جي پورٽ ڪري پر ڪانگريس خاص انهيءَ مقصد کي مدنظر رکندي هدايت ڏئي ٿي ته جلدي اهڙا وسيلا اختيار ڪيا وڃن جنهن ڪري وري ڪپڙي اڻڻ جي برباد ٿيل دستڪاري جيئري ٿئي. لکين ڪوري جو پنهنجو هنر ڇڏي ويٺا اهن وري پنهنجي اباڻي ڪم کي اختيار ڪن.

    فتويٰ جمعيت علماءِ هندو درٻاره ترڪ موالات

    هيءَ اها فتويٰ آهي جا جمعيت علماءِ هند ڪلڪته جي اجلاس ۾ گهڻي غور ۽ ويچار کانپوءِ شايع فرمائي هئي.

    جنهن حالت ۾ ترڪيءَ سان صلح ڪرڻ ۾ يورپ جي بادشاهنن کلي کلائي بي انصافي ڪئي آهي ۽ اسلامي جذبات کي پائمال ڪيو آهي ۽ انگريزي وزيرن پنهنجي صاف ۽ پڌرن وعدن جي ابتڙائي ڪئي آهي ۽ خلافت جي اقتدار کي وڃائن ۽ خليفتھ المسلمين جي مذهبي طاقت جي پاڙ پٽڻ ۾ اسلام سان پورو مذهبي تعصب ۽ حسد ڏيکاريو آهي. تنهنڪري مسلمانن تي اسلام جي تابع هجڻ واري حالت ۾ لازم ٿي چڪو آهي ته هو هنن اسلام جي دشمنن سان ترڪ موالات ڪن.

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي

    الوحيد، 1920ع   

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    خلافت ڪاميٽي

    پهرين وقتي صدارت رئيس غلام ڀرڳڙيءَ جي ٿي.

    حيدراباد 1920ع ۾ جي ميٽنگ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ 5،6،7،8،9 فيبروري پير محمد رشد الله الله جهنڊواري جي صدارت ۾.

    ورڪنگ ڪاميٽي.

    ميان عبدالجبار جي لائيف ۾

    شيخ عبدالمجيد صدر ٿيو.

    بابا مير محمد بلوچ =

    حاجي عبدالله هارون =

    علي محمد مري =

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    خلافت- محبوب شاهه ۽ محمود شاهه

    انهيءَ وقت خلافت جو دور ختم ٿي، مسلم ليگ ۾ ضم ٿي چڪو هجي، خلافت جيڪا 1914ع جي قيصر وليم جي لڙائي کان شروع ٿي، 1920ع يا 1921ع ڌاري عروج تي پهتي، جنهن ۾ مولانا محمد علي جوهر، مولانا شوڪت علي جوهر، مولانا ابوالڪلام ”آزاد“ مولانا عبدالباري لکنوي، ڊاڪٽر سيف الدين ڪچلو ۽ ٻيا نامور ليڊر شامل هئا. هڪ ٻئي سان هم خيال، همسفر ۽ همرڪاب هوندا هئا.

    اسان جي سنڌ سونهاريءَ مان، پير محبوب شاهه راشدي جيڪو نهايت رعبدار۽ هيبتناڪ مقرر جي علاوه وڏو عالم پر خلوص، ديانتدار بي باڪ ص 147 ۽ جذباتي هئڻ سان گڏ سجاده نشين راشدي خاندان جي پير سائين رشد الله صاحب، جهنڊي واري جو ننڍو ڀاءُ پڻ هيو. راشدي خاندان  جي افراتفريءَ جي وقت، جيئن اسپين جي دارالحڪومت ۽ الحمرا جي محلاتن مان، عرب سڳورا موثر مسلمان ، عيسائين کان شڪست کائي، آفريڪا جي ريگزارن، سمنڊ جي ڪنارن ۽ ڪوهسارن ۾ ڦهلجي ويا هئا. اهڙي طرح راشدي خاندان جا فرد به ”ڪنگريءَ“ جي ڪوس کانپوءِ، پير سائين پاڳاري، روضي ڌڻي جي جاهل حرن  کان دهشت زده ٿي، سڄي سنڌ جي چپي چپي تي ڦهلجي ويا.

    پير محبوب شاهه به اپر سنڌ کي ڇڏي، ٻارچاڻي ۽ ماتلي ۾ اچي قيام پذير ٿيو هيو ۽ تحريڪ خلافت ۾ اچي شموليت ڪئي هئائين. (ص 148، ڪيئي ڪتاب) پير محمود شاهه راشدي، خلافت جي وقت ۾ ماتليءَ جي سڄي شهر کي الله اڪبر جي فلڪ شگاف نعرن سان گونجائيندو رهندو هيو. وقت بي وقت جو ڪو به خيال نه هوندو هيس. پوءِ چاهي صبح هجي يا ٻپهر، شام هجي يا رات چونڪ، گهٽي ۽ گهٽي ۾ تقريرون ڪندو ۽ الله اڪبر جا نعرا فضا ۾ بلند ڪندو، زمين وارن کي هوشيار ڪندي جاڳائيندي وڃي آسمانن تائين پڄائيندو هيو. ماتليءَ جي رهواسين ۾ ڪي مخلص ته ڪي جذباتي ته ڪي وري کيس جنوني ۽ پاڳل ڪري سمجهندا هئا. پاڻ سڀني کان بي نياز ٿي، پنهنجي ئي ڌن ۾ مڱن ۽ مست رهندو هيو، پاڻ شرعي بندشن ۾ رهي، باقاعدگي سان نماز پنجگانه ۽ ٽيهه ئي روزا رکندو رهيو پير محبوب شاهه راشديءَ سان محبتن ۽ صداقت، اندر رهندي سندس ڪڪڙن وڙهائڻ تي، ساڻس شديد اختلاف ڪندو هيو، پير محمود شاهه راشديءف کي پير محبوب شاهه راشدي مسڪرائيندي ۽ کلندي چوندو هيو ته، ”جيڪڏهن تون اهي تقريرون ۽ نعرا ڇڏين ته پوءِ آءُ به ڪڪڙن وڙهائڻ ڇڏي ڏيندس“ پر نه پير محمود شاهه راشدي نعرا هڻن ڇڏي نڪي ئي پير محبوب شاهه ڪڪڙ وڙهائڻ ڇڏيا.

    پير محبوب شاهه ٻين انقلابي خلافي ساٿين سان گڏ، جيل ياترا به ڪري آيو هيو، انهن ساٿين ۾ ساڻن گڏ پير غلام مجدد سرهندي، شيخ عبدالمجيد سنڌي، شيخ عبدالجبار وڪيل حيدرآبادي، مولوي خير محمد نظاماڻي شعلي نوامقررجيڪو انهيءَ وقت نوخيز ۽ ڇوڪرو هيو، علاوه ازين ٻيا به ڪيترائي عالمي دين مولانا ۽ مولوي انهيءَ خلافتي ٻيڙي ۾ شامل سفر هوندا هئا، جن جي وڏي فهرست ٿي سگهي ٿي. اسين به تنهن وقت، استاد محترم جناب مولوي عطاءُ الله صاحب جن جي مدرسي ۾ پڙهندا هئاسين ۽ اتي انگريزي ٽوپلا، جيڪي ڪيترن ئي قسمن جا هوندا هئا، تن کي فوٽبال وانگر، سڄي شهر ۾ گڏيندا رهندا هئاسين.

    ٻئي پاسي هندو ڪانگريسين به خلافتين سان گڏجي تمام گهڻيون قربانيون ڏنيون، جيل ويا گوليون کاڌيون ۽ ڳڻڻ کان ٻاهر موت جو شڪار ٿيا، جنهنڪري ئي انگريز سامراج، پنهنجا بوريا بستر ٻڌي هندن ۽ مسلمانن کي پاڻ ۾ وڙهائي نه ڏيڻ جهڙي آزادي ڏيئي يورپ روانو ٿيو.

    ص (5)، ڪيئي ڪتاب. 1920ع.

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    جلسو عام خلافت اسلامي

    نصرپور سنڌ

    مڪرمي سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب

    جنهن صورت ۾ يورپ جون بعض عيسائي حڪومتون مقامات مقدمه ۽ خليفته المسلمين جي پٺيان هٿ ڌوئي لڳيون آهن ۽ خود مڪه معظم مديني منوره، بيت المقدس قسطنطنيه جهڙن مقدس اسلامي شهرن لاءِ ساڳيون چالبازيون ۽ حرفتون هلايون وڃن ٿيون. جهڙيون مصر سان کيڏيون ويون هيون تنهن صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو اهو مذهبي فرض آهي ته هو اهڙي نازڪ آزمائش جي وقت اسلامي عزت ۽ اقتدار قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ باقاعده هر ممڪن تجويز اختيار ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي غيرت جو ثبوت ڏين.

    هينئر موجوده حالتن ۾ ملسمانن جو پهريون فرض آهي ته هر طرح تن، من ۽ ڌن سان مدد ڪري جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ۽ خلافت بيت المال کي وڌائڻ ۽ زور وٺائڻ لاءِ هر ڪنهن ضلعي جي هر هڪ تعلقي ۽ هر هڪ ڳوٺ ۽ واهڻ ۾ مٿئين جماعت جون شاخون قائم ڪن.

    اسان جي قديمي اسلامي شهر نصرپور تعلقي ٽنڊه الهيار ضلعي حيدرآباد سنڌ جا مسلمان اها ضرورت گهڻي وقت کان محسوس ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ هاڻي پنهنجي فرائض جي ادائيءَ لاءِ ارادو ڪيو اٿن ته هتي نصرپور ۾ انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو  مان پهرين جمعرات تاريخ 2 شعبان هجري 1338 مطابق تاريخ 22 اپريل 1920ع خميس ڏينهن شام جو جناب حضرت پير شاهه محمود شاهه جيلاني رحمت الله عليه جن جي درگاهه شريف جي منعقد ڪجي.

    هن مبارڪ موقعي تي جناب حضرت پير مير حافظ حاجي سيد اسدالله صاحب زميندار ٽکڙ ۽ حيدرآباد جا مشهور محبان اسلام جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايڊيٽر الامين، ڊاڪٽر شيخ نور محمد ۽ اسان جا وطن دوست هندو ليڊر ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام ۽ مسٽر نرسنگ لال ۽ ٻيا حضرات پڻ مهرباني فرمائي اسان جي استدعا تي اچڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيا آهن.

    سڀني عام خاص هندو مسلمانن ڀائرن کي استدعا ٿي ڪجي ته هن جلسي تي شريڪ ٿي نصرپور جي مسلمانن کي ممنون ڪندا.

    خميس ڏينهن شام کان رهائش ۽ خوراڪ جو عام بندوبست رکيو ويندو.

    (الملتمس)

    مولوي تاج محمد قاضي عبدالرحمان قريشي

    مسٽرمحمد يوسف خليفه جمع خان عباسي

    Bhoat Electric Printing Works Karachi.

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    خلافت جا ڏينهن هيٺين هنڌن تي ملهايا ويا

    امروٽ، ٺلاهه، ٽنڊوالهيار، ٽنڊو محمد خان، ڳڙهي ياسين، دادو، ڊڀرو، ڊکڻ، حيدرآباد، رتوديرو، روهڙي، رڪن، ماتلي، ميرپورخاص، نوابشاهه، لاڙڪاڻو، سکر، شڪارپور، هالا پراڻا ۽ ڪراچي.

    الوحيد جا مختلف پرچا.

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    1918ع ڌاران مسلم ليگ ۽ ڪانگريس جا اجلاس هڪ هنڌ ڪٺا ٿيندا هئا، يا ساڳي قسم جا ٺهراءَ پاس ڪندا هئا.

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    از خلافت ڪاميٽي شڪارپور

    جناب عالي-

    هن وقت سخت ضرورت هئي ته شڪارپور ۾ خلافت ۽ ترڪ موالات وغيره  مذهبي ۽ قومي تحريڪن جي زندهه ڪرڻ لاءِ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪئي وڃي تنهن لاءِ هي فيصلو ٿيو آهي ته 28 فيبروري جي ڪانفرنس ڪئي وڃي جنهن لاءِ اوهان کي هن دعوت نامي جي ذريعي عرض ٿو ڪجي ته اوهان مذهب۽ قوم جي ڪري هن ڪانفرنس ۾ ضرور پنهنجي تشريف آريءَ کان اسان کي مشڪور ڪريو اسان کي يقين آهي ته اوهان هن استدعا کي قبول فرمائيندا ۽ پنهنجي اچڻ جو اطلاع جلد موڪليندا. شڪارپور ۾ سردي آهي تنهنڪري بستري آڻڻ جي تڪليف ڪندا. خورش ۽ رهائش جو بندوبست ڪيو ويو آهي.

    نوٽ: اوهان کانسواءِ جيڪڏهن ڪو به ڪانفرنس ۾ اچڻ چاهي ته ان لاءِ هن ريت ٽڪيٽون آهن.

    0-0-3، 0-0-2، 0-0-1، 0-8-0، 0-4-0

    فقط ٻن ۽ ٽن روپين واري جي مهرباني ڪئي ويندي.

    مولوي عبدالڪريم چشتي

    سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪانفرنس

    (Mulchand Virumal Shyan Sundar Press Shikarpur)

    شڪارپور (سنڌ)

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    وندي ماترم                                        الله اڪبر

    786

    بخدمت والا مرتبت جناب عمده ارباب ايمان زبده اصحاب

    عرفان مولانا ابوالحسن حاجي تاج محمد صاحب قبلا دام محمد

    اسان شڪارپور واسي نهايت خلوص ۽ دلي ارادن سان حضور جي تشريف آوري جو خيرمقدم ڪندي پنهنجي سرور جو اظهار ٿا ڪريون ته هن ڪفر ۽ اسلام جي ڪشمڪش ۾ اوهان جهڙو قابل ۽ احترام وجود ۽ ايمان جو پتلو سلف جو نمونو اسان جي رهنمائيءَ لاءِ هن اسان جي پياري ننگر جي هن خلافت جي اجلاس ۾ رونق افروز ٿيو. اسان يقين سان ٿا چئون ته اوهان جهڙو وجود هن وقت ۾ سچ پچ موجود فخر ۽ ناز آهي. اوهان جي توصيف ايتري نه آهي. جا زبان ادا ڪري سگهي. يا قوم صفح تحرير تي بيان ڪري سگهي.

    توهان هن سنڌه ملڪ ۾ خلافت حقه جي جا خدمت ڪئي آهي ۽ مادر هند کي غلاميءَ جي ناپاڪ زنجيرن کان ڇڏائڻ لاءِ جا ڪوشش ڪئي آهي سا ڪنهن فرد کان مخفي نه آهي. اسان جي پروردگار کان دعا آهي ته اوهان جو وجود تادير اسان تي سايه فگن رهي. اسان هٿ ادب جا ٻڌي عاجزانه عرض ٿا ڪريون ته اسان کان اوهان جي خدمت هرگز کما حق نه ٿي سگهي تنهن لاءِ معافي جا طلبگار آهيون.

    اوهان جو نيازمند

    حڪيم عبدالڪريم ”چشتي“

    ناظم جمعيت خلافت
    شڪارپور سنڌه.

    (Mulchand Virumal Shyan Sundar Press Shikarpur)

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    پروگرام اجلاس دوم

    خلافت ڪانفرنس شڪارپور

    وقت ساڍي 3 بجي شروع.

    1. تلاوت قرآن شريف

    2. گيت

    3. ٺهراءُ- تلڪ مهراج ۽ مولانا شيخ الهند جو (از صدر).

    4. مسئله گوڪشي

    محرڪ- قاضي اسد الله شاهه.

    موئيد- شيخ عبدالعزيز

    موئيد- مولوي محمد عاقل

    5.ميونسپل چونڊ

    محرڪ- مولوي عبدالخالق

    موئيد- پنڊت امرسين

    6. سوديشي پرچار

    محرڪ- شيخ عبدالعزيز

    موئيد- سيٺ نارائڻ داس

    موئيد-مولوي در محمد

    7. دٻاوجي پاليسي

    محرڪ- پنڊت امرسين

    موئيد- مستر ليلارام ڦيرواڻي

    8. قومي تعليم

    محرڪ- سيد اسدا الله شاهه

    موئيد- ميان محمد خان

    موئيد-سوامي پرياگ ڀارتي

    موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه

    موئيد-شيخ عبدالعزيز

    9. ميان محبوب جي گرفتاري.

    محرڪ-سيٺ گهنشامداس

    موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه

    10. مشرڪي ڪانفرس

    محرڪ- ميان محمد خان

    موئيد- مولوي دين محمد وفائي

    11. سال اندر سوراج

    محرڪ-سيد نارائڻ داس

    موئيد-شيخ عبدالعزيز

    موئيد- پنڊت امرسين

    موئيد-محمد حسن شاهه

    موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه

    موئيد- سوامي پرياگ ڀارتي

    موئيد- مولوي مير محمد

    موئيد- مولوي دين محمد

    12.خلافت ڪاميٽي جي متنظم جماعت جو اعلان.

    13. دعا (پرارٿنا)

    نيازمند

    ”چشتي“

    (مسٽر مولچند ويرومل شام سندر پريس شڪارپور ۾ لکيدر تي ڇپيو.)

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    اخبارن لاءِ اطلاع.

    (جناب ڪمشنر صاحب بهادر سنڌ جن جو جاري ڪيل)

    جيڪي ماڻهو  سرڪار جي خلاف بد دلي پئدا ڪرڻ تي بيٺا آهن اهي ماڻهو اڪثري پيا ظاهر ڪن ته برٽش فوج پاڪ شهرن مڪي ۽ مديني تي بم گولن، توپن ۽ بندوقن سان حملو ڪيو هو ۽ ته هوائي جهازن تان مديني تي بم گولا وسائين. هي بيان بلڪل ڪوڙا آهن. خود ترڪي سولجرن هڪڙو توپ جو گولو هلايو هو جو ڪعبي مقدس تي پيو ۽ پاڪ قالين جلد ئي ساڙي ڇڏيائين ۽ 9 ڄڻا جيڪي نماز ۾ مشغول هئا ماري وڌائين. اهو مرتداڻو بي حرمتي جو ڪم خود ترڪي لشڪر ڪيو هو. مديني ۾ عربن هڪڙي ترڪي دستي کي گهيري ۾ وٺي بند ڪري وڌو هو پرشهر کي ڪو ضرور نه پهچايو ويو ۽ ترڪن شهر عربن جي حوالي عارضي صلح ٿيڻ تائين ڪو نه ڪيو هو. حجاز ۾ ڪنهن به برٽش يا انڊين لشڪر هيل تائين جنگي ڪارروائي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي نڪي ڪو به برٽس فوجي دستو مڪي يا مديني ۾ داخل ٿيو آهي. اهي هنڌ بلڪل عرب قبضي هيٺ آهن.

    اهڙيون ڳالهيون اهي ماڻهو ٿا ڪن جن کي ڄاڻ آهي ته اهي ڪوڙيون آهن ۽ اهي ڪوڙ ماڻهن کي سرڪار جي خلاف ڇيڙڻ ڪاتر ٿا هڻن.

    D. MacLACHLAN,

    Sindhi Translator to Government.

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    پريس نوٽ

    جيئن ته ڪي شرارتي ۽ بدانديش ماڻهو سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي دلين تي انگريز سرڪار جي برخلاف بداثرن پيدا ڪرڻ جي مراد سان ڪيترا بهتان ۽ ڪوڙا افواهه جاري ڪري رهيا آهن. تنهنڪري ضرور ٿيو آهي ته سڀني وفادار ۽ صلح پسند مسلمانن کي خبردار ڪجي ته اهڙن نسورن ڪوڙن تي ڪو ويساهه نه ڪن.

    اهي شورشون اٿاريندڙ ماڻهو ائين پيا چون ته حجاز جا مقدس مقامات انگريز سرڪار جي قبضي هيٺ آهن. اها ڳالهه بلڪل ڪوڙي آهي. صلح جي شرطن موافق حجاز تي اتي جي بادشاهه جو پشت بيت الله شريف جو خدمتگار آهي ان جي حڪومت قائم ٿيل آهي ۽ انهيءَ مقدس ملڪ جي انتظام ۾ ڪنهن به غير مسلم جي دست اندازي نه رهندي.

    وري اهي فتنا ئي بهتان پيا اڏائين جيڪي انگريزي توپن ڪعبته الله شريف تي گولا اڇلايا. اها ڳالهه به سراسر ڪوڙي آهي. انگريز سرڪار حجاز ۾ وڙهڻ لاءِ ڪو به لشڪر ڪو نه موڪليو هو. بلڪل ترڪن جي لشڪر ڪعبته الله شريف تي جنهن جو محافظ مڪي جو شريف آهي توپ جو گولو اڇلايو هو جنهنڪري غلاف مبارڪ به سڙيو ۽ 9 ماڻهن جيڪي نماز ۾ مشغول هئا سي به مئا.

    ٻئي پاسي وري اهو ڪوڙ اٿاريو اٿن جي مديني منور تي هوائي جهازن مان گولا ڪيرايا ويا هئا. اهو به سرار واهيات آهي. ترڪن جي لشڪر کي عربن جي لشڪر مديني ۾ بند ڪري چوڌاري گهيرو ڪيو هو پر حضرت رسول الله جي روضي مبارڪجي عزت ڪري عربن مديني تي توپ زني ۽ گولا بازي هرگز نه ڪئي جنهن جو نتيجو اهو ٿيو ته عارضي صلح ٿيڻ تائين ترڪن جو مديني تي قبضو رهيو باوجود يڪ هنن کي اٽڪل ٻه ورهيه کن ڪا به مدد ڪا نه پهتي هئي.

    وري انهن شرارتي ماڻهن هئن به عام طرح به هل پکيڙيو آهي ته انگريز سرڪار مسلمانن جي مذهبي آزادگي ۾ دست اندازي پيئي ڪري ۽ مسلمانن کي قرآن شريف پڙهڻ کان منع ڪئي اٿس ۽ مسلمانن کي جمعي جي ڏينهن جمعي نماز پڙهڻ بدران آرتوار جي ڏينهن نماز پڙهڻ جو حڪم ڏنو اٿس. اهي سراسر ڪوڙيون ۽ کوٽيون ڳالهيون آهن. سرڪار ته نه ڪو اهڙو حڪم ڪڍيو آهي ۽ نه ڪو ڪڍڻ واري. اها ڳالهه ڌيان ۾ رهي ته سرڪار نه ويتر ڪن ورهين کان اهو حڪم جاري ڪيو آهي ته جمعي ڏينهن جمع نماز پڙهڻ لائي سڀني مسلمان ڪامورن کي اجازت ڏني وڃي جو حڪم اڃا تائين قائم آهي ۽ عمل ۾ پيو اچي. انگريز سرڪار پنهنجي رعيت جي مذهبي ڪمن ۾ ڪڏهن به دست اندازي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي ۽ اهڙين ڳالهين ۾ هميشه ڪشاده دلي ۽ غير واسطيداري ڏيکاري آهي، انهن اصولن تي انگريز سرڪار آئينده به ائين ئي مستقيم رهندي جيئن هيل تائين پئي ڪيو اٿس.

    تنهنڪري سنڌ جي سڀني وفادار مسلمانن لاءِ شايان آهي ته اهڙن باطل بهتانن ۽ افواهن تي ڪو گوش نه ڏين ۽ اٿلندو حتي الامڪان پنهنجي اڻ پڙهيل سادن مسلمان ڀائرن کي انهن شرارتي ماڻهن جي ڦندي کان محفوظ رکڻ لاءِ انهن ڪوڙن افواهن جو اثر دفعه ڪن.

    P.R CADEEL,

    ڪمشنر صاحب بهادر ممالڪ سنڌ.

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    مورو ۾ جلسو خلافت

    31 ڊسمبر 1921ع جي موري ۾ جلسو جمعي نماز بعد ٿيو. قاضي نبي بخش صدارت ڪئي. خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي زير سايه ٿيو قاضي فيض محمد ترڪ موالات، سوديشي ۽ ڪاسب سڀاڻي تقرير ڪئي.

    ٺهراءَ:

    1.الوحيد جي ايڊيٽر قاضي عبدالرحمان کي بيڏوهي ٺهرائڻ ۽ سندس عزيزن سان همدرديءَ جو اظهار.

    2. مولانا محمود الحسن جي وفات تي اظهار افسوس ۽ ان جي پوين سان همدردي

    3. نواب شاهه مان راءِ جي خلافت چونڊجي آيل اميدوارن کي قوم جو عيوضي نه سمجهڻ.

    الوحيد، نمبر 194، 5 جنوري 1921ع، ص 2

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    نوابشاهه ۾ جلسو

    5 جنوري 1921ع تي چڪري نوابشاهه ۾ جناب ڀائي نارائڻ داس صاحب جي صدارت هيٺ جلسو ٿيو. قاضي خدابخش مورائي (بي-اي عليگ) ”ڪانگريس ۾ ڇا ٿيو“ تنهن بابت ڳالهايو. ان بابت سپاپتي صاحب، حڪيم عبدالخالق مورائي، هندو مسلم ايڪتا، سوديشي ۽ نئونيشا تي ماڻهن کي سمجهاڻيون ڏنيون.

    الوحيد، نمبر 200، 10 جنوري 1921ع، ص 2.

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    دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ

    428 مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.

    23 جنوري 1921ع

     

    جناب من، اسلام عليڪم

    جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه وصبه سنڌ جي منتظم ڪاميٽي جو جلسو ڇنڇر ڏينهن تاريخ 5 فيبروري 1921ع، 11 بجي صبح جو خلافت ڪاميٽي جي آفيس ۾ ٿيندو. مهرباني فرمائي اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.

    هيٺيان ڪم سرانجام ڪيا ويندا.

    1. بيت المال جو حساب ڪتاب

    2. بيت المال ڪيئن ڪجي

    3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ماتحت آفيس (سب مرڪز) خلافت جا ٺاهڻ.

    4. قومي تعليم فنڊ ۽ ان جي گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪهڙا اپاءَ ۽ تجويزون اختيار ڪجن.

    5. هميشه لاءِ وفد مقرر ڪرڻ جو ڪم ڪندو رهي.

    6. تبليغ ۽ سوديشي رپورٽون.

    7. ڪيئن ماڻهن کي روڪجي جي سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي نالي پئسا گڏ ڪن ٿا.

    8. جنرل ڪاميٽيءَ ڪوٺائڻ لاءِ تاريخ ۽ هنڌ مقرر ڪرڻ.

    الوحيد، 23 جنوري 1921ع

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    سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي جنرل ميٽنگ

    تاريخ 26، 27 فيبروري 1921ع جي لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ٿيندي، تنهن ۾ ويچار ڪرڻ لاءِ مضمون.

    1. حساب ڪتاب.

    2. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي روان ۾ ڦير گهير ٿيڻ بابت

    3. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي ڪم ڪندڙ ڪاميٽي ٺاهڻ.

    4. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪانفرنس.

    5. سنڌ پراونشل ڪاميٽي ۽ ان کي مئنجينگ ڪاميٽيءَ مان جن ميمبرن بهرو وٺڻ ڇڏيو آهي تن جي بدران ٻين ميبرن جي چونڊ بابت.

    6. سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي ميمبرن مان جن ڇڏيو آهي تن جي جاءِ تي ٻين ميمبرن جي چونڊ بابت.

    7. سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئي کي چئجي ته آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس گهرائي.

    8. تعليم لاءِ فنڊ ۽ اسڪول.

    (1) هاءِ اسڪولن جي کولڻ بابت

    (2) ملان اسڪولن کي گرانٽ ڏيڻ بابت

    (3) ٻين اسڪولن کي گرانٽ ڏيڻ بابت

    9.  سنڌ مدرسه جي بورڊ بابت.

    10. سوديشي.

    (1) ائٽ سنڌ ۾ ڪيئن پکيڙجن.

    (2) ديسي ڪپڙي ۽ سامان جا انشورنس کوليا وڃن.

    (3) ڳوٺن ۾ اڻڻ جي ڪم کي همٿائجي.

    11. الوحيد پريس کي ضمانت ڀري ڏنل پئسن بابت

    12. بيت المال چندو ڪيئن ڪجي.

    (9) قومي دارالقضائون برپا ڪرڻ.

    (10) مجاهدن جون جماعتون تيار ڪرڻ.

    (11) سرڪاري دٻاءَ کي ڪيئن منهن ڏجي.

    (12) ميرپورخاص ۾ سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس

    سان گڏ سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪجي يا نه ڪجي.

    13. مولانا محمد صاحب جون تجويزون ملان اسڪولن بابت

    14. هميشه لاءِ مبلغين مقرر ڪرڻ.

    15. مرڪزي خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئيءَ جا جاري ڪيل نوٽ ڪيتري قيمت جا وڪري ڪري گهرايا وڃن.

    16. ڪانگريس مقاصد-سوراج ۽ قطع تعلقات.

    نوٽ: وڌيڪ مضمونن جي لاءِ سيڪريٽري کي خبر ڏيڻ گهرجي.

    اوهان مهرباني ڪري ضرور لاڙڪاڻي ۾ اچي شامل ٿيندا.

    ڀارت اليڪٽرڪ پرنٽنگ ورڪس ڪراچي.

    محمد خان

    سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي

    الوحيد، 26 فيبروري 1921ع

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    دفتر استقباليه ڪميٽي آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪراچي

    جناب معظم و محترم، اسلام عليڪم و برڪات

    اميد آهي ته اوهين خيريت سان هوندا، توهان کي اها ڳالهه معلوم ٿي وئي هوندي ته 1، 2، 3 جولائي 1921ع بمطابق 24، 25، 26 شوال 1339ع جمعي ڇنڇر آچر ڏينهن آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس جو جلسو ٽي ڏينهن برابر ڪراچ شهر ۾ ٿيندو ۽ مخدوم قوم فرائي ملت حضرت مولانا محمد علي صاحب جلسي جي صدارت قبول فرمائي آهي ۽ اميد آهي ته هندستان جا مسلمان ۽ هندو مشهور ۽ وڏا وڏا اڳواڻ تشريف فرما ٿيندا. اڄڪلهه خلافت اسلاميه ۽ ملڪ جي بهبودي جي متعلق گهڻيون ضروري ڳالهيون اهن جن تي هن اجلاس ۾ خاص طرح ڪيو ويندو. انهيءَ ڪري انهيءَ همدردي کي مدنظر رکي جا اوهان وقت به وقت هن مقدس منهنجي تحريڪ ۽ ملڪ جي ڀلائي جي متعلق ظاهر فرمائي آهي اوهان جي خدمت ۾ درخواست اهي ته ضرور هي وڏي عظيم الشان جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿي اسان کي شڪرگذارفرما ٿيندا.

    توهان جي رهڻ جو بندوبست استقباليه ڪميٽي ڪندي هر هڪ ماڻهوءَ جي کاڌي لاءِ به هر هڪ ڏينهن لاءِ هڪ رپيه ڏيڻ تي ڪميٽي بندوبست ڪندي ۽ جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءِ ڊيليگيٽ (نمائنده) جي فيس ٻه رپيا ٽنهين ڏينهن لاءِ مقرر ڪئي وئي آهي هن ڳالهه جو خاص طرح خيال رکندا ته اوهان جي تشريف آوري جو اطلاع گهٽ ۾ گهٽ پنج ڏينهن پهريان يعني 26 جون 1921ع تائين اسان کي پهچي وڃي ته اوهان جي سهوليت ۽ آرام جو بندوبست ڪجي جيڪڏهن اوهان غفلت ۽ سستي ڪري ايتري وقت ۾ اطلاع نه ڏنو ته لاچار اوهان کي تڪليف ٿيندي ۽ پوءِ ان جي ذميواري اسان تي نه آهي. فقط والسلام.

    1. محمد خان

    2. ڊاڪٽر اي ايم احمد

    3. آرکي- سرهوا.

    سيڪريٽري استقباليه ڪميٽي آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪراچي.

    ڀارت اليڪٽرڪ پرنٽنگ پريس ورڪس ڪراچي، ص 2، 1921ع

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    جوهيءَ ۾ خلافت جلسو

    جوهي ۾ خلافت جلسو جمعي ڏينهن ٿيو، هندو مسلمان آيل هئا، مولانا حسين صاحب اسلام حڪمن جو وعظ فرمائيندي ماڻهن کان نماز پڙهڻ جو انجام ورتو.

    مولوي حمزه صدر خلافت ڪميٽي جوهي مسئلي خلافت جي سمجهاڻي ڏني.

    مولوي دين محمد صاحب نائب صدر مجلس خلافت جوهي ترڪ موالات کي قرآن ۽ حديث جي دليلن سان مسٽر دين محمد ايڊيٽر الوحيد، سيد جمال الدين بخاري ۽ مولوي عبدالڪريم چشتي کي جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ مبارڪبد چئي وئي.

    الوحيد، نمبر 160، 5 جنوري 1922ع، ص 4.

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    تاجدار افغانستان جو شاهي فرمان

    هندو مسلم اتحاد جي شاندار فتح

    تاجدار افغانستان هندو رعيت جي منظوري هيٺيون فرمان جاري ڪيو آهي.

    (1) ڪنهن به هندوءَ کي زبردستي سان مسلمان نه ڪيو ويندو.

    (2) هر هڪ هندوءَ کي پنهنجي مذهبي رسمن ادا ڪرڻ ۾ آزادي آهي. هندن جا جهڳڙا سندن شاسٽرن موجب طئي ڪيا ويندا.

    (3) هندو عورتن جي پوري حفاظت ڪئي ويندي ۽ سلطنت ۾ جتي رهڻ گهرن اتي رهي سگهن ٿيون.

    (4) هندن جا ڌرم شالا جي خراب حالت ۾ آهن تن جي مرمت ڪئي ويندي ۽ هندو مسافر انهن ۾ رهي سگهن ٿا.

    (5) گئوڪش عام طور بند ڪئي وئي آهي ۽ ڪنهن کي به اجازت ڪانهي جو هو ڪٺل ڳئون جو گوشت به کائي سگهي.

    (6) هندو افغانستان ۾ جتي وڻين اتي زمين خريد ڪري سگهن ٿا.

    (7) مسلمانن وانگر هندن کان به برابر ڍلون ورتيون وينديون ۽ هنن کان وڌيڪ ڍل ڪا نه وٺبي.

    (8) جو هندو مرد يا عورت مسلمان ٿي ويو آهي سو پنهنجي عورت يا مڙس کي مسلمان ٿيڻ لاءِ مجبور ڪري نٿو سگهي.

    (9) جيڪڏهن ڪو ڇوڪر پنهنجي پيءُ جي زندگي ۾ مسلمان ٿئي ٿو سو پنهنجي ملڪيت تي ڪو حق رکي نٿو سگهي هن جو پنهنجي ڪمايل ملڪيت تي پورو حق آهي.

    (10)هندن کي افغانستان ۾ پنهنجي آمد ورفت تي پوري آزادي حاصل آهي.

    (11) سرڪاري نوڪريون هندن ۽ مسلمانن واسطي برابر کليل آهن ۽ هنن جي برابري جي حق جو لحاظ رکيو ويندو.

    (12) افغاني حڪومت جهڙيءَ طرح مسلمانن جي بهبوديءَ جو خيال رکي ٿي تهڙي طرح هو هندن جو به برابر خيال رکندي.

    (13) امير جي ڪائونسل ۾ هندن جي فائدي لاءِ هر هڪ ضلعي مان هندن جا عيوضي چونڊيا ويندا. جلال آباد ۽ غزني ۽ قنڌار جي ضلعن مان هندن جو هڪ يا ٻه عيوضي چونڊيا ويندا.

    الوحيد، نمبر65، 10 سيپٽمبر 1922ع، ص 4.

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    راڄنيتي ڪانفرنس قنبر

    9، 10، 11 سيپٽمبر 1922ع جي قنبر ۾ تعلقي راڄنيتي ڪانفرنس منعقد ٿي سکر ۽ شڪارپور ۽ لاڙڪانه ضلعي جا مکيه ڪم ڪندڙ ۽ معزز مولوي صاحبان ۽ پير صاحب ڪانفرنس ۾ شامل هئا. اٽڪل 3 هزار ماڻهو موجود هئا. ڪانفرنس جو پريذيڊنت جناب مولانا صاحب ميان عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي چونڊيو ويو. صدر جي صدارتي خطبي کانپوءِ شريمتي رمنتي ديوي ۽ ٻين هندن مسلمانن اثرائتيون زبردست تقريرون ڪيون هيٺيان ٺهراءَ ڪانفرنس ۾ پاس ڪيا ويا.

    1. ته قطع تعلقات جي مٿان عمل ڪندي ضرور سوراج ۽ خلافت جا مسائل حل ڪري سگهنداسين.

    2. ته ملتان جي فساد تي دلي دک جو اظهار.

    3. ته سکن سان موجود تڪليفن تي همدردي کين اهنساتي عمل ڪرڻ ۽ قربانين تي مبارڪباد ڏيڻ.

    4. ته قيد پيلن اڳواڻن کي مبارڪباد.

    5. غازي ڪمال کي سندس سوڀ تي مبارڪ

    6. فلسطين تي يهودين کي حڪومت ڏيارڻ تي سياسي نقطي نظر سان اعتراض. صدر جي آفرين تقرير تي قومي نعرن سان ڪانفرنس ختم ٿي.

    الوحيد، نمبر 73، 20 سيپٽمبر 1922ع. ص 4.

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    جيڪب آباد ۾ جلسو

    جامع مسجد ۾ جمعي نماز بعد زير صدارت جناب مولانا حاجي خادم حسين صاحب جي جلسو ٿيو، جنهن ۾ مولانا عبدالنبي شاهه ۽ مولوي در محمد صاحب ٺل ۽ مولوي رحيم بخش صاحب ۽ ٻيا ڪيترائي بزرگ موجود هئا.

    مولوي در محمد صاحب ڪانفرنس کي تقرير ڪئي. مولانا خادم حسين صاحب ٿوري تقرير ڪرڻ کانپوءِ خليفتھ المسلمين لاءِ دعا گهري.

    الوحيد، نمبر 154، 29 ڊسمبر 1922ع، ص 4.

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    ٽنڊو باگو

    اتي غلام شاهه جو ميلو لڳندو آهي، خلافت جي زماني ۾ ملان ميلن ۾ به ويا. ڊسمبر 1922 ۾ ميلو ٿيو. ٽيهه ماڻهو خلافت پاران ويا. وڃي خلافت ۽ اسلام جي تبليغ ڪيائون.

    سيد مير قنبر علي شاهه

    مولوي عبداللطيف گولاڙي وارو

    مولوي محمد اڪرم

    مولوي محمد سعيد

    الوحيد، 28 ڊسمبر 1922ع. ص 4.

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    شڪارپور  اليڪشن

    شڪارپور ميونسپل جي اليڪشن ۾ محمدن جي 11 سيٽن تي ڪجهه خلافتي اليڪشن لڙيا پر کٽي نه سگهيا.

    الوحيد، 22 جنوري 1923ع. ص 5.

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    جمعيت خلافت صوبه سنڌ جي جنرل باڊيءَ جي ميٽنگ

    25 جنوري 1923ع 4 بجي شام جو خلافت آفيس ڪراچيءَ ۾ زير صدارت سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون ٿي، گيا خلافت ڪانفرنس جي ٺهرائن کي عملي صورت ۾ آڻڻ لاءِ مکيه ڳالهين تي ڪميٽي ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ۽ تفصيلي رپورٽ ۽ ان تي ڪيئن ڪم ڪجي ان لاءِ هڪ سب ڪميٽي ٺاهي ويئي.

    1. گيا خلافت جي ٺهراءَ موجب ته ملڪ کي سول نافرماني لاءِ تيار ڪرڻ جي خيال سان ٽن مهينن اندر ڏهه لک رپيا گڏ ڪجن. ۽ 25 هزار والنٽيئر مسلمان ساري هندستان مان ڀرتي ڪجن انهيءَ ٺهراءَ تي عمل ڪندي جنرل باڊي صوبه سنڌ مان پنجاهه هزار رپيا گڏ ڪرڻ ۽ ٻه هزار خلافت والنٽيئر ڀرتي ڪرڻ جو ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيو. اهو ڪم شوال مهيني جي پهرين تاريخ مطابق 20 مئي 1923ع تائين ضلعي خلافت ڪاميٽين کي پورو ڪرڻو پوندو.

    2. ٺهراءُ ٿيو ته صوبه سنڌ مان خلافت جا 4 آنا چندو ڏيندڙ پنجاهه هزار ميمبر ڪرڻ گهرجن.

    3. پروفيسر جهمٽ مل جي قيد ٿيڻ ڪري ڊاڪٽر وطڻ مل کي ورڪنگ ڪاميٽي ۽ آل انڊيا خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جو ميمبر چونڊيو ويو.

    4. ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيو ته هي مجلس خلافت صوبه سنڌ انگريزي مال جي بائيڪاٽ جي متعلق خلافت ڪانفرنس گياجي ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي ان تي عمل ڪندي.

    5. هي مجلس صوبه سنڌ جي امام الهند مولانا ابوالڪلام آزاد کي اسير فرنگ مان آزاد ٿي اچڻ تي مبارڪباد ٿي ڏجي.

    الوحيد، نمبر 183، 31 جنوري 1923ع، ص 4.

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    ميان جو ڳوٺ تعلقه شڪارپور

    14 فيبروري جمعي نماز بعد زير صدارت مولانا مولوي محسن الله ٿيو. مولوي محمد هاشم ۽ شيخ شفيع محمد تقريرون ڪيون.

    جنوبي ريگستاني

    23 فيبروري تي مجلس قائم ٿي زير صدارت مولوي حاجي گل محمد هيٺان ريزوليوشن پاس ٿيا.

    1. انگريز نمائندن جي نالائق روش کي ننديو ويو.

    2. انگريز حڪومت جي اسلام سان دشمني حقارت ڪئي وئي.

    3. خليفه المسلمين ۽ غازي مصطفيٰ لاءِ دعا گهري وئي.

    4. انگورا ليجز لاءِ نالا لکيا ويا.

    5. عشره ملائڻ لاءِ تاڪيد رکيو ويو.

    الوحيد، نمبر 205، 2 مارچ 1923ع، ص 4.

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    پرائي شادي ۾ ملان!

    ٽنڊه سائينداد ۾ شادي جي موقعي تي

    خلافتي هلچل وارا: پير محمد حسين جان سرهندي، پير محمد اسماعيل جان سرهندي، مولوي عبدالرزاق بوبڪائي، حاجي سيد اشد شاهه، مولوي احمد هالاڻي، مولوي غلام احمد، مولوي لعل محمد ۽ محمد عثمان.

    برخلاف

    آيا- انگريزي ڪپڙي پائڻ تي بحث هليو، برخلاف ڌر جو خيال ته ڪپڙا پائڻ حلال آهن، بحث ٿيو، پر برخلاف ڌر موٽي وئي.

    الوحيد، 15 اپريل 1923ع.

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    سجاول جلسو

    19 شعبان المعظم 1341هه جمعي رات سجاول ۾ زير سايه خلافت ڪميٽي هڪ جلسو منعقد ٿيو. ميان حاجي محمد سليمان تقرير ڪئي. مولوي محمد عثمان بٺورائيءَ به تقرير ڪئي. آخر ۾ ڊاڪٽر ميان اڪبر علي خان هيٺيان ٺهراءَ پيش ڪيا، جيڪي مڙني منظور ڪيا.

    1. هي جلسو متفقه راءِ ٺهراءُ پيش ٿو ڪري ته جيڪڏهن عيسائي قوم کي مسلم قوم ۾ باقي اميد آهي ته جنهن نالائق پادري اسان جي سرور ڪائنات صلي الله عليه وسلم جي شان ۾ ناپاڪ حملا ڪيا آهن تنهن کي ۽ ان جي تائيد ڪندڙمعلونن کي ڪيس هلائي سخت سزا ڏئي.

    2. هي جلسو فدائي ملت ميان نبي بخش سابق ايڊيٽر شيرالوحيد کي سندس حق جي حمايت تي ثابت قدم رهي دليرانه روش تي دلي مبارڪباد ڏئي ٿو ۽ سرشتي جي انهيءَ انصف جي خون جي نفرت جي نگاهه سان ڏسي ٿو.

    الوحيد، نمبر 242، 18 اپريل 1923ع، ص 4.

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    خلافت جو مقدس جهنڊو

    سکر ضلعي ۾

    اميرالمومنين جو پنهنجي پيار ۽ محبت منجهان هندستان جي مسلمانن جي همت افزائيءَ لاءِ علم مبارڪ تحفي طور عنايت فرمايو آهي. تنهن سکر ضلعي ۾ 17 اپريل تي نازول فرمايو ۽ هيٺين جاين تي مسلمانن کي زيارت ڪرائي وئي. امروٽ، ڳڙهي ياسين، شڪارپور، خيرپور، ڏهرڪي، ميرپورماٿيلو، گهوٽڪي، پنوعاقل، چڪ، روهڙي، سکر، سڀ ڪنهن هنڌ هزارن جي تعداد ۾ مسلمان خواهه هندن مبارڪ جهنڊي جو استقبال ڪيو.

    الوحيد، نمبر 250، 27 اپريل 1923ع، ص 4.

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    از دفتر مرکزی خلافت کمیٹی

    بمبئی 14 جولائی 1923ع

    برادرم السلام علیٰکم

    17 جولائی کو ملحنامھ لوزن پر دستخط ہوجائینگے اس لحاظ سے یھ قرار پایا ہے کھ سارے ہندستان میں ہندو مسلمان متفقھ طریقھ پر عیدالضحیٰ کے روز جشن منائیں (عید غالبن 25 جولائی کو ہوگی(۔ عید کے روز سھ پہر میں جھنڈوں کے ساتھھ جلوس نکالے جائیں اور جلسھ کر کے حسب ذیل مضامین کی تجاویز پاس کی جائیں۔

    (الف) حضرت خلیفتھ المسلمین اور غازی مصطفیٰ کمال پاشا کو مبارکباد۔

    (ب) اپنے مطالبات متعلق ازدئے جزیرتہ العرب یعنی عرب شام و فلسطین کا پرزور الفاظ میں اعادہ۔

    (ج) اس امر کا عہد و پیمان کہ ہندوستان کے ہندو مسلمان باہم متفق اور متحد رہکر حصول سوراج کی جدوجہد کو جاری رکھینگے۔

    رات کے وقت ہر ہر جگھ چراغاں کی جائیگا۔ اور عید سے تین روز تک انگورہ خلافت فنھ جمع کیا جائیگا۔ آپ سے امید ہے کھ موقع کی اہمیت کا لحاظ رکھتے ہوئے ہر ممکن طریقھ سے اس جشن صلح کو پوری طرح کامیاب بنائینگے۔

    ہم ہیں آپ کے بھائی

    مختار احمد انصاری (صدر)

    معمدین اعزازی

    سید محمود

    معظم علی

    ٌعثمان سوہانی

    خلافت پریس بمبئی نمبر11

    14 جولائی 1923ع

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    لاڙڪاڻي ۾ آرين جي ميٽنگ جو تبليغي وفد پاران جوبي سلسلو

    زير صدارت پير حاجي مٺل شاهه جي جيڪو جلسو ٿيو ان جي جواب ۾ ٻيءَ رات آرين ۽ هندن جو جوابي جلسو منعقد ٿيو. جنهن جي اشتهار ۾ هنن ڄاڻايو هو ته مسلمانن کي جلسي جي پڇاڙيءَ ۾ سوال جواب جو موقعو ڏنو ويندو. انهيءف جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءِ مولانا دهلوي، مولانا وفائي، مولانا چشتي ۽ شهر جا معزز سيٺ حاجي خداداد، مسٽر نظر علي خان افغان، مدرسي جو انچارج ۽ ٻيا سون جي تعداد ۾ مسلمان الله اڪبر جا نعرا هڻندا وڃي شريڪ ٿيا. مولوي وفائي صاحب مسلمانن کي چيو ته اسان جواب ڏيڻ کانپوءِ ڪڏهن به هي جلسو براخوست ٿيڻ نه ڏينداسون. تنهنڪري مسلمان صبح تائين اتي ڄميا رهيا. پوءِ مولانا وفائي چيو ته مسلمانو اوهان کي مبارڪ هجي جو اسان جي ويدڪ اعتراض جو ڪو به آرين جواب ڪو نه ڏنو.

    ٻئي ڏينهن جمعي ڏينهن گهاڙ ڀڪ تي ڪکن واري ميدان تي جمعي نماز جو انتظام ڪيو ويو. اعتراض ويدن تي هئا. مولانا چشتي اڍائي ڪلاڪ سياسي نقطه نظر سان جواب ڏيڻ شروع ڪيو.

    الوحيد، نمبر 28، 14 فيبروري 1927، جلد ڇهون، ص 6.

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    ٻي گڏجاڻي

    *وفائي، رئيس رضا محمد، مولوي محمد عثمان، مولوي غلام فريد، پير صاحبڏنو، سيد سردار علي شاهه، معاذ.

    ٺهراءُ: 1. سائمن ڪميشن کي مقرري کي هندستان جي بيعزتي سمجهي ٿي.

    (الف) ڪميشن سان سهڪار ڪندڙ اسان جا عيوضي آهن.

    (ب) 11 نومبر 1928ع تي ڪراچي ۾ اچڻ وقت ڪارن جهنڊن سان ان جو استقبال ڪيو وڃي.

    2.اهل سنڌ تعليم ڏي توجهه ڏئي.                  

    3. اهل سنڌ پنهنجي ملڪ جون ٺهيل شيون واپرائي.

    4. لائڊ بئراج سکر جي شاخن نڪرڻ ڪري جيڪي مسجدون شهيد ٿي چڪيون آهن ۽ جن مسجدن، قبرستانن يا فرقن جي ملحلت کي سروي ۾ وڏو خطرو آهي، ان جي حفاظت ڪئي وڃي.

    الوحيد، تاريخ پهرين آڪٽوبر 1928ع. ص 1

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    گهوٽڪي ۾ عظيم الشان خلافت جو جلسو

    بئراج ۾ مسجدن شهيد ٿيڻ ۽ سائمن ڪميشن جي برخلاف ٺهراءُ

    (از نامه نگار الوحيد)

    9 مارچ سنه 1928ع تي نماز جمع بعد زبردست جلسو ٿيو. چئن هزارن کان مٿي ماڻهو هئا. مولوي محمد هاشم وعظ نهايت موثر ڪيائين. تنهن کانپوءِ هيٺيان ٻه ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.

    1. هي جلسو انهن مسجدن جو احوال ڏاڍي رانج ۽ بي چيني سان ٻڌي ٿو جو بئراج جي رٿيل واهن ۾ اچڻ ڪري شهيد ڪيون ويون آهن. يا انهن جي شهيد ٿيڻ جو امڪان آهي ۽ گورنمينٽ جي انهيءَ خود سرانه ۽ مجرمانه طرز عمل تي نفرت ۽ حقارت جو اظهار ڪري ٿو جا طرز مسلمانن جي متوا ثر درخواست کان چشم پوشي ڪندي انهن جي خالص مذبي جذبات کي پائمال ڪندي مذڪوره مساجدن جي شهادت کي به روڪڻ ڪري ظاهر ڪيو آهي تنهن ڪري هي جلسو اعلان ٿو ڪري ته اڃا به گورنمينٽ غفلت جون اکيون کولي ۽ سمجهي وڃي ۽ آئينده لاءِ اهڙي بڇڙي فعل کان باز اچي نه ته خطرناڪ نتيجن لاءِ گورنمينٽ پاڻ ذميوار رهندي.

    2. هي جلسو مجلس خلافت جي فيصلي کي قبوليت جي نظر سان ڏسي ٿو جو هن سائمن ڪميشن جي مقاطع بابت ڪيو آهي ۽ اعلان ٿو ڪري ته هن کي سائمن ڪميشن ۾ اعتماد ڪو نه آهي. آزادي درخواستن سان يا نيزارين ڪرڻ سان نه بلڪه خورداري جرئت ۽ قرباني سان حاصل ٿي سگهي ٿي تنهنڪري هي جلسو مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته اهي جنهن به دنياوي طاقت جي اڳيان سر جهڪائڻ جي بجاءِ پنهنجي خدا جي حضور ۾ سر جهڪائين ۽ پنهنجي دست بازو ايثار ۽ قربانيءَ تي ڀروسو رکي ميدان عمل ۾ شجاعانه ۽ سرفروش نه اڳتي وڌن.

    الوحيد، جلد ستون، نمبر 60، 14 مارچ 1928ع، ص 3-4

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    سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪائونسل سکر

    پهرين گڏجاڻي 27 آڪٽوبر 1928ع.

    صدارت: مولانا حسين احمد مدني.

    شرڪت ڪندڙ(ٻاهريان): ڊاڪٽر انصاري، آزاد، مولانا ظفر علي، مولانا احمد علي، مولانا حبيب الرحمان لڌيانوي،

    ٻه هزار ڊيليگيٽ ۾ سکر، لاڙڪاڻو، جيڪب آباد

    شرڪت ڪندڙ: عبدالله هارون، سيٺ مير محمد بلوچ، مولانا محمد صديق، علي اڪبر شاهه، سيد هدايت الله شاهه، چشتي، مولانا تاج محمود امروٽي چيئرمين استقباليه ڪميٽي مرحبائي.

    مولوي چشتي تقرير ڪئي.

    الوحيد، تاريخ 28 آڪٽوبر 1928ع، ص 1.

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    ميهڙ م خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو

    تاريخ 12 مئي تي جامع مسجد ميهڙ ۾ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو وڏيري محمد رضا خان جي صدارت هيٺ ٿيو، جو برابر 4 ڪلاڪ هليو. مولانا چشتي صاحب شڪارپوري مسلمانن جي موجوده حالت جو نقشو ڇڪيو ۽ حضور صہ جن جي زندگيءَ تي روشني وڌي. علم ۽ تنظيم لاءِ زور ڀريو. مسلمانن کي هندو مهاسڀا جي ڪمن ڪوششن ڏانهن متوجهه ڪيائين، جيڪب آباد واري واقعي متعلق افسوس ظاهر ڪيائين ۽ مسلمان اخبارن جي حالت ٻڌايائين جو هندن جي چالبازي جي پروپيگنڊا ۾ ڦاسي مسلمانن جي خلاف نڪته چيني ڪن ٿيون.

    ٺهراءُ: (1) هي جلسو جيڪب آباد جي واقعي تي پنهنجي رنج جو اظهار ٿو ڪري ۽ بيگناهن جي گرفتاري تي صدا احتجاج بلند ٿو ڪري ۽ مڪمل جاچ لاءِ اپيل ٿو ڪري. (2) هي جلسو خيرپور رياست جي موجوده بد انتظامي تي افسوس ٿو کائي ۽ سرڪار کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته ناڪام ڪائونسل جو خاتمو ڪيو وڃي ۽ وزارت جي رواج کي قائم ڪيو وڃي.

    الوحيد، جلد اٺون، نمبر 109، 15 مئي 1929ع، ص1

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    خيرپور ناٿن شاهه ۾ ڪامياب جلسو

    17 مئي جمعي ڏينهن جامع مسجد خيرپورناٿن شاهه جي جامع مسجد ۾ پير سيد علي شاهه صاحب راشدي جي زير صدارت شاندار جلسو ٿي گذريو. شهر ۽ ٻهراڙيءَ جا سوين ماڻهو شريڪ هئا. مولوي ميان شفيع محمد جلسي جو مقصد ٻڌايو. مولانا چشتي صاحب عشق رسول ۽ موجوده حالتن ڏانهن اشارو ڪندي تعليم ۽ تنظيم جي دلچسپ ۽ موثر تقرير فرمائي. پئسن جي صورت ۾ مولانا کي نذرانه ملي رهيا هئا. هڪ شخص مسلمان ٿيو جنهن جو نالو مولانا صاحب پنهنجي همنام رکيو. (ناظم)

    ڳڙهي ياسين ۾ جلسو

    17 مئي تي ڳڙهي ياسين ۾ زير صدارت مولوي حافظ نور محمد مسلمانن جو عام جلسه منعقد ٿيو. حافظ صاحب ۽ حڪيم حبيب الله خان سيڪريٽري خلافت موجوده حالت تي تقريرون فرمايون. وڌيڪ حڪيم صاحب رياست خيرپور جا حالت ٻڌائيندي هيٺيان ٺهراءَ پيش ڪيا جي پاس ٿيا.

    (1) رياست ۾ بدامنيءَ تي افسوس ۽ ڪائونسل کي ٽوڙڻ ۾ وزارت کي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ استدعا (2) جيڪب آباد جي حادثي تي افسوس ۽ سرڪار کي چڱيءَ ريت جاچ لاءِ درخواست ڪئي وئي ته جيئن بيگناهه گرفتاريون نه ٿين.

    الوحيد، جلد اٺون، نمبر 114، 23 مئي 1929ع، ص 2

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    سنڌ ۾ هڪ نئين فتني جي ابتدا

    علماءَ اسلام کي خيال رکڻ گهرجي

    دين کي دنيا تي وڪڻڻ

    سنڌ ۾ نئون مهدي پئدا ٿيندو ڇا؟ گهنڊ يا تعلقي سڪرنڊ ضلعي نوابشاهه ۾ ڪشمور جو هڪ پير صاحب اٽڪل 5 سالن کان رهندڙ آهي. اڳ هو لاڙ ۾ رهندو هو ۽ ٽنڊه سومره جا اڪثر نظاماڻي هن جي والد بزرگوار جا عقيدتمند هئا ۽ موجوده پير صاحب کان بيزار آهن. پير صاحب جا مريد گهڻو ڪري بعد نماز وڏي سڏ سرود سان هن ريت فڪر ڪندا آهن. ”رب ساءَ“ لا الھ الا الله هاڻي معلوم ٿيو آهي ته پير صاحب جي خليفي علي اڪبر شاهه نالي مولوي محمد صديق مورائيءَ کي 300 رپيا ڏنا هئا ۽ مولوي صاحب کان دستاويز به لکايو ويو هو ته ڪو ڪتاب لکي ڏيندو. خير مولوي صاحب ته عرصه 2 سالن ۾ ڪتاب لکي نه سگهيو، هاڻي مولوي صاحب کان پئسن جي تقاضا ٿي رهي آهي. هاڻي اٽڪل 3 ڏينهن ٿيندا ته وري مولوي فيض الڪريم ٺارو شاهي کي ان ڪتاب بابت 70 رپيا ايڊوانس ڏني وئي آهي ۽ 230 رپيا مولوي صاحب کي ڪتاب تيار ڪري ڏيڻ وقت ڏنا ويندا. دستاويز جو مولوي فيض الڪريم کان لکايو ويو آهي ان ۾ گهڻا شرط آهن ۽ موٽا موٽا هي آهن ته اهو ذڪر بعد نماز رحماني آهي يا شيطاني. قبر کي سجده جائز ڪري ڏيندو. مرشد جي صورت هر وقت خيال ۾ رکڻ ۽ مڙس لاءِ سونا زيور يا پٽ جا ڪپڙا جائز آهن يا نه. وڏو هي امر آهي ته ثابت ڪندو ته مهدي ۽ مجدد ضرور گهنڊ يا مان ٿيندو موجب حديث (قيد) وغيره وغيره اها آهي. علماءَ امت ۽ پيران طريقت جي روش ان لاءِ علماءَ کي خيال رکڻ گهرجي. (خاطو)

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 18 جنوري 1930ع، ص 4.

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    ايڊيٽر- شيخ عبدالمجيد

    ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو عظيم الشان جلوس ۽ خالقڏنه هال ۾ زبردست ۽ پرجوش جلسو.

    پنجن هزارن مسلمانن جو شاندار اجتماع

    ميمڻ، بوهره، پٺاڻ، سنڌي، پنجابي، گجراتي مسلمانن جو عجيب مجمع

    ساردا ائڪٽ، سيلڊ براج،

     مولوي عبدالحئي جي يل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي بابت ضروري ٺهراءُ

    مسلمان قانون شڪنيءَ لاءِ تيار

    سوين مسلمانن جو خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شرڪت ٿيڻ

    ٺهراءُ ٻيون: ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو حڪومت بمبئيءَ جي انهيءَ پاليسي تي پنهنجي نفرت ۽ ناراضگيءَ جو اظهار ڪري ٿو. جنهنڪري براج جي حدن ۾ لينڊ ايڪريزشين ايڪٽ جي نالي هيٺ 7 مسجدون خريد ڪيون ويون آهن ۽ وڌيڪ مسجدون خريد ڪرڻ جي ڌمڪي ڏني وئي آڱهي. هي جلسو مسلمانن کي درخواست ڪري ٿو ته جيستائين بمبئي حڪومت هن ڳالهه جو اعلان نه ڪري ته حڪومت کي ڪنهن به ائڪٽ جي ماتحت مسجدن جي خريد ڪرڻ جو ڪو حق ڪو نه آهي ۽ جيستائين انهن مسجدن کي پڪو نه ڪرايو ويو آهي جن کي واهن جي وچ ۾ ان ريت ڇڏيو ويو آهي جي پاڻيءَ جي اچڻ کانپوءِ ڪري پونديون تيستائين مسلمان انگريزي مال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪن ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ صوبه سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽي جي سڀني تدبيرن جي مددگاري ڪن.

    محرڪ: شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد

    موئد: حافظ محمد محسن

    موئد: سيٺ غلام حسين غفور ڀائي.

    شيخ صاحب تحرڪ ڪندي هڪ پرزور مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن ۾ فرمايائين ته 1927ع ۾ جڏهن سرڪار کان سوال پڇيو ويو ته براج ۾ مسجدون ڪيتريون آيون آهن ته سرڪائو سجي جواب ڏنو هو ته چار پر هاڻي 1929ع ۾ سر غلام حسين جي زماني ۾ جواب مليو آهي ته ڪل 7 مسجدون بئراج جي حوالي ٿيون آهن جي لينڊ ايڪويزيشن جي قانون هيٺ خريد ڪيون ويون آهن. گويا اها هڪ مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين ۾ هڪ قانون جي بهاني ۾ دست اندازي ڪئي وڃي ٿي جيڪڏهن سرڪار زوري کسي يا زبردستي سان مسجدن تي قبضا ڪري ته اها هڪ سمجهه جهڙي ڳالهه آهي پر هي ڇا اهي جو قانون جو نالو وٺي مسلمانن کي اکين ۾ ڌوڙ وڌي وڃي ٿي. سرڪائو سجي هوم ميمبر گورنمينٽ بمبئيءَ جي صاف انجام ڪيو هو ته آئينده ڪا به مسجد بئراج جي زد ۾ ڪا نه آندي ويندي ۽ ان کانپوءِ جڏهن حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب قبلا هڪ مسجد لاءِ ڳڙهي ياسين تعلقي ۾ ستيا گره ڪري وڃي ويٺا هئا تڏهن به سکر جي ڪليڪٽر ڪن مسلمان معززن کي وچ ۾ وجهي ۽ پاڻ انجام ڪري مولانا صاحب کي جڏهن تسلي ڏياري ته مسجدن کي پڪو ٺهرايو ويندو ۽ حفاظت ڪئي ويندي تڏهن مولانا صاحب اتان اتي آيا پر انهن انجامن ۽ وعدن هوندي به پوءِ سرڪار اڃا سوڌو برابر مسجدون خريد ڪندي ۽ انهن کي شهيد ڪندي وڃي ٿي تنهنڪري ضرورت آهي ته اوهان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سال لاءِ انگريزي ڪپڙي جو بائيڪاٽ ڪري مسجدن جي حفاظت ڪريو! ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ ٿي هن جماعت جي طاقت وڌايو ته هو مسلمانن جي حقن لاءِ باقاعده لڙندي رهي وغيره وغيره.

    حافظ محمد محسن تائيد ۾ مسجدن جي حرمت ۽ عزت لاءِ ڪي ورثيون پيش ڪيون ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءُ لاءِ پنهنجي تقرير ۾ زور ڏنائين.

    غلام حسين غفور ڀائيءَ چيو ته ڪائونس جا مسلمان ميمبر بيڪار آهن نه ته سرڪار کي طاقت نه ٿئي جو مسجدن جو نالو وٺي. ڪانپور جو واقع سرڪار کان وسريو ڪو نه آهي هوندو پر هي سنڌ آهي جتي سرڪار مسجدن ۾ ائين دست اندازي ڪري رهي آهي پوءِ ٺهراءُ بااتفاق پاس ڪيو ويو.

    3. ٺهراءُ: ڪراچي جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو قانون ساز اسيمبلي هند ۾ مولوي عبدالحي جي پاران پيش ٿيل بل جي تائيد ڪري ٿو جنهن جو مقصد آهي ته مسلمانن جو نڪاح ۽ طلاق ۽ ورثا جو فيصلو شريعت اسلاميه جي حڪمن موجب ٿئي.

    محرڪ: سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون

    موئد: مولوي دين محمد صاحب وفائي.

    سيٺ صاحب تقرير جاري رکندي فرمايو ته اڄ اسان هن حد کي وڃي پهتا آهيون جو شرعي احڪامن جي جاري ڪرائڻ ۽ فيصلي لاءِ به اسيمبليءَ جا محتاج آهيون. پر حالت هيءَ اچي بڻي آهي جو هندو پنهنجن بيواهه زالن ۽ ڇوڪرين جي ورثي لاءِ هڪ قانون پيش ڪرڻ وارا آهن. جنهن موجب خوف آهي ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي پنهنجي راءِ تي ورثي جا حصا مقرر ڪيا ۽ اهي شريعت جي حصن جي برخلاف هوندا ۽ سرڪار اهو قانون به کڻي مسلمانن سان لاڳو ڪيو ته پوءِ سخت مشڪل ٿي پوندي. مثلن اسيمبلي بيواهه زال لاءِ اڌ املاڪ مقرر ڪري ۽ شريعت جو فيصلو آهي ته اولاد واري حالت ۾ بيواهه کي اٺين پتي ۽ بي اولاد وقت چوٿين پتي ڏجي پر اسيمبلي ساروا ائڪٽ وانگي کڻي اهو قانون مسلمانن سان به لڳائي ته وري ڪنڊا ڪڍڻا پون تنهنڪري مولوي عبدالحي جو قانون نهايت ضروري آهي ته مسلمانن جا فيصلا شريعت موجب ٿيڻ گهرجن. سيٺ صاحب ڪڇي ميمڻ جي هندو لاءِ وغيره جا مثال پيش ڪري قانون جي تائيد لاءِ اپيل ڪئي ۽ مسلمانن کي متفق ٿي قومي ڪمن ۾ حصا وٺڻ لاءِ چيو.

    مولوي وفائي صاحب: ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي چيو ته مسلمان جن ملڪن ۾ رهن ٿا سي ٽن قسمن جا آهن. (1) جتي فقط اسلامي حڪومت آهي (2) جتي نج ڪافرن جي حڪومت ۽ سندن ملڪ آهي (3) اهي ملڪ جو پهريان ته مسلمانن جا هئا پر پوءِ انهن تي ڪافرن غلبو ڪري ۽ حڪومت ڄمائي هجي.

    پهرين قسم جي ٻن ملڪن بابت فقهي حڪم پڌرا آهن باقي پوئين قسم جي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن کي ڪيئن رهڻ گهرجي. جيئن هندستان آهي ان بابت صاف حڪم آهي ته اهڙي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن جو فرض آهي ته شيخ الاسلام يا شريعت جو قاضي مقرر ڪن جو سندن شرعي فيصلو ڪندو رهي پوءِ اگرچ ڍل محصول وغيره هو غير مسلم حاڪم کي ادا ڪندا اچن. تاريخ شاهد آهي ته جڏهن چنگيزن جو اسلامي ملڪن تي قبضو ٿيو هو تڏهن به مسلمانن چنگيزن سان اهو معاهدو ڪيو هو ۽ اندروني طرح اسلامي حڪمن جي هٿ هيٺ فيصلا ڪرائيندا هئا ۽ هن وقت به روس چين، جاوا (هالنڊ) جي حڪومتن ۾ مسلمانن جا سرڪاري طرح مقرر ٿيل قاضي آهن جي سندن فيصلا ڪن. فقط هندستان ئي آهي جنهن جي انگريزي راڄ ۾ مسلمانن کي ايتري مذهبي آزادي به ڪا نه ڏئي وئي آهي. اگرچ مرشد آباد (بنگال) جي فتح وقت انگريزن مسلمانن سان شرعي فيصلن ڪرڻ لاءِ قاضي مقرر ڪرڻ جو وعدو ڪيو هو. تاهم پورو نه ڪيائون تنهنڪري اسان کي مولوي عبدالحي لدهيانوي جي بل جي تائيد ڪرڻ گهرجي. پوءِ اگرچ شيخ الاسلام کڻي ڪو نه ملندو تاهم ڪجهه نه ڪجهه مذهبي آزادي ٿي پوندي وغيره ٺهراءُ پرجوش نعرن ۾ پاس ٿيو.

    ٺهراءُ 4:  ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو نجم الدين فنڊ جي غائب ٿي وڃڻ جي متعلق وزير تعليم جيڪي جواب ڏنا آهن. تن کي اڻپورو سمجهي گهر ڪري ٿو ته نجم الدين فنڊ جي پته ڪڍڻ لاءِ حڪومت بمبئي کي ڪامل تحقيقات ڪرڻ گهرجي. هن جلسي جي راءِ آهي ته جيستائين هي ظاهر نه ڪيو وڃي ته اهو فنڊ ڪنهن غبن ڪيو آهي تيستائين حڪومت مشين فنڊ جي جوابداري کان بري نه ٿي بڻجي سگهجي.

    ٺهراءُ 5: ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو راجا رگهونند پاران هندستان ۾ گائوڪشي جي بند ڪرڻ بابت جو ٺهراءُ اسيمبلي هند ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي تنهن کي اسلام ۽ مسلمانن جي حقن ۽ پڌري دست اندازي سمجهه ٿو ۽ گورنر جنرل پاران انهيءَ بل جي پيش ڪرڻ جي اجازت ڏيڻ تي صدا ۽ احتجاج بلند ڪري ٿو ته اهڙي فتنه انگيز بل کي اسيمبليءَ ۾ بحث هيٺ آڻڻ کان روڪيو وڃي.

    اهي ٻئي علماءَ صدر صاحب جي پاران شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب صدر جي اجازت سان پيش ڪيا جيڪي بااتفاق منظور ٿيا. ان کانپوءِ صدر صاحب ٺهرائن تي مختصر سمجهاڻي ڏيندي ماڻهن کي قرباني ڏيڻ لاءِ اپيل ڪندي جلسه برخواست ڪيو ۽ ڪيترا ماڻهو خلافت جا ميمبر بڻيا.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 21 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2.

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    امروٽ شريف ۾ عاليشان جلسو

    امروٽ شريف 17 جنوري جمعي ڏينهن مولانا ميان نظام الدين صاحب سجاده نشين جي صدارت جلسو ٿيو ڪيترا آدمي موجود هئا هيٺان ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.

    1. ساردا ائڪٽ، مساجد براج، مولوي عبدالحي جي بل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي.

    جلسي ۾ زوردار لفظن ۾ گورنمينٽ جو ڌيان ڇڪايائون ته جيڪڏهن مسلمانن جي مذهبي جذبات جو ڪو قدر نه ڪيو ويو ته پوءِ مسلمان مذهبي حفاظت لاءِ سڀ ڪجهه قربان ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار ٿي ويندا. خاطو

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 23، ڪراچي، 29 جنوري 1930ع، ص 4.

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    ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو خالقڏنه هال ۾ عام جلسو

    هندستان جي آزادي ۽ مسلم قوم جي حقن تي ولوله انگيز تقريرون، بوهرا قوم جي اڳواڻن جو اعلان ته هڪ سئو نوجوان بوهره اسلامي رضاڪارن جي جماعت ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.

    براج جي مسجدن جي حفاظت لاءِ وزير هند تي دعويٰ ڪرڻ جو فيصلو.

    1. ضلع خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچيءَ جي سايه هيٺ مسلمانن جو عام جلسو خالقڏنو هال ۾ 29 جنوري اربع ڏينهن مولوي محمد صديق جي صدارت ۾ ٿيو. شرڪت ڪندڙن مان هيٺين صاحبن جا نالا قابل ذڪر آهن.

    مولوي محمد صديق، بابا حاجي مير محمد بلوچ، سيدٺ طيب علي، سيٺ محمد يوسف، سيٺ صادق علي، سيٺ امام بخش چانڊيو، قاضي خدا بخش وڪيل، ملا رجب علي بوهره، مولوي محمد عثمان بلوچ، سيٺ عبدالمنعم عرب، سيد عبدالباري عرب، حافظ محمد محسن، مولوي مصطفيٰ، سيٺ عثمان حامد وغيره.

    ٺهراءَ: ڪراچي جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو تجويز ڪري ٿو ته.

    1. ملڪ جي آئينده دستور سياسي ۾ مسلم قوم جي حقن جي حفاظت لاءِ.

    2. قانون ساز مجلسن خود حڪومت جماعتن ۽ نوڪرين ۾ مسلم قوم جي حقن جي حمايت ۽ حفاظت لاءِ.

    3. شريعت جي خلاف سرڪاري حڪمن ۽ قانون کي رد ڪرائڻ لاءِ جيئن ته ساردا ائڪٽ براج جون مسجدون وغيره سوالن لاءِ.

    4. دين اسلام ۽ مسلم قوم کي بيجا حملن کان روڪڻ لاءِ.

    5. نائيٽ اسڪولن جي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ.

    6. جمعيت رضاڪارن اسلام جي تنظيم لاءِ.

    7. مسلمانن جي ٻين مذهبي ۽ سياسي فرائض جي بجاآوري ۽ حقن جي نگراني لاءِ مسلمان جمعيت خلافت ۾ هزارن جي تعداد ۾ شريڪ ٿي خلافت ڪميٽي کي مضبوط ۽ طاقتور ڪن جا ڪميٽي سرمايه گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ مقرر ٿي آهي ان جي هر طرح سان مدد ڪن.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 25، 31 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2.

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    امروٽ شريف ۾ خلافت جو جلسو

    مجاهدن جي ڀرتي

    بي خوني جهاز لاءِ مسلمانن جي بيقراري

    جمعتھ الوداع جي موقعي تي نماز بعد ميان نظام الدين شاهه صاحب جي زير صدارت جلسو شروع ٿيو هزار کان زياده ماڻهو موجود هئا. هيٺين صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون.

    1.مولوي محمد هاشم، 2. مولوي دين محمد وفائي، 3. مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب، 4. ميان هدايت علي شاهه. 5. سيد محبوب علي شاهه.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر51، 7 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.

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    ايڊيٽر شيخ عبدالمجيد

    ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو عظيم الشان جلوس ۽ خالقڏنه هال ۾ زبردست ۽ پرجوش جلسو.

    پنجن هزارن مسلمانن جو شاندار اجتماع

    ميمڻ، بوهره، پٺاڻ، سنڌي، پنجابي، گجراتي مسلمانن جو عجيب مجمع.

    ناروا ائڪٽ، سيلد براج، مولوي عبدالحئي جي يل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي بابت ضروري ٺهراءُ

    مسلمان قانون شڪيءَ لاءِ تيار

    سوين مسلمانن جو خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ.

    ٺهراءُ ٻيو- ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو حڪومت بمبئيءَ جي انهيءَ پاليسيءَ تي پنهنجي نفرت ۽ ناراضگيءَ جو اظهار ڪري ٿو. جنهنڪري براج جي حدن ۾ لينڊ ايڪريزشين ايڪٽ جي نالي هيٺ 7 مسجدون خريد ڪيون ويون آهن ۽ وڌيڪ مسجدون خريد ڪرڻ جي ڌمڪي ڏني وئي آهي. هي جلسو مسلمانن کي درخواستون ڪري ٿو ته جيستائين بمبئي حڪومت هن ڳالهه جو اعلان نه ڪري ته حڪومت کي ڪنهن به ائڪٽ جي ماتحت مسجدن جي خريد ڪرڻ جو ڪو حق ڪو نه آهي ۽ جيستائين انهن مسجدن کي پڪو نه ڪرايو ويو آهي جن کي واهن جي وچ ۾ ان ريت ڇڏيو ويو آهي جي پاڻيءَ جي اچڻ کانپوءِ ڪري پونديون تيستائين مسلمان انگريزي حال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪن ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ صوبه سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽي جي سڀني تدبيرن جي مددگاري ڪن.

    محرڪ شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد

    موئد- حافظ محمد محسن

    موئد-سيدٺ غلام حسين غفور ڀائي

    شيخ صاحب تحريڪ ڪندي هڪ پرزور مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن ۾ فرمائين ته 1927ع ۾ جڏهن سرڪار کان سوال پڇيو ويو ته براج ۾ مسجدون ڪيتريون آيون آهن ته سرڪارئوسجي سجواب ڏنو هو ته چار پر هاڻي 1929ع ۾ سر غلام حسين جي زماني ۾ جواب مليو آهي ته ڪل 7 مسجدون بئراج جي حوالي ٿيون آهن جي لينڊ ايڪوليزِيشن جي قانون هيٺ خريد ڪيون ويون آهن. گويا اها هڪ مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين ۾ هڪ قانون جي بهاني ۾ دست اندازي ڪئي وڃي ٿي جيڪڏهن سرڪار زوري کسي يا زبردستي سان مسجدن تي قبضا ڪري ته اها هڪ سمجهه جهڙي ڳالهه آهي پر هي ڇا آهي جو قانون جو نالو وٺي مسلمانن کي اکين ۾ ڌوڙ ۾ وڌي وڃي ٿي. سرڪائوسجي هرم ميمبر گورنمينٽ بمبئيءَ جي صاف انجام ڪيو هو ته آئينده ڪا به مسجد بئراج جي زد ۾ ڪا نه آندي ويندي ۽ ان کانپوءِ جڏهن حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب قبله هڪ مسجد لاءِ ڳڙهي ياسين تعلقي ۾ ستياڳڙهه ڪري وڃي ويٺا هئا تڏهن به سکر جي ڪليڪٽر ڪن مسلمان معززن کي وچ ۾ وجهي ۽ پاڻ انجام ڪري مولانا صاحب کي جڏهن تسلي ڏياري ته مسجدن کي پڪو ٺهرايو ويندو ۽ حفاظت ڪئي ويندي. تڏهن مولانا صاحب اتا اٿي آيا پر انهن انجمان ۽ وعدن هوندي به پوءِ سرڪار اڃا سوڌو برابر مسجدون خريد ڪندي ۽ انهن کي شهيد ڪندي وڇي ٿي تنهنڪري ضرورت آهي ته اوهان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سال لاءِ انگريز ڪپڙي جو بائيڪاٽ ڪري مسجدن جي حفاظت ڪريو! ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ  ٿي هن جماعت جي طاقت وڌايو ته هو مسلمانن جي حقن لاءِ باقاعده لڙندي رهي  وغيره وغيره.

    حافظ محمد محسن تائيد ۾ مسجدن جي حرمت ۽ عزت لاءِ ڪي ورتيون پيش ڪيون ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ پنهنجي تقرير ۾ زور ڏنائين.

    غلام حسين غفور ڀائيءَ چيو ته ڪائونسل جا مسلمان ميمبر بيڪار آهن نه ته سرڪار کي طاقت نه ٿئي جو مسجدن جو نالو وٺي. ڪانپور جو واقع سرڪار کان وسريو ڪو نه آهي هوندو پر هي سنڌ آهي جتي سرڪار مسجدن ۾ ايئن دست اندازي ڪري رهي آهي پوءِ ٺهراءُ بااتفاق پاس ڪيو ويو.

    3.ٺهراءُ

    ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو قانون ساز اسيمبلي هند ۾ عبدالحئي جي پاران پيش ٿيل بل جي تائيد ڪري ٿو جنهن جو مقصد آهي ته مسلمانن جو نڪاح ۾ طلاق ۽ ورثا جو فيصلو شريعت اسلاميه جي حڪمن موجب ٿئي.

    محرڪ سيدٺ عبدالله هارون

    مويد- مولوي دين محمد صاحب وفائي.

    سيٺ صاحب تقرير جاري رکندي فرمايو ته اڄ اسان هن حد کي وڃي پهتا آهيون جو شرعي احڪامن جي جاري ڪرائڻ ۽ فيصلي لاءِ به اسيمبليءَ جا محتاج آهيون. پر حالت هيءَ اچي بڻي آهي جو هندو پنهنجن بيواهه زالن ۽ ڇوڪرين جي ورثي لاءِ هڪ قانون پيش ڪرڻ وارا آهن. جنهن موجب خوف آهي ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي پنهنجي راءِ تي ورثي جا حصا مقرر ڪيا ۽ اهي شريعت جي حصن جي برخلاف هوندا ۽ سرڪار اهو قانون به کڻي مسلمانن سان لاڳو ڪيو ته پوءِ سخت مشڪل ٿي پوندي. مثلن اسيمبلي بيواه زال لاءِ اڌ املاڪ مقرر ڪري ۽ شريعت جو فيصلو آهي ته اولاد واري حالت ۾ بيوهه کي اٺين پتي ۽ بي اولاد وقت چوٿين پتي ڏجي پر اسيمبلي  سارواائڪٽ وانگي کڻي اهو قانون مسلمانن سان به لڳائي ته وري ڪنڊا ڪڍڻا پون تنهن ڪري مولوي عبدالحق جو قانون نهايت ضروري آهي ته مسلمانن جا فيصلا شريعت موجب ٿيڻ گهرجن. سيٺ صاحب ڪڇي ميمڻ جي هندو لاءِ وغيره جا مثال پيش ڪري قانون جي تائيد لاءِ اپيل ڪئي ۽ مسلمانن کي منفق ٿي قومي ڪمن لاءِ حصا وٺڻ لاءِ چيو.

    مولوي وفائي صاحبڍ

    ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي چيو ته مسلمانن جي املڪن ۾ رهن ٿا سي ٽن قسمن جا آهن. (1)جتي فقط اسلامي حڪومت آهي (2) جتي نج ڪافرن يج حڪومت ۽ سندن ملڪ آهي (3) اهي ملڪ جو پهريان ته مسلمانن جا هئا پر پوءِ انهن تي ڪافرن غلبو ڪري ۽ حڪومت ڄمائي هجي.

    پهرين قسم جي ٻن ملڪن بابت فقهي حڪم پڌرا آهن باقي پوئين قسم جي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن کي ڪيئن رهڻ گهرجي. جيئن هندستان آهي ان بابت صاف حڪم آهي ته اهڙي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن جو فرض آهي ته شيخ اسلام يا شريعت جو قاضي مقرر ڪن جو سندن شرعي فيصلو ڪندو رهي پوءِ اگرچ ڍل محصول وغيره هو غير مسلم حاڪم کي ادا ڪندا اچن. تاريخ شاهد آهي ته جڏهن چنگيزن جو اسلامي ۾ ملڪن تي قبضو ٿيو هو تڏهن به مسلمانن چنگيزن سان اهو معاهدو ڪيو هو ۽ اندروني طرح اسلامي حاڪمن جي هن هيٺ فيصلا ڪرائيندا هئا ۽ هن وقت به روس چين، جاوا (هالينڊ) جي حڪومتن ۾ مسلمانن جا سرڪاري طرح مقرر ٿيل قاضي آهن. جي سندن فيصلا ڪن. فقط هندستان ئي آهي جنهن جي انگريزي راڄ ۾ مسلمانن کي ايتري مذهبي آزادي به ڪا نه ڏئي وئي آهي. اگرچه مرشد آباد (بنگال)جي فتح وقت انگريزن مسلمانن سان شرعي فيصلن ڪرڻ لاءِ قاضي مقرر ڪرڻ جو واعدو ڪيو هو. تاهم پورو نه ڪيائون تنهنڪري اسان کي مولوي عبدالحي لدهيانوي جي بل جي تائيد ڪرڻ گهرجي. پوءِ اگرچه شيخ الاسلام کڻي ڪو نه ملندو  تاهم ڪجهه نه ڪجهه مذهبي آزادي ته ٿي پوندي وغيره ٺهراءُ پرجوش نعرن ۾ پاس ٿيو.

    ٺهراءُ 4:

    (4) ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو نجم الدين فنڊ جي غائب ٿي وڃڻ جي متعلق وزير تعليم جيڪي جواب ڏنا آهن تن کي اڻپورو سمجهي گهر ڪري ٿو ته نجم الدين فنڊ جي پته ڪڍڻ لاءِ حڪومت بمبئي کي ڪامل تحقيقات ڪرڻ گهرجي. هن جلسي جي راءِ آهي ته جيستائين هي ظاهر نه ڪيو وڃي ته اهو فنڊ ڪنهن غبن ڪيو آهي تيستائين حڪومت مشين فنڊ جي جوابداري کان بري نه ٿي بڻجي سگهجي.

    ٺهراءُ 5:

    (5) ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو راجا گهرنند پاران هندستان ۾ گائوڪشي جي بند ڪرڻ بابت جو ٺهراءُ اسيمبلي هند ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي تنهن کي اسلام ۽ مسلمانن جي حقن ۽ پڌري دست اندازي سمجهي ٿو ۽ گورنر جنرل پاران انهيءَ بل جي پيش ڪرڻ جي اجازت ڏيڻ تي صداءِ احتجاج بلند ڪري ٿو ته اهڙي فتنه انگيز بل کي اسيمبليءَ ۾ بحث هيٺ آڻڻ کان روڪيو وڃي.

    اهي ٻئي ٺهراءَ صدر صاحب جي پاران شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب صدرجي اجازت سان پيش ڪيا جي بااتفاق منظور ٿيا. ان کانپوءِ صدر صاحب ٺهرائن تي مختصر سمجهاڻي ڏيندي، ماڻهن کي قرباني ڏيڻ لاءِ اپيل ڪندي جلسه برخواست ڪيو ۽ ڪيترا ماڻهو خلافت جا ميمبر بڻيا.

    الوحيد جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 21 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2

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    مجلس عاملہ خلافت ڪميٽي سکر ضلعي جي ميٽنگ

    شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب کي گشت ڪرڻ جي استدعا

    خلافت ڪميٽي سکر هڪ مهيني ۾ هڪ هزار مجاهد ڏيندي، امروٽ ۾ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جو قيام.

    تاريخ 28 فيبروري 1930ع جو امروٽ شريف ۾ ميٽنگ ٿي، هيٺيان ميمبر ميٽنگ ۾ حاضر هئا. 1. مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب، 2. سيد محبوب علي شاهه، 2. مسٽر عبدالرحمان وڪيل 4. محمد ادريس 5. مولوي دين محمد وفائي صاحب 6. مسٽر عبدالرزاق پيرزاده 7. مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب سوائي 11 بجي مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب جي زير صدارت ڪارروائي شروع ٿي ۽ ڪيترائي ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.

    1.حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب جي وفات تي غم جو اظهار.

    2. صدارت جي عهدي تي مولوي عبدالعزيز چونڊيو ويو.

    3. نائب صدر ميان نظام الدين شاهه صاحب.

    4. مساجد براج جي حفاظت لاءِ مجاهدن جي اقرار نامه جو فارم ڇپرايو وڃي.

    5. شاردا ائڪٽ جي برخلاف جدوجهد.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 53، 9 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.

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    سکر بجلي گهر جي مسجد بابت گورنمينٽ جو پڌرنامو

    خلافت ڪميٽيءَ سان جيڪي شرط ڪيائون تن جي پڌرائي

    سکر بجلي گهر جي لڳ جو هڪ مسجد بئراج ولا جي زد ۾ اچي رهي هئي جنهن تي خلافت ڪميٽي جي پاران نوجوان والنٽيئر ستياگرهه ڪري رهيا هئا. جن بابت پوءِ سيد محمود علي شاهه ۽ حاجي شيخ عبدالمجيد سان مڪاني عملدارن جي ميٽنگ ٿي هئي، جنهن جو هي نتيجو نڪتو هو جو ستيا گرهه بند ڪيو ويو ۽ جن شرطن تي خلافت ڪميٽي عملدارن سان صلح ڪيو هو سي پردي ۾ رکيا ويا هئا ۽ وعدو ڪيو ويو هو ته سرڪار پريس نوٽ ۾ انهن جي پڌرائي ڪندي. اهو پڌرنامه هيٺ ڏجي ٿو.

    پريس نوٽ

    سکر جي نزديڪ  هڪ مسجد جي ڊهڻ جي انديشه بابت گورنمينٽ لوڪل عملدارن کان پوري حقيقت حاصل ڪئي آهي جنهن بابت 14 جون تي هڪ پريس نوٽ ڪڍيو ويو هو.

    حقيقت هن طرح آهي ته 5 جون 1930ع تي سيد محبوب علي شاهه سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي جي سرڪردگي هيٺ هڪ خلافيتن جو جو وفد ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ سکر وٽ ويو. هنن ظاهر ڪيو ته براج پاور هائوس جي نزديڪ رئيس ڪئنال تي هڪ ننڍي مسجد اهي جا واهه کوٽيندڙ مشين ڊاهي ڇڏيندي تنهنڪري جيڪڏهن مسجد مشين کان نه بچي ته پوءِ سرڪار نئين سر ٺهرائي ڏئي.

    ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ هڪدم سرزمين تي ويو ڏٺائين ته ڪم ڪندڙ مشين مسجد کان اڃا ڪجهه مفاصلو پري هئي، جنهن بعد براج جي عملدارن سان صلاح مصلحت ڪري سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي کي احوال ڏنو ته:

    1. مسجد واهه جي ڪناري تي جتي آهي اتي ئي رهندي ۽ ڪو به نقصان مسجد کي نه پهچندو.

    2. کاٽي ڪرائيندڙ عملدار مسجد جي فرش کي 3 فوٽ اوچو ڪندا ۽ هڪ پڪو ٿلهو ٺهرائيندا. جيئن پاڻي جي پوسل مسجد کي ڪو به نقصان رسائي نه سگهي.

    3. جيڪڏهن مسلمانن جي مرضي هوندي ته کاٽيءَ جا عملدار جڏهن فرش 2 فوٽ مٿي ڪندا تڏهن ڇت ڊهرائتي ڀتيون 4 فوٽ اوچيو ڪري پوءِ ڇت به ٺهرائي ڏيندا.

    4. واهه کلڻ کانپوءِ واهه جي رستي تان عام ماڻهن کي مسجد ڏانهن وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏني ويندي.

    5. جيسين واهه کلن تيسين واهه مان جو لنگهه آهي اتان مسجد ڏانهن وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏني ويندي. ان بعد ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي سان ٺهراءُ ڪيو ته کاٽي ڪندڙ مشين ڀلي مسجد جي ڀرسان لنگهي اڳتي وڃي ڪم ڪري ۽ مسجد کي ڪو به نقصان نه رسندو تنهنڪري ان موجب مشين کي مسجد جي پاسي کان لنگها يو پوءِ 11 جون تي جڏهن وري کوٽڻ شروع ڪيائين ته ماڻهن جو ميڙ گڏ ٿي ويو ۽ ستياگره شروع ڪيائون.

    سپريٽنڊنگ انجنيئر هڪدم ڪم بند ڪرايو ۽ هڪدم هڪ ميٽنگ ڪوٺائي جنهن ۾ سپرنٽينڊنٽ انجنيئر کانسواءِ ايگزيڪييوٽو انجنيئر ۽ اسسٽنٽ ڪليڪٽر روهڙي ۽ اسسٽنٽ ڪليڪٽر سکر سيڪريٽري مڪاني خلافت ڪميٽي (سيد محبوب علي شاهه) ۽ مسٽر (شيخ) عبدالمجيد شامل هئا. سپرنٽينڊنگ انجنيئر وري به ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ جي ٻڌل شرطن جو يقين ڏياريو ۽ سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي (سيد محبوب علي شاهه) ۽ مسٽر(شيخ) عبدالمجيد قبول ڪيو ته گورنمينٽ جا شرط واجبي آهن.

    ان کانپوءِ مشين بدستور کوٽڻ جو ڪم ڪري رهي آهي ۽ ڪو به ناانصافي جو واقعو نه ٿيو آهي. ”اخبار“ ٽائمز آف انڊيا مورخ 14 جون ۾ جيڪا رپورٽ شايع ٿي اهي اها خاص طرح ٻن ڳالهين ڪري بي بنياد آهي هڪ ته مسجد ڊاهڻ جو ڪو به حڪم نه ڏنو ويو هو ٻيو ته ڪليڪٽر وفد سان نهايت بدسلوڪي سان پيش آيو سا بلڪل غلط ڳالهه آهي. جيئن ته ڪليڪٽر جيڪي شرط ظاهر ڪيا سي خلافت ڪميٽي قبول ڪيا هئا.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 144، 3 جولائي 1930ع، ص 2.

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    ضلع خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ

    دلچسپ تقريرون ڪيون ويون ۽ ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ويا.

    22-23 مارچ ميهڙ خلافت ميدان ۾ ضلع خلافت ڪانفرنس ٿي گذري. پنج، ڇهه سئو خلق ٻئي ڏهاڙي حاضر هئي حاضرين مان هيٺيان قابل ذڪر آهن.

    1. مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب بلبلان خلافت.

    2. مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ السلام

    3. مولوي حافظ غلام فريد صاحب.

    4. مولوي محمد ابراهيم صاحب

    5. حاجي عبدالقادر صاحب.

    6. حاجي محمد عرس خان

    7. مولانا چشتي صاحب

    8. رئيس محمد رضا خان.

    9. ملڪ تاج الدين خان

    10. سيد حاجي علي احمد شاهن.

    11. مخدوم روهڙيءَ وارو.

    12. رئيس ولي محمد خان (ايڊيٽر شمشيراسلام)

    ڪانفرنس جو پريذيڊنٽ مولانا چشتي صاحب کي چونڊيو ويو موجوده وقت جي سموري ضروري ۽ مذهبي ملڪي مسئلن تي ڪافي روشني وڌي وئي. حاضرين کي تعليم، تجارت، اتفاق حب الوطني اخلاق لاءِ هدايت ڪئي وئي. پريذيڊنٽ کانسواءِ مولوي غلام فريد صاحب، مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب پڻ تقريرون ڪيون. پنج ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.

    1. هندستان جي ڪامل آزاديءَ لاءِ مسلمان وطني تحريڪن ۾ شامل ٿين. ديس جي مالي حالت سڌارڻ لاءِ ديسي ڪپڙي جو استعمال ڪرڻ ۽ ولايتي ڪپڙي کان حدالامڪان پرهيز ڪن.

    2. شاردا ائڪٽ کي مذهب ۽ پرنسل لا ۾ مداخلت ٺهرائي وئي ۽ ائڪٽ کي اخلاقي، معاشرتي نقصان ڄاتو ويو.

    3. مسلمان بمبئي سرڪار جي بئريج وارين مسجدن بنسبت پڌري ڪيل اعلان تي ويساهه سرهائي ۽ اطمينان ظاهر ڪري نٿا سگهن. سرڪار اطمينان نه ڏياريو ته تحريڪ حفاظت مساجد شروع ڪئي ويندي.

    4. مولوين ۽ پيرن کي اپيل ڪئي وئي ته غير شرعي رسمن خلاف جهاد ڪن.

    الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 70، 30 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.

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    Sind Villagers and Gandhi’s Disobedience Movement

    ميرپورخاص جي هندو ۽ محمدن جي اٽڪل هڪ هزار ماڻهن جي گڏيل ميٽنگ ۾ محسوس ڪيو ته گانڌي ۽ سندس پوئلڳن حڪومت خلاف هلچل خونريزيءَ کي دعوت ڏئي رهي آهي ۽ پرسڪون ماحول کي بگاڙي رهي آهي. ان لاءِ هلچل سان اسان جو ڪو به تعلق نه آهي. هن لاءِ عوام کي صلاح ڏني وئي ته هلچل جي مخالفت شروع ڪن ته جيئن پرسڪون ماحول جو بقاءُ برقرار رهي.

    D.G. 29/11/1930 P-5

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    خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ جو (اجلاس اول)

    زير صدارت سيٺ حاجي مير محمد صاحب ايم ايل سي

    26 نومبر 1931ع ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ خلافت ميدان تي نهايت عاليشان نموني ۾ ٿي گذريو. بنڊل وڏيرو محمد رضا خان جي اهتمام سان خوب جهنڊين سان سينگاريو ويو هو. ڪانفرنس ۾ شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب ايم ايل سي، مولانا الحاج محمد عبدالڪريم چشتي، سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه سنائي پريزيڊنٽ ڊسٽرڪٽ لوڪلبورڊ ڪراچي، شيخ حافظ عبدالرحيم ولد گيهي مل نو مسلم جلباڻي وارو، مولانا غلام فريد صاحب، مولانا محمد سليمان، مولانا حاجي فتح محمد ناظم انجمن اصلاح المسلمين ضلع لاڙڪاڻه، مولانا ابوالحسن، شفيع محمد خيرپوري، مولانا مخدوم غلام عثمان روهڙي، مولانا محمد اڪمل، مولانا محمد ابراهيم صوفي، وڏيرو غلام صديق خان تنيه، مولانا قادري احمد فاضل ديوبندي ۽ ٻيا علماءَ خلافت ڪم ڪندڙ گهڻي تعداد ۾ شريڪ هئا. سيد محمد ابرار صاحب آگرا (يو پي) کان تار ڪئي ته تنگ وقت ڪري پاڻ اچي نٿو سگهان ۽ اهڙيءَ طرح سيد صدرالدين شاهه ۽ مولانا برڪت علي به اچي نه سگهيا ۽ مولانا محمود ميان صاحب ٻاٽ شريف وارن جو به خط آيو جو ناسازي طبع ڪري پاڻ اچي نهس گهيا. ماڻهو سون جي تعداد ۾ آيا هئا. اجلاس جي شروعات ۾ پهريائين مولانا قادري احمد صاحب فاضل ديوبند قرآن شريف جي قرات سهڻي ۽ مٺي آواز سان پڙهي. ان بعد سيد علي اڪبر شاهه صدر استقباليه ڪميٽي پنهنجو خطبه، پڙهيو ۽ معزز مهمانن جي مرحبا ڪئي پوءِ حاجي بابا سيٺ مير محمد ايم ايل سي جو نالو صدارت لاءِ تجويز ڪيو جنهن جي تائيد مولانا محمد سليمان ڪئي ۽ اتفاق راءِ سان سيٺ صاحب پريذيڊنٽ چونڊيو ويو صدر صاحب پنهنجي گلابي سنڌيءَ ۾ هڪ معنيٰ خيز ۽ پراثر صدارتي تقرير ڪئي، جنهن کي نهايت عزت ۽ ڌيان سان سڀني ٻڌو. ان کانپوءِ جناب شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد ايم ايل سي همت آفرين ۽ جاذب انداز سان هڪ روح پرور تقرير ڪئي ان بعد هيٺيان ٺهراءَ بالاتفاق پاس ٿيا.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 1: هيءَ ڪانفرنس سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي عرض ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ سنڌ مالي جاچ ڪميٽي آئينده حڪومت جي خرچ جي تخفيف وغيره جي سوال کي اڇلي يڪطرفي رپورٽ پيش ڪئي آهي، جنهن مان سرڪار جي نيت سنڌ جي جدائيءَ ۾ رنڊڪ وجهڻ جي صاف ظاهر آهي، تنهن کي مدنظر رکندي هر هنڌ جلسا ڪري سرڪار کي اطلاع ڏين ته جيڪڏهن پرڳڻن جي حڪومت رائج ڪرڻ سان گڏ سنڌ کي جدا حڪومت نه ڏني وئي ته اسان جائز طريقي سان حڪومت جي ان نامناسب ڪارروائي کي ناممڪن بڻائينداسون.

    وڌيڪ هيءَ ڪانفرنس سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي درخواست ٿي ڪري ته انهيءَ مقصد جي حصول لاء هر ڳوٺ ۾ آزاد سنڌ جماعتون ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيون قائم ڪن ۽ والنٽيئر ڀرتي ڪرڻ شروع ڪن جي ضرورت جي وقت مناسب قربانين لاءِ تيار رهن.

    هن ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ۾ جناب سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب فصيح ۽ مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن بعد ٺهراءُ يڪ آواز الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان پاس ٿيو.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 2: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي پرزور استدعا ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ اناج جا اگهه بلڪل گهٽ ٿي ويا اهن ۽ ڏينهون ڏينهن گهٽجي رهيا آهن ۽ ڍل جو رقب ساڳيو آهي جو وڏن مهانگن اگهن وقت ٻڌو ويو هو ۽ گذريل چئن پنجن سالن ۾ لڳو لڳ سنڌ جي زميندارن تي جدا جدا قسمن جون مصيبتون نازل ٿيون آهن تنهن صورت ۾ زمين جون ڍلون پنجاهه سيڪڙو ضرور گهٽايون وڃن ۽ زميندارن ۽ آبادگارن کي وڌيڪ برباديءَ کان بچايو وڃي جي نهايت تڪليف ۾ آهن.

    محرڪ: وڏيرو غلام صديق خان تنيه

    موئد: مولوي غلام فريد صاحب.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 3: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ هن سال برسات ڪا نه پئي ۽ کير مکڻ جا اگهه به گهٽجي ويا آهن تنهنڪري هن سال سرڪار بيان ۾ مال جي لاءِ پن چري معاف ڪري.

    صدر حاجي طرفان پيش ٿيو ۽ اتفاق راءِ سان پاس ٿيو.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 4: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس بمبئي ڪائونسل اسيمبلي ۽ ڪائونسل آف اسٽيٽ کي اپيل ٿي ڪري بجيٽ جي کوٽ جي پورائي لاءِ نيون ڍلون ۽ ٽڪيسون رعيت تي نه مڙهيون وڃن ملڪ ان کوٽ پوري ڪرڻ لاءِ وڏن آفيسرن جا پگهار گهٽايا وڃن.

    (ب) هيءَ ڪانفرنس خصوصن بمبئي ڪائونسل کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته ورثي جو بل ڪنهن به طرح پاس نه ڪيو وڃي نه ته سڄي پبلڪ جون ڍليون بلڪل مجروح ٿينديون ۽ سڀني ايم ايل سي صاحب کي عرض ٿي ڪري ته بڪمشت ٿي هن بل جي مخالفت ڪن جو سخت نقصانڪار آهي.

    هيءُ ٺهراءُ صدر حاجي جي طرفان يپش ٿيو ۽ منظور ٿيو.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 5: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته آئينده جوڙجڪ حڪومت ۾ هارين ويچارن کي به ووٽ جو حق ڏنو وڃي جو شهرن ۾ ڀنگين کي به ووٽ جو حق آهي. هي هاري ويچارا ته اڻ سڌي طرح گهڻو ئي پيدائش جو حصو سرڪار کي ڍل طور پهچائين ٿا.

    محرڪ سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب،

    موئد: شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايل ايل سي

    پهرين ڏينهن جو اجلاس نهايت ڪاميابيءَ سان ختم ٿيو.

    ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس

    (اجلاس دوم)

    زير صدارت مولانا محمد عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي 27 نومبر ڪانفرنس جو ٻيو اجلاس ٿيو. جيڪي حاضر هئا تن ۾ مولانا الحاج چشتي، سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب، جناب پير الاهي بخش، محمد هاشم مبلغ اسلام جمع بلبلان خلافت مولانا حاجي فتح محمد صاحب، مولانا محمد سليمان واعظم الاسلام، مولانا غلام فريد، شيخ عبدالرحيم جلباڻي، مولانا ابوالحسن، شفيع محمد، مولانا محمد ابراهيم ۽ ٻيا سڀئي بزرگ ۽ علماءَ موجود هئا.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 6: هيءَ ڪانفرنس مگسي بلوچن سان اظهار همدردي ڪري ٿي جن جا سردار نظر بند ڪيا ويا آهن ۽ ٻين تڪليفن ڪري شهدادڪوٽ ۽ ٻين هنڌن ۾ سردي ۽ نهايت بي ڪسيءَ جي حالت ۾ پيا آهن.

    هيءَ ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي استدعا ٿي ڪري ته انهن جي واجبي مطالبات تي غور ٿئي ۽ جاچ ڪري ڪميشن مقرر ڪئي وڃي ۽ انهن جي تڪليفن جو تدارڪ جلداز جلد ڪيو وڃي. ان ٺهراءَ جي تائيد مولانا ابوالحسن شفيع محمد ڪئي.

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 7: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ڪشمور جي مسلمانن جي مطالبات جي تائيد ٿي ڪري ۽ پنجاب جي احرار جيڪا جدوجهد ڪسمير جي مظلوم مسلمانن جي حمايت لاءِ شروع ڪئي آهي ان تي تحسين ٿي ڪري ۽ 17 هزار مسلمان قرباني ڪري قيد ٿيا آهن تن کي مبارڪباد ٿي ڏئي ۽ سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته احرار پنجاب کي ان ڪم ۾ هر طرح جي امداد ڏين.

    محرڪ مولانا غلام فريد

    موئد: وڏيرو محمد رضا خان

    ٺهراءُ نمبر 8: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته قرآن شريف ڇپائڻ ۽ وڪري ڪرڻ ۾ غير مسلمانن لاءِ قانون بندش وڌي وڃي. هيءَ ڪانفرنس مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته غير مسلمانن کان قرآن شريف خريد نه ڪن پر مسلمان دڪاندارن کان خريد ڪن.

    محرڪ: مولانا حافظ محمد هاشم

    موئد: مولانا محمد سلمان

    الوحيد، جلد ڏهون، نمبر 274، 2 ڊسمبر 1931ع، ص 2.

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    ميهڙ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي ڪارروائي

    شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد ۽ پيرالاهي بخش جون تقريرون

    ڪي اهم ٺهراءَ پاس

    (موڪليل)

    ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس جو ساليانو ارڙهون اجلاس 14 اپريل 1938ع تي ڇنڇر ڏينهن خلافت ميدان تي گرميءَ هئڻ سبب عيگاهه ۾ ٿيو، جنهن ۾ شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايم ايل اي جناب پيرالاهي بخش روينيو وزير صاحب، سيد حاجي محمد شاهه صاحب ميرپورماٿيلو، مولانا مولوي عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي، مولانا مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب (رڪ)، مولوي عبدالڪريم صاحب (بٺوي) صدر خلافت  ضلع دادو ۽ لاڙڪاڻو مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ الاسلام ٿرڙي محبت ۽ ٻيا علماءَ ڪرام جلسا ۾ شريڪ هئا. مولوين تقريرون ڪيون.

    وري 17 اپريل تي 9 بجي جلسو شروع ٿيو. سيد حاجي محمد شاهه صاحب صدارت ڪئي.

    ٺهراءَ:

    هي خلافت ميهڙ جو جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي زوردار اپيل ٿو ڪري ته سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي حقن جي پوري طرح حفاظت ڪري اسان مسلمانن جي دلين کي اطمينان بخشي.

    هي جلسو سنڌ گورنمينٽ کي ذهن نشين ٿو ڪري ته براج جي پاڻي جي گهٽتائي جي عام پبلڪ ۾ سخت پرڪار آهي تنهن هوندي به واٽر ڪورسن جا منهن تمام سوڙها ۽ هيٺاهين تان ڪيا ويا آهن جنهنڪري آباديءَ کي سخت نقصان ٿو رسي ۽ مٿين زمين کي پاڻي پهچي نٿو سگهي جنهنڪري پاڻي جي دانهن جو داد ڪري پاڻي اهڙو ڏنو وڃي جو فصل جي پوري آزادي ڏني ٿئي.

    هي جلسو سنڌ اسيمبليءَ جي مسلم ميمبرن تي زور ٿو آڻي ته اسيمبليءَ ۾ شريعت بل پاس ڪرائين (ٻيو) انتقال ايراضيءَ جو ٺهراءُ (ٽيون) قرض بل پاس ڪرائي اسان مسلمانن جو ديني ۽ دينوي بچاءَ ڪري پنهنجي نمائندگي جو فرض ادا ڪن.

    هن ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ۾ جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب هڪ زبردست تقرير ڪندي مسلمانن کي اطمينان ڏياريو ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي ۾ مسلمان ميمبر زندهه آهن ته انشاءَ الله  تعاليٰ اهي بل جلد پاس ڪرايا ويندا جي مسلم قوم جي بچاءَ لاءِ نهايت ضروري آهن سندس تائيد مولوي عبدالحي صاحب ڪئي.

    (4) هي جلسو گورنمينٽ برطانيا کان پرزور مطالبو ٿو ڪري ته فلسطين يهود نواز پاليسي کي تبديلي ڪري ۽ مسلم عربن جي مطالبات کي تسليم ڪري.

    (5) هي جلسو ٺهراءَ ٿو ڪري ته درياهه ڀر ۾ جو ربيع جي فصل جي آبادي لاءِ پاڻي مليو آهي سو بلڪل اڻپورو آهي ۽ پوري وقت تي نٿو ملي ۽ دادو ڪئنال جو بند ڪيو ٿو وڃي سو وڌ ۾ وڌ هڪ هفتو بند ڪيو وڃي ۽ واهه کلڻ بعد پاڻي ڏنو وڃي نه ته فصل پورو نه ٿيندو تنهنڪري سنڌ سرڪار ۽ انجنيئري وزير صاحب کي هن طرف توجهه ڪرڻ گهرجي.

    (6) هي جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي يقين سان ذهن نشين ٿو ڪرائي ته غريبن تان رشوت ۽ رسائي ۽ لاپي جو آزار ڪجهه به گهٽ نه ٿيو اهي جيڪي هن وقت تائين سرڪار ان بابت تحرڪ ورتو آهي اهو بيڪار ثابت ٿيو آهي. تنهنڪري اهڙو تحرڪ ورتو وڃي جو اثر وارو ثابت ٿئي ۽ اسان غريبن تائين مٿيان آزار لهن. ص 3. باقي ص 5 تي.

    (7) هي جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته لواريءَ واري مصنوعي حج کي قانونن بند ڪرائي ملسمانن جي دلين کي اطمينان بخشي نه ته حج جي موقعي تي وري به مسلمان گذريل سال کان وڌيڪ گهڻي انداز ۾ قربانيءَ جي ميدان ۾ شريڪ ٿي مذهبي حق ادا ڪندا.

    (8) هي انهن مجاهدن کي مبارڪباد پيش ٿو ڪري جن قربانيءَ جي جذبي سببان وڃي لواريءَ جي حج روڪڻ لاءِ جيلن ۽ قربانين جون سختيون سهي سنڌ جي مسلمانن جو منهن مٿي ڪيو.

    (9) هي خلافت جو جلسو گورنمينٽ سنڌ کي استدعا ٿو ڪري ته جن قوتن جي سبب ظاهري آهي جيئن ته ظاهري اوزار سان مقتول يا ڀت پيل يا باهه سڙيل يا پاڻي ٻڏل وڻ ڪريل وغيره اهڙن مقتولن کي چيريو نه وڃي ۽ جن عورتن مقتولن جي پوسٽ مارٽم جي ضرورت هجي تن جو پوسٽ مارٽم ليڊي ڊاڪٽرياڻيون ڪن نه ته ٻي صورت ۾ اسان مسلمان پنهنجي بي عزتي ٿا سمجهون.

    (10) هي جلسو وس وارن صاحبن کان زوردار گهر ٿو ڪري ته ناڪن جو آزار غريبن تان لاهي جس کٽن. ان کانپوءِ آنربل پير الاهي بخش روينيو وزير صاحب رشوت رسائي ۽ لابي جي بند ڪرڻ لاءِ ماڻهن کي زوردار اپيل ڪئي ته مٿئين آزاريندڙ ڳالهين جي بند ڪرائڻ ۾ سرڪار کي مدد ڪرائين. انهيءَ تقرير جو پبلڪ تي ڏاڍو اثر پيدا ٿيندو. ان کانپوءِ جلسا دعا خيري ۽ الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان ختم ٿيو.

    الوحيد، جلد سترهون، نمبر 94، 29 اپريل 1938ع، ص 5.

    …………………………………………………………………………………….

    آڪٽوبر 1938ع ۾ حاجي عبدالله هارون، مسٽر گزدر، جمال ميان، راجا محمود آباد ۽ مولوي حقاني سنڌ مسلم ليگ کي مضبوط بڻائڻ جي خيال سان پوري سنڌ جو دورو ڪيو. ان وقت الهه بخش خان سنڌ جو وزيراعليٰ هو.

    الوحيد، 16 آڪٽوبر 1938ع، ص 149، جلد 2.

    …………………………………………………………………………………….

    ميرپورماٿيلي ۾ هندو مسلم اتحاد لاءِ جلسا

    15 نومبر 1940ع جامع مسجد ميرپورماٿيو زير صدارت سيد محمد عالم شاهه ٿيو. مولانا خير محمد صاحب پتافي تقرير ڪندي هندو مسلم جي اتحاد تي زور ڏنو. سنڌ ۾ ٽي مولوي شهيد ٿيا هئا.

    الوحيد، نمبر 254، 20 نومبر 1940ع، ص 5.

    …………………………………………………………………………………….

    ٺٽي ۾ امير خاني مسجد جي باري ۾ مسلمانن کي نوٽيس

    ڪليڪٽر صاحب ڪراچيءَ وٽان مسجد اميرخانيءَ جي متعلق ڪيل هندن تي فرياد م ڄاڻايل شاهدن تي نوٽيس تعميل ٿي رهيا آهن. جنهن ۾ ڄاڻايو ويو آهي ته اهو پلاٽ گورنمينٽ جو آهي ۽ واسطيدار مسلمان 18 نومبر 1941ع جي مختيارڪار ٺٽه وٽ ثبوت پيش ڪن.

    تعجب آهي ته 17 سيپٽمبر 1941ع تي هندن تي قلم 295 ايڪٽ هيٺ پوليس ۾ فرياد داخل ڪرايو ويو هو ته هندن مسجد جي بي حرمتي ڪئي آهي ۽ محراب به ختم ڪري ڇڏيو اٿن سو ته چالان ڪو نه ٿيو پر اٽلندو دعويٰ ڪئي پئي وڃي ته اهو پلاٽ گورنمينٽ جو آهي.

    الوحيد، سال ويهون، نمبر 248، 7 نومبر 1941ع، ص 3. 

  • MASJID MANZILGAH

    MASJID MANZILGAH CHRONOLOGY

    “MASJID MANZIlGAH- A CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREATEST  DIVISION OF HEARTS & SOULS, SOCIETY & IDEOLOGY IN SINDH, DESIGNED AND IMPLEMENTED  BY MUSLIMS & HINDUS”:

     

    By Dr. Dur Muhammad Pathan

    Sindh had never witnessed division of her sons and society like an ugly event of dispute on the Masjid Manzilgah. We lost Saint Singer Bhagat Kanwar Ram because of that situation. In Sukkur the figures of casualties in both, Muslim and Hindu communities were comparable. In two days of rioting 15 Muslims were killed and 04 were injured; the corresponding figures for Hindus were 19 and 06. But in Sukkur District the Hindus clearly suffered more, 57 Hindus were killed and 09 injured as against 01 killed and 01 injured for the Muslims.The trauma of the Masjid Manzalgah disturbances was to get rid of K.B.Soomro and his Government. The dispute was essentially a matter between the Soomro Government and the Muslim League, but issue assumed a communal aspect when the Hindus became concerned with the settlement. Hindus position on the Manzilgah was that its recognition as mosque would jeopardize Hindu use of Sadh Bela, which faced Manzilgah.Hindus viewed the Muslim claim as a threat to their position of dominance and control. Thus they opposed the claim and wanted the building should remain under control of the Government .Muslim League needed support from Hindus for its cause to bring the K.B.Allah Bux Soomro’s government down. It was impossible for League to create situation in Assembly in such a way that the support of Hindu members is withdrawn. The drama of the issue of Masjid Manzilgah made League’s task easy. The Muslim League needed division of people on religious lines for more than two purposes: Leaving no option for Sindhi Muslims to join Muslim League and opt for Pakistan, and creating pressure of Hindus, by Hindus and for Hindu Assembly members to withdraw their support from the Soomro government. The issue of Masjid Manzilgah paved way for Muslim League, thus the long awaited League’s goal of defeating Soomro and removing him from power was achieved in this way.
    The tragedy of Masjid Manzalgah revels inner differences and conflicts of Muslim Upper Class composing of Pir, Landlords and Capitalists. The Movement for the restoration of Masjid Manzilgah was headed by a trio, consisting of a Capitalist (Haji Abdullah Haroon), a Pir/Syed (G.M.Syed) and a Landlord (K.B.Muhammad Ayub Khuhro). Soon after the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency, sindhi Muslim capitalists and Muslim Business community tried to get its share in power and opportunities for advancement and progress. Haji Abdullah Haroon was undisputed representative of this segment of Muslim Upper Class. Khuhro, who was taking care of interests o feudal class took more interest in the Movement. Haji Abdullah Haroon opted for safe and protected path and avoided to take any risk because he was from Business man. G.M.Syed managed to super seat them and gave tough time to the Government. That is the talks between Government and Restoration Committee never brought positive results. A feudal and business man avoided agitation and conflict with the Government. Therefore Restoration committee and War Committee were dissolved and Shaikh Wjid of Shikarpur took over as a Dictator, because it was time for offering sacrifices and for this purpose Pirs, Feudals and Capitalists have to leave the ground. 
    13.7.1925: Sindh Commissioner rejects petition of a Muslim of Sukkur claiming the buildings at the site of Mazilgah as an old and ancient mosque and hujirah. However, directs that buildings should be kept in good order and that if Muslims to erect a wall around them.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    1.12.1928: Muhammad Yamin, Secretary, Anjuman-i-Islam, Sukkur, writes to the Collector of Sukkur protesting against his action of not allowing muslims to repair mosque of Manzilgah (Source: Inquiry Report).
    15.12.1928: The Hindu Panchayat of Sukkur makes complaint to the Collector of Sukkur that building has been repaired and now it gives look of a mosque and a Mulla has been appointed.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    20.12.1928: The Collector Sukkur visits site and also meet with Karam Ali Shah, President of the Anjuman-i-Islam to discuss the matter. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    February 1929: Haji Abdullah Haroon visits Sindh Commissioner and invites his attention to the issue of Masjid Manzilgah and brings to his notice that there is possibility of agitation by Sindh Khilafat Tahrik, if no any action is taken by the Government regarding restoration of the Masjid Manzilgah (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    10.11.1929: The President of the Aniuman-i-Islam, Sukkur writes to the Collector claiming building as Mosque. (Source: Newspapers).
    05.10.1931: Sindh Commissioner orders for raising of the wall surrounding the two buildings of Manzilgah to height of six feet and granting of other plot to the Muslims for construction of a mosque.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    11.10.1937: While presiding over and addressing public meeting at Sukkur, Moulana Zafar Ali Khan asks people to get Masjid Manzilgah restored at any cost because it is religious obligation and duty. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    12.10.1937: The doors of disputed building known as Masjid Manzilgah are opend for public with the result that Muslims started visiting the site. The decision of the Government to pave way for  creating serious differences between Hindus and Muslims.(Source: Newspapers)13.10.1937: Dr.Muhammad Yamen, Secretary Majlis-i-Ithad-i-Milat and Naimatullah Secretary Anjuman-i-Islam, Sukkur meet the Collector of Sukkur and presented their point of view on the issue. In the evening a public meeting is held at Suko Talau Jamia Masjid in which both leaders apprise people of their meeting and discussion with the Collector. (Source: Newspapers).
    17.10.1937: The daily Al-Wahid of Karachi gives details about the function and its proceedings that was held at Sukkur and presided over by Moulana Zafar Ali Khan of Punjab. In this fuction Moulana made very emotional and strong worded speech about Masjid Manzigah. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    November 1937: Moulana Muhammad Sadik of Khada advises Muslims of Sukkur  to give up idea of Satyagaraha and asks his party (JUI)men not to involve in the matter. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    05.11.1937: The Daily Al-Wahid of Karachi, in the course of its editorial traces the history of the Masjid Manzilgah and advises Sindhi Muslims to take efforts for its restoration (Source: Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    18.12.1937: The meeting of Muslims of Sukkur is held with Ahmad Ali Khan in chair. It is attended by Naimatullah Khan, Abdul Haq; Hakim Atta Muhammad; Muhammad Ramzan and others. The meeting condemnes publication and distribution of anti-Islam Pamphlets in Sukkur. It is also resolved to send Representation to the Premier of Sindh regarding restoration of Masid Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers).
    30.1.1938: A article by Naimatullah (Alig) of Sukkur is published in today’s Al-Wahid in which the writer asks Sindhi Muslims to take peaceful part in the movement for the restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    14.2.1938: Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, Chief Minister of Sindh assures Muslim Deputation of Sukkur that he will visit the site and take proper action (Source: Inquiry Report).
    06.4.1938: The Sindh Provincial Muslim League in its meeting passes resolution demanding restoration of Masjid Manzilgah and authorizes party President (Haji Abdullah Haroon) and party  leader in Assembly (K.B.Muhammad Ayub Khuhro) to wait on the Premier as the matter can be resolved. (Source: ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).
    05.06.1938: The President of Sindh Muslim League (Haji Abdullah Haroon) and K.B.Muhammad Ayub Khuhro hold meeting with K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, the Premier of Sindh and dememded restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: “Soure-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).
    31.7.1938:The Sindh Observer provides full coverage to the proceedings of the Conference held by Sindh Hindu Sabha. (Source: Sindh Observer)
    12.8.1938: The Daily Al-Wahid condemn the policy of Sindh Hindu Sabha regarding the issue of Masjid Manzilgah and ask the Sabha not to spread communalism in Sindh. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    15.3.1939: D.B.Issarsing a personal friend of K.B.Allah Bux writes him protesting against the matter of Masjid Manzilgah being reopend and advise him not to do anything which would give rise to bitterment between two communities. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    April 1939: Moulana Muhammad Sadik of Khada meets K.B.Allah Bux Soomro and discussed important issues including imposition of ban on luwari Haj like event and restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. Soomro assures him of resolving the issue by virtue of restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source:Enquary Report).
    12.4.1939: K.B.Soomro, Chief Minister directs inquiry relating to the inspection on two buildings. Muhammad Ishaq, Dy.Collector is assigned the task. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    14.4.1939: K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, Chief Minister of Sindh sends Moulana Muhammad Sadik of Khada alongwith Hakim Fatih Muhammad Sehwani to Sukkur to visit site and make some opinion about the issue of Masjid Manzilgah so as Government can take proper action in that regard. After visiting the site, they address meeting and advise Muslims of Sukkur not to be agitated as the Government is serious to resove the problem accordingly. (Source:Inquiry Report).
    26.4,1939: The Committee of three Engineers consistng of Hindu, Muslim and Eroupean is appointed by the Chief Minister for the inspection of buildings. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    05.05.1939: Hakim Tajuddin, Acting President of the Sukkur  Ithad-e-Milat writes to Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon requesting him to take interest in the matter of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    06.05.1939: The Committee of three Engineers submit their report to the Government that supported the Muslim case about the Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    11.5.1939: K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, the Chief Minister of Sindh meets a deputation of Hindu leaders at Sukkur and shares idea that the compound will be partitioned. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    12.5.1939: Some Muslims of Sukkur effected on entry into Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers).
    19.5.1939: Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon visits Sukkur and meets various representatives of Muslim Associations. He agrees that the demand of Muslims of Sukkur is justified.He declares support to Sukkur Muslims’ demand regarding restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: The Daily Al-Waid, Karachi).
    25.5.1939: The Mahant of Sadh Belo writes to the Premier Soomro protesting against any reopening of the Masjid Manzilgah question and doubts that it would be source of damage to the peace of Sukkur. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    04.06.1939: Sindh Muslim League adopts resolution on Masjid Manzilgah issue and demands its restoration. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    09.6.1939:Nihchaldas, Minister for PWD records minutes stating his belief that Muslim claim do not seems to bonafide and advises to be consulted before any orders are passed. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    July 1939: Sindh Muslim League’s Working Committee meets in Karachi under chairmanship of Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi and adopts resolution demanding restoration of Masjid Manzilgah and outlines a plan for province-wise agitation to achieve the end. It is also decided that Fund be raised to collect Rs.50,000, including recruitment of 10,000 volunteers for this purpose.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    12.6.1939: Nihchaldas, Sindh Minister for PWD visits the site of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers).
    29.6.1939: In course of its editorial, the Daily Al-Wahid criticises the the polcy and stand of Sindh Jamiat-ul-Ulema and its leaders Moulana Muhammad Saidk of Khada and Hakim Fatih Muhammad Sehwani on Masjid Manzilgah issue. The paper says that they have advised their party-men belonging to  Sukkur not to take part in any agitation in this regard. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    13.7.1939: Son of Pir of Bharchondi states that he has been assaulted in Sukkur town by Hindus. (Source: Newspapers).
    22.07.1939: K.B.Khuhro presides over the meeting of Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee at Karachi and calls Muslim Members of Sindh Assembly to withdraw their support of the Allah Bux Government, and form an alternative government. (Source: Newspapers).
    23.7.1939: The meeting of the Restoration Committee is held at Sukkur with K.B.Khuhro in chair. It is attended by Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, Nazar Ali Khan; Dr.Yameen; Pir of Bharchondi and Shaikh Wajid.It was decided that 18th August will be observed as ‘Masjid Manzilgah Day’. It also calls upon Muslim members of Assembly to withdraw their support to the Government if it still avoids to restore Masjid Manzilgah.(Inquiry Report).
    24.7.1939: Hindu deputations from Ubaoro and Mirpur Mathelo meet the District Magistrate and stated that they had no part in the assualt of son of Pir of Bharchondi, therfore there should be no reprisals against them. The expressed  that reprisals would be directed against Bhagat Kanwar Ram. (Source; Inquiry Report).
    29.7.1939: Kothawala, District Magistrate addresses meeting of Hindu and Muslim leaders at the Town Hall, Sukkur and urges them to abandon communal feelings and live together in peace. (source: Newspapers).
    31.7.1939: K.B.Soomro, Premier visits Sukkur, calls meeting to attempt a settlement of the beating of son of Bharchondi Pir. (Source: Newspapers).
    03.08.1939: The Daily Al-Wahid in its course of editorial comments on the meeting and decision taken by the Working  Committee of the Sindh Provincial Muslim League and supports  strategy of the party regarding restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    08.08.1939: Newspapers carry an appeal of the Secretary of the Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee, in which Muslims of Sindh are asked to take part in the movement. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid,Karachi).
    17.08.1939: Sindh Governor, Graham while writing to the Viceroy of India describes Masjid Manzilgah is as ‘a possible source of trouble’.(Source: Sindh Governor’s fortnightly report to the Viceroy). Daily Al-Wahid of Karachi, in course of its editorial attacks Hakim Fatih Muhammad Sehwani and his paper ‘Islah’ for advising Sindhi Muslims not to take part in agitation aimed at restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    18.8.1939: ‘Masjid Manzilgah Day’ is observed in the length and breadth of Sindh on the call of Sindh Provincial Muslim League.Threats were held out of resort to Satyagraha and Civil disobedience and also to a campaign for overthrow of the present Ministry. (Source: ‘Source-‘Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute)
    19.8.1939: The Sindh Zamindar, newspaper of Sukkur claims that ‘Sadh Belo’ was originally ‘Shad Belo’ means a place where guests and travelers are provided lodging and boarding facilities. It was latter on occupied by Hindus and converted into their political, religious and social hide out. (Source: Sindh Zamindar, Sukkur).
    27.08.1939: Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee meets at Karachi and asks All-India Muslim League for sanction/permission for starting movement for disobedience. (Source: Newspapers).
    10.9.1939: Moulana Azizullah, Nazim JUI District Tharparkar asks his party-men not to indulge in Masjid Manzilgah issue and wait till the policy matter is announced by the Sindh Jamiat-ul-Ulema. (Source: Newspapers). A meeting of the Jamiat Mujadiyah is held in which it is declared that participation in the Movement for Restoration of Masjid Manzilgah is religious duty. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    12.9.1939: Under the title ‘The Future of Masjid Manzilgah’, the daily Al-Wahid advises Government to resolve the issue without fail. (Source: Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    16.09.1939: Restoration Committee and war Committee are abolished by the Sindh Muslim League and Dictator is set up. Shaikh Wajid of Shikarpur takes over as the first Dictator.(Source: Inquiry Report).Sukkur Muslims take out procession in Sukkur and demand restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers).
    19.9.1939: Galbraith, the D.S.P writes to the Inspector of Police informing him about the decision of the Restoration Committee to start agitation/Satyagraha from  the 1st October 1939.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    20.9.1939: A public meeting of Muslims is held at village Abdul Aziz of Taluka Matli with Pir Ghulam Ali Jilani in chair. In this meeting it is demanded that ban be imposed upon  Hakim Fatih Muhammad Sehwani’s paper ‘Islah’ and it is also resolved that people of Matli Taluka will participate in the agitation started for the restoration of Masjd Manzilgah. (source: Al-Wahid).
    21.9.1939: K.B.Khuhro writes to the Sindh Governor requesting him to take personal interest in the matter as the Government of K.B.Soomro is not ready to pay heed. (Source: ‘Khuhro’s Letters’).
    22.9.1939: Dr.Muhammad Umar, President of Ahrar Sukkur announces participation of his party in agitation. (Source: Newspapers).
    23.9.1939: Volunteers from Dabhro, Kandyaro and Mihrapur proceed to Sukkur. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    24.9.1939: The Daily Al-Wahid of Karachi, in course of editorial, asks Sindhi Muslims to take part in the Movement for the Restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    25.9.1939: Press Note is issued by the Sindh Government on the Masjid Manzilgah issue. It reads: ‘ Government have been approached from several quarters for an early decision regarding the Manzilgah building alleged to be a mosque and rest-house at Sukkur. Government desire to say that this question is receiving their consideration, and that the matter will be disposed of as soon as may be, on a consideration, strictly, of the merits of the case.
    Government understand that it is proposed to stage a ‘Satyagraha’ from the 1st October 1939, with a view to securing the transfer of the  Manzilgah to the Muslims. Government need hardly emphasize that a matter of such controversy, as the disposal of the Manzilgah, should be decided in a calm atmosphere and on a dispassionate consideration of what every party interested in the matter has got to stay.
    It is, therefore, the considered opinion of the Government that it is in the interest of everyone concerned  that the leaders of the Muslim community interested in this question should not launch  ‘satyagraha’, but should wait for the decision of Government. And Government request all concerned in the matter to crate the atmosphere which is necessary for the consideration and disposal of a matter of this import’. (Source: Press Note No.P-237. Signed by T.C.Thadhani, Director of Information, Sindh)
    26.9.1939: Sindh Government imposes Section 144 for two months. (Source: Newspapers).
    27.9.1939: Sindh Premier K.B.Soomro is in Shikarpur. He visits Shaikh Wajid and try to make him realize that that Masjid Manzilgah matter can be resolved and he should not insists upon now or never. (Source: “Source-Material on K.B. Allah Bux Soomro’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute). At Sukkur the wall of the Masjid Manzilgah compound is raised from two to five feet. (Source: Newspapers).
    29.09.1939: Restoration Committee passes resolution calling for commencement of Satyagaraha/Disobedience within three days unless a settlement was reached. (Source: Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).Moulana Abdul Karim Chishti of Shikarpur advises Government of being serious to resolve the issue of Masjid Manzilgah. His article is published in Al-Wahid, today. (Source: Al-Wahid).Pir Ghulam Mujadid issues detailed statement from Matiari asking his followers to paticipate in the Movement for restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    01.10.1939:K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, the Premier of Sindh holds talks with Muslim League leaders Hindu Leaders at Sukkur. It is attended by Haji Abdullah Haroon, Dealmal and Partabrai. But no agreement is reached. Sindh Muslim League launches Movement for the restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. Within two hours 313 agitators  are arrested. This  figure was adopted as  reminiscent of the first Islamic battle of Badar. The arrested persons included Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sarhandi, Pir Abdul Aziz, grandson of Agha Hassan Jan Sarhandi, thirty six Syeds, eleven Moulvis and three Hafizes of Quran. One Thousand volunteers, including sixty women were present in the camp to offer Satyagraha. Other 800 hundred persons were arrested but they were subsequently released.   (Source:  ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).Section 144, Criminal Procedure Code is re-imposed in Sukkur. In all 339 persons are arrested in Sukkur. (Source: Newspapers).
    02.10.1939:Two thousand people gather at the site of Masjid Manzilgah and push past the police and occupy Mosque building. 551 Volunteer-agitators  arrested reported at Sukkur (Source: Newspapers). In his report the Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh writes that ‘A sum of about Rs.2,400 was collected for the furtherance of the agitation and the seriousness of the position compelled the District Magistrate, Sukkur to issue an order under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code. At the intervention of Government, however, the order was withdrawn and it was hoped that the issue of an official statement to the Press that Government were giving the matter full consideration would prevent the threats of Satyagraha, etc., from taking concrete shape. Negotiation between Government and the leaders of the agitation are still in progress but at the time of writing intimation has been received from Sukkur  that one of the leaders of the agitation has precipitated the crisis and that section 144, CPC, has been re-promulgated.(Source: No.P-25-H-S/39,dt: 2.10.1939).
    03.10.1939: More 300 Volunteers are arrested. However, volunteers succeed in occupying the outer compound of the site. On the plea that the Jails are full with arrested people and there is no more food to feed prisoners, the Chief Minister gives orders through the Sukkur District Magistrate that all Satyagarahis be released and  police force be withdrawn from the site.The Restoration Committee issues Press Release giving number of volunteers those have arrived today in Sukkur. It is told that 23 volunteers from Kandyaro headed by Budhal Shah, 24 from Rohri under the leadership of Mahdi Shah, 57 headed by Abu Shoukat and 100 volunteers from Sultankot under leadership of Agha Ghulam Nabi Pathan have arrived to take part in agitation. (Source: Inquiry Report & Newspapers). Moulana Zafar Ali Khan addressing public meeting in Lahore demands restoration of Masjid Manzilgah (Source: Newspapers).The Dawat-i-Islam, Muslim paper of Sukkur deplores the negative role of Hindu Press. (Source: The Dawat-i-Islam, Sukkur).
    04.10.1939: 500 volunteers keep possession of the building. Police is withdrawn. Arrested Children and women are released. (Source: Newspapers).
    05.10.1939: Sindh Governor Graham informs the Viceroy of India that Haji Abdullah Haroon and K.B.Muhammad Ayub Khuhro are very much involved in Masjid Manzilgah issue (Source: Sindh Governor’s fortnightly Report to the Viceroy of India). Volunteers from Halani proceed to Sukkur. (Source: Al-Wahid).
    06.10.1939: Six hundred volunteers including Seth Muhammad Ismail Memon, Hakim Atta Muhammad Bhatti and Hafiz Abdul Majeed are arrested in Sukkur.(Source: Al-Wahid, Karachi). Today, in course of its editorial, the Al-Wahid deplores the negative role being played bu Hindu Press regarding the Masjid Manzilgah issue. (Source: Al-Wahid, Karachi).
    07.10.1939: Sindh Government issues policy statement on the Masjid Manzilgah issue. It is said that Government is very much serious, but cannot play in others’ hands. (Source: Newspapers). The Restoration  Committee  appoints ‘War Council’  foe enrolling volunteers for the proposed Satyagraha at Karachi for picketing the residence of Muslim Ministers. (Source: The Alwahid,Karachi).
    08.10.1939: The meeting of Sukkur Muslim League demands resignation of Abdul Sattar Pirzada, Parliamentary Secretary on a plea that he is not playing due role in the movement. (Source: Newspapers). The ‘Sindhi’ newspaper of Sukkur, edited by eminent Freedom Fighter and politician Veromal Begraj advises Hindus that they should find protection for themselves. (Source: Sindhi, Sukkur).
    10.10.1939: Haji Abdullah Haroon in his letter  apprise M.A.Jinnah of the situation that ‘I have tried to dissuade Muslims from stong action, but now they have declared Satyagaraha and are intend on throwing Allah Bux out’. (Source: Inquary Report). Veromal Begraj makes representation to the Government that volunteers in possession of the Manzilgah have started making serious alterations to the building, and it must be stopped at once. (Source :Sindhi, Veromal’s paper). Pickets are placed in the Rohri Division. District Magistrate writes to apprise Chief Secretary of the serious and critical situation. (Source:Inquiry Report).
    12.10.1939: Hindu Conference is held at Sukkur with Dr.Moonji of Nagpur in chair. The Conference took serious notice of the Sukkur affairs and asks Government to protect innocent people and restore law & order in the district. (Source: Indian Annual Register, Voi-2,1939). Muhammad Hashim Gazdar,MLA, while addressing a Muslim meeting at Eidgah Maidan Karachi, in his anti-British and anti-Ministerial speech says that  telegrams were received from  Quetta, Lahore, Peshawar and Bombay with offers of volunteers, but we have nothing to fear like the Hindus who do not know whether they will transmigrate themselves into a cat or what after death. We Muslim live as Ghazi and die to become martyr. (Source: The Sindh observer).
    13.10.1939: All agitators arrested and detained in connection with Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Movement are released by the Collector of Sukkur. (Source: Inquiry Report). The meeting of Hindus of Sukkur is hold at Nim-Jo-Chowk, situation is reviewed and it is resolved to retaliate any action taken by Muslims with iron hand. (Source; Newspapers). Under the auspices of the Hindu Sabha a meeting is held at Sukkur. Speakers say that Hindus were perfectly within their rights in opposing the  forces of evil, that Sadh Bella had been in existence for 118 years, that the Hindus would not behave like cowards but would show feats of valour and would die fighting and that Government had proved itself worthless. Hindus are urged  to boycott Muslims, requesting them not to waste good Hindu money on their enemies. (Source: The Sansar Samachar).
    14.10.1939:Sindh Muslim League had decided picketing the ministers’ homes. Keeping in view the critical law and order situation,the Governor of Sindh promulgates an Ordinance giving powers to local authorities to arrest without warrant who so ever is found involved in creating law & order situation.(Source: The Ordinance). Handsome number of volunteers from G.M.Syed’s village Saan proceed to Sukkur. (Source: Newspapers). A meeting is held by Sukkur Hindus in which violent speeches are made and it is decided to boycott of Muslim shops.(Source: Ibd). The hartal is observed in Karachi by Muslim Shopkeepers and a procession is taken out to press Government for the restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. In a Press Release of the War Council, it is told that 800 volunteers , including 200 women have been enrolled. (Source: The Alwahid, Karachi).
    15.10.1939: The meeting of the Working Committee of the Sindh Muslim League is held at Karachi tio review and discuss the strategy regarding the Movement for restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers). Kothawala, District Magistrate refutes allegation of Veromal Begraj that serious alterations are being made to the building. (Source: Newspapers). In a meeting of Arya Samaj, held at Karachi, Shamdas P. Gidwani moves a resolution protesting against the illegal occupation of the Manzilgah and urging the Hindu Mahasabha to depute an Enquiry Committee to investigate into the conditions of Hindus. (Source: The Sindh Observer).
    16.10.1939: A private meeting of Hindus is held at Sadh Bella and it is decided to send Hindu Sabha leaders to every  district in Sindh in order to create Sindh-wide  agitation against the restoration of the Manzilgah to Muslims. The Sukkur District Congress Committee also decides that District and Congress MPAs should tour the district of Sindh making  known to the Hindu public that Congress was opposed to the return of the Manzalgah to the Muslims. (Source: The Sindhi, Sukkur). On account of the spilt among the Muslims one Sadiq Ali Shah threatens to picket the houses of K.B. Khuhro and Muhammad Hashim Gazdar, if any compromise with Government was arrived at.  (Source: Newspapers).
    17.10.1939: The meeting is held at Larkano to review the policy and other matters relating to the ‘Restoration of Masjid Mazilgah’. It is attended by K.B.Muhammad Ayub Khuhro, Kazi Fazlullah and others. (Source; The Daily Al-Waheed, Karachi). A public  meeting of Muslims is held at Sukkur. Speakers claim that  the Sadh Bello  was in possession  of Muslims till 1828 and that the wall round the Masjid Manzilgah  was constructed recently at a cost of Rs.700 by Muslims and that the Chief Minister  had also contributed towards that fund. The resolution is passed  protesting against the deportation of  Moulvi Amir Ahmad Jodhpuri from Sindh. (Source: ibid). 
    18.10.1939: Haji Abdullah Haroon and K.B.Khuhro meet K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, the Premier of Sindh to discuss with him matters relating to the Masjid Manzigah issue. They lodged protest with him on the arrest of Kazi Fazlullah at Ruk station today.(Source: Newspapers).
    19.10.1939: Consequent upon evication of Manzilgah  and camping arround by police, disturbances break in Sukkur which afterwards spread to the villages. (Source: Newspapers).
    20.10.1939: Volunteers started arriving at Sukkur. (Source:Press Release issued by the Secretary Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee).
    22.10.1939: The Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League approves the action/decision of Sindh Muslim League for the way Satyagraha was carried out and also appoints Committee to visit Sindh and investigate the issue. (Source: Muslim League Papers)
    23.10.1939: A Pamphlet is published and distributed by Khemchand Gahnomal in Sukkur. It contains material condemning the Government of Sindh’s weak policy regarding very serious iss of the Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: Pamphlet).
    24.10.1939: The Ordinance would be withdrawn if the Muslim League calls off Satyagaraha and evacuate the building, Government of Sindh declares it terms.(Source: Inquiry Report).
    26.10.1939: Sindh Government holds Conference that is attended by K.B Allah Bux Soomro, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, Chief Secretary and the District Magisrate of Sukkur. The strategy for evacuation of building is set. (Source: Inquiry Report)
    27.10,1939: The District Magistrate of Sukkur District issues notice to the members of the Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee asking them to evacuate the site. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).Moulana Khush Muhammad from Mirokhan, Agha Ghulam Nabi from Sultankot and Syed Raza Ali Shah from Khipro along with volunteers proceed to Sukkur. (Source: Newspapers).
    29.10.1939: Under the leadership of Shaikh Wajid, 115 volunteers proceed to Sukkur from Shikarpur. (Source: Newspapers).
    30.10.1939: Sindh Governor informs Viceroy of India (Linlithgow) that with promulgation of Ordinance and reinstitution of Section 144, arrests of Muslims had resumed in Karachi. (Governor’s Fortnightly Report to the Viceroy).
    01.11.1939: Outstanding Singer, Saint and Social Reformer Bhagat Kanwar is killed at Ruk station. (Source: Biography on Shaheed Bagat Kanwar Ram).
    02.11.1939: Complete hartal is observed in Sukkur. Processions are taken out and Sindh Government is condemned for lawlessness and murder of Bhagat Kanwar Ram (Source: Newspapers). The Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh in his Report of 22nd November 1939 writes that ‘ The dead body of Bhagat Kanwar Ram was taken in a procession . In spite of the District Magistrate’s orders the procession also went past the Manzilgah which is still occupied by Muslims. By this time the crowed had swelled to 10,000. The leaders of the procession had vanished by this time and the more or less rebellious  crowd shouted slogans.  However, the occupants of the Manzilgah remained quite. (Source: indicated)
    03.11.1939: The Sindh Observer, newspaper, carries report from its Sukkur Correspondent on the murder of Bhagat Kanwar (source: Sindh Observer).  Sindh observes Hartal. A condolence meeting on the murder of Bhagat Kanwar Ram is held at Jacobabad. Muhammad Amin Khoso, MLA, speaking on the occasion says that the murder of Kanwar Ram, like all other troubles, had been engineered  by  some secret Government agent in order to bring the two communities into conflict. Hyderabad observes hartal to protest against the murder of Bhagat Kanwar Ram. In Karachi, Arya Samaj volunteers clothed in black and carrying  spears and pick-axes take out procession to protest against the murder of Bhagat Kanwar Ram. One speaker said that this murder was a challenge to the Hindus who should organize themselves to oppose the anti-Hindu  element and to support the Arya Vir Dal with men and money.(Source: Newspapers). On the eve of  Juma prayers are held Eidgah Maidan, Karachi, Mirza Adam Khan says that it was astonishing that when the Hannuman Temple  and the Om Mandli issues cropped up Muslims  remained reticent;  but the Hindus were allowed to interfere in the Manzilgah issue because the Sindh Premier seemed to think that the Muslims were a lifeless community. He said that when the Hindus said anything  the Premier  endorsed it like a signing machine.. Juma prayers are also held at the Sukkur Manzilgah. After prayers the congregation is addressed  by some Moulvis who warned  Muslims against purchasing food from Hindu hotels, because they might be beaten by Jathas deployed by Hindus there. (Source: Newspapers).
    04.11.1939: Leaflet signed by Mr. Takur of Shikarpur  is distributed in the city. It claims that the Muslims shrine of Zinda Pir situated at a small island in Indus between Old Sukkur and Rohri was in  reality a Hindu shrine and was taken focible possession of  by Muslims many years ago. The leaflet further proclaimed that the Hindus were distressed over the Muslim possession of Zinda Pir and urged the Hindu MLAs and others to fid the island of Muslims. (Source: Leaflet).
    05.11.1939:The spilt in the Masjd Manzilgah Restoration Committee is intensified. It was only after great opposition from G.M.Syed, MLA, that the Restoration Committee decides to accept with certain modifications the proposals of Government.  G.M.Syed  strongly opposed the proposed  Haroon- Khuhro agreement with Government and threatened to carry on Satyagraha  himself if the terms offered by the Premier  are accepted by Muslim League. G.M.Syed, continued to criticize the Sindh Government and have said that the Muslims will on no account surrender the Mosque to non-Muslims and if force was used against them, the injuction of Islam ‘to treat others as they treat you’ would be observed, Government being  held responsible for any disturbances which might occur. (Source: As reported in the Report of the Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh. Dated:22.11.1939). The meeting of the Rohri Panchayat is held to review the critical situation.It is decided to boycott Muslim  meat shops and submit petition for getting permission from the Collector to open meat shops on their own for Hindus  (Source: Newspapers).
    07.11.1939: The Special meeting of the advocates is called at Sukkur  by Hindus. (Source: Newspapers).
    08.11.1939: The Arya Sabha, Karachi sends an appeal for funds to their Naironi Branch for relieving distress among the Hindus who suffered in riots. (Source: Chief Secretary’s Report, dt.13.1.1940).
    10.11.1939: 1500 persons  attends  the Juma prayers  at Sukkur Masjid Manzilgah . Agha Nazar Ali addresses the congregation after prayers and urged them to remain peaceful and ignore provocative tactics on the part of the Hindus (Source: Newspapers).Dr. Choitram Gidwani and Professor Ghanshyamdas of Sindh Congress visits Sukkur. (Source: Sindh Observer). Hindus have started boycott of Muslims, the newspaper of Sukkur, Dawat-i-Islam reports.(Source: The Dawat-i-Islam, Sukkur).
    14.11.1939: The Dharam Veer, Hindu paper condemns Government policy regarding Masjid Manzilgah and law & order situation in Sukkur. (Source: The Dharam Veer).
    15.11.1939: The Sindh Muslim League Restoration Committee meets in Sukkur to examine and discuss the Government’s offer for the resolving of the Masjid Manzilghah issue. In this meeting the Secretary complained that local members of the Committee  had forcibly seized Rs. 400 collected on Eid day. This was followed by an accusation of Hitlerism again the Secretary who promptly resigned, new Secretary elected being G.M.Syed, MLA. (Source: Newspapers). At an Arya Samaj meeting Principal Ram Sahai Gangaram mixed communalism with religion and said that the communal trouble at Sukkur was likely to reach Karachi, and that Arya Samajist should get a Lathi and knife  for self-defence. He was promptly sent for by the District Magistrate who warned him against making such speeches, failing which action would be taken agaist him. Another speaker exhorted the audience to enlist in the Hindu Volunteer Corps as he alleged that the police force was not strong enough to safeguard Hindu interests. (Source: Reported by the Chief Secretary, on 12.12.1939). One Kundalmal of Hyderabad distributes short iron Dandas amongist the local Hindus at Hyderabad and offers another 50 to the Arya Samaj of Hyderabad (Source: The Sansar Samachar).
    16.11.1939: The Anjuman Jameat-ul-Akhwan  of Karachi and the Provincial Sanatam Dharm Sabha, of Punjab have decided to send their volunteers to Sukkur to give their respective communities support & relief.. (Source: Newspapers). The ‘Hayat’, in its issue of today, writing in communal strain, accuses the Sindh Ministry of dancing at a back and call of Hindus,  who in order to eliminate Muslims were endeavouring to usurp Muslim right to so great an extent that they were now interfering in the religious affairs of the Muslims. The ‘Qurbani’ in its issue of today, in a communal strain alleging that  the Sindhi Muslims  were making daily attacks against the life, honour and property of Hindusand that as the Sindh Government had failed to protect them, it had proved itself incapable of governing. (Source: indicated).
    17.11.1939: About 1500 Muslims attend Juma prayer in the Manzilgah Mosque and are addressed there-after by Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sarhandi of Shikarpur, who exhorts the Satyagrahis to remain firm at their posts and only allow the police to take possession of the Mosque at the cost of their lives. The situation continued to be tense and was aggravated by the behaviour of the Hindu Sabha volunteers who were strutting  about in streets in Khaki dress.(Source: The Report of the Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh).  Five Sub-Inspectors, 160 additional police and teargas Squad arrive at Sukkur in furtherance of the evacuation scheme. (Source: Newspapers). Swami Dutt presides over the meeting of local branch of Arya Samaj, at Kambar. He eulogises  the past powers of Hindus and advises participants to face the situation with boldness. (source: Newspapers). The ‘Asr-i-Jadid’ contains  an editorial strongly criticising the speech of Dr. Moonji at the Hindu Conference  held at Sukkur recently (Source: indicated- This may kindly be noted that the Conference was for Hindus only  and a Christian shorthand reporter  was not permitted to enter the pandal, while even two Hindu reporters were refused entry on the pretext that all tickets had been sold.)
    18.11.1939: Servants of People Society of Lahore takes notice of distress among the Hindus of Upper Sindh and decides to provide financial and moral support to them. (Source: Newspapers, and see also The Report of the Sindh Chief Secretary, dt.13.1.1940).
    19.11.1939:  Manzalgah area is evacuated by force. G.M.Syed and other leaders are arrested in Sukkur.Violence erupts in Sukkur city. Nine dead bodies are brought to Civil Hospital, four of whom were Muslims and five Hindus. Six persons brought injured deied later on and they were three Muslims and three Hindus. (Source: Inquiry Report). The Chief Secretary reports that ‘ Stray assualts  on unwary persons occurred during the day. A Moulvi was killed inside his house by a sowrd –thrust. The sword was left by the culprits in the body of their victom presumbly as a reply to the murder of Bhagat Kanwar Ram.Curfew is imposed for twenty four hours in the city.(Source: Reort, dated 19.12.1939).
    20.11.1939: Eleven injured persons and eleven dead bodies are received at the Civil Hospital, Sukkur.Two of injured were Muslims and nine were Hindus, and  seven dead bodies were of Hindus and four of Muslims.Two more injured Hindus died in the hospital. A deputation of six Hindu leaders asks Kothawala, District Magistrate of Sukkur to post Hindu poilce in Muslim quarters to protect Hindus. (Source: Inquiry Report). The ‘Islah’, in its issue of todat contained a leader  condemning Hindu propaganda against Muslims and opined that a Civil War would result if such propaganda continued. (Sourec: indicated). Today a notice is served under rule 41 (1) (a) of the  Defence of India  Rules on all newspapers in Sindh requiring  them to submit  all matters relating to the Mazilgah agitation and its outcome and all references to Bhagat Kanwar Ram;s murder  to the securitny  of the Provincial Press Adviser or the District Press Advisers of their respective districts. (Source: Chief Secretary’s Report, dated 12.12.1939). [The Sindh Muslim League/Haji Abdullah Haroon directed Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi to shift his propaganda cell to Lahore, where he also got support from other Provincial Muslim League branches and conducted most virulent propaganda. The ‘Zamindar’, ‘Ahsan’and ‘Shahbaz’ newspapers published articles on Sukkur riots and held  the Sindh Government responsible for the disturbanse . Joint statements of Yousif Abdullah Haroon Haroon and Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi were carried by Punjab Muslim Press to help Sindhi Muslims. ]
    21.11.1939: Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy of the India writes to Sir Lancelot Graham, the Governor of Sindh that ‘I need not add that in regard to any situation of delicacy or difficulty, such as the Manzilgah Mosque case, I should wish to be kept in touch by urgent telegram, so that I can myself keep the Secretary of State in touch and avoid parliamentary difficulty which may otherwise on occasion arise’. (Source: indicated). Meeting is called by Mr.Kothawala of Hindus and Muslim leaders in his office to review the situation. Hindus demand imposition of Martial law in Sukkur. Meanwhile five injured [3 Muslims & 2 Hindus] and four dead bodies [3 Hindus & 01 Muslim] are brought to the Sukkur Hospital. (Sources: Inquiry Report , Newspapers). Trouble spread to Rohri where four Hindus were killed , and to mofussil, where the Mukhi og Goserji and Sanghi were murdered.(Source: Chief Secretary’s Report). The Mayor of Karachi, R.K.Sidhwa calls a meeting of prominent Muslim and Hindu citizens to allay the fear of a disturbance. Hashim Gazdar, MLA and member of the Restoration Committee issues statement to the press and makes appeal for suspension of the Satyagraha. (Source: Newspapers).As an off-shoot of the trouble at Sukkur the returning Satyagrahis displaced a rail between Saan and Khuman in District Dadu on the N.W.Railway. The fish plates were removed  as well as 25 dog-spikes holding it to sleepers. Six  sleepers were also found burning at thee different places between Tirath Laki and Amri. About forty members  of the Arya Vir Dal,  of Hyderabad organised on Khaksar lines  paraded with Lathi. It was decided by their meeting that to form an organisation for protection of Hindus. The Young Bhaiband Club of Hyderabad, Amil Shewa Dal of Hyderabad also took same decision and enrolled volunteers and collected subscriptions. (Source:The Report of the Chief Secretary. Dated 12.12.1939). The ‘Hayat’, in its issue of today reports falsely that a Jat Sikh Regiment  attacked  innocent wayfarer Muslims with bayonets and that Hindu officers instigated Hindus against Muslims. The paper further says that the Hindus of Sukkur  were waiting for an opprotunity to run madly towards the city and plunder  Muslim shops and set fire to Muslim houses . It was all false. (Source: indicated). The ‘Kumar’ in its issue of today alleged that  Muslim police  at Sukkur failed to prevent  Muslim rioters from attacking  Hindus and burning Hindu houses  and even helped Muslims to do so. (Source: indicated). The ‘Sansar Samachar’ in its issue of today  in lengthy article entitled ‘ An Open Letter To His Excellency Sir Lancelot Graham, Governor of Sindh’, commenting on communal events in Sindh stated that the Hindus had to pay the penalty of the Manzilgah- a dispute between Government and the Muslims and appealed to Governor to interfere in the matter and protect the life and property of Hindus. (Source: indicated).
    22.11.1939: Six injured persons and two dead bodies of Muslims are brought to the Sukkur Civil Hospital (Source: Inquiry Report). Railway Telephone wires between Manjhand and Kotri are cut. Some Sleepers on Bridge No.418 bettween Saan and Amri are found burning. (Source: Chief Secretary’s Report of dated 12.12.1939).
    23.11.1939: A Panchayat in Larkana District  requests the Shriromani Akali Dal of Amratsar to send five Akalis who will be paid Rs.15 per month as salary for four months.Some of the  Hindus of the Gordhandas Cloth Market of Karachi, who were  regular customers of a Muslim newspaper vender, refused to purchase papers from him.  (Source: The Report of the Chief Secretary, Sindh, dated 12.12.1939).
    24.11.1939: A railway telegraph post and the wires are again cut between Sabu Rahu and Sakrand is knocked down and the wires cut. (Source: As reported by the Chief Secretary on 12.12.1939). The ‘Ahsan’ of Lahore, in nits issue of today, published a poem entitled ‘Manzilgah’. This paper also contains article on Manzilgah issue, criticizing the Sindh Government, demanding the restoration of the Mosque, the resignation of the Sindh Ministry, the grant of compensation to the relatives of Muslim killed in the riots and appointment of a Inquiry Committee.(Sourse: indicated).
    25.11.1939: Two persons are killed on shop at Sindh Wah, Shikarpur. (Source: Newspapers). Telegraph wires are again cut between Amri and Saan.(Source: As reported by the Chief Secretary on 12.12.1939).
    26.11.1939: The Bombay Muslim League has requested the Sindh Muslim League to send it daily report  regarding the happenings in Sindh arising out of the Sukkur Masjid Manzilgah agitation.(Source: ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).
    01.12.1939: Sikhs from Quetta has appealed to the President, Shromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, Amratsar, to prevent the Muslims from taking possession of the Sukkur Sadhbelo, which they allege was a Gurdwara. They also threaten to bring into Sindh a Jatha of 300 men with Kirpans in order to protect Sadhbela and lay down their lives for the cause of their religion. (Source: Newspapers). The ‘Inqlab’ of Lahore has published  a statement of Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi condemning  the Sindh Ministry for the oppression of the Muslims  involved in the Manzilgah agitation, accusing Hindus of having delivered provocating speeches at the Sindh Hindu Conference, held at Sukkur just previously, and requesting  the Sindh Governor to dissolve  the Sindh Legislative Assembly and order fresh election. Pir Ali Muhammad Shah had escaped arrest in Sindh and is at present in Punjab. The ‘Shahbaz’ of Lahore, today, has published  resolution passed  at a Muslim League meeting at Peshawar condemning  the Sindh Ministry for the communal disturbances at Sukkur. The ‘Sindh Observer’ has taken objection to Punjab Muslim Press propaganda. The ‘Al-Islam’ of Quetta published ‘ Martyrs issue’  and cotain articles in a communal strain on the Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: indicated).
    02.12.1939: Reports have gone  to Amirtsar Gurdwar in which it has been falsely alleged that nearly  two hundred children were burnt alive during the Sukkur riots. Appeals have been made to Sikh community at Amirtsar to send Jathas to help the Hindus, who were prepared to pay expenses  and co-operate secretly  with Jathas. Bhai Parmanand of Lahore is taking personal interest in the protection of Sindh Hindus. He is in touch with Shamdas P. Gidwani  of Sindh Hindu Sabha. The Some of Sindhi Hindu communal leaders  have sent letters to Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Pandit  Jawaherlal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose that  the Muslim ministers were persecuting  Hindu villages and also that the womenfolk of the Hindu community were molested by Muslim ruffians. (Sindh Home Department’s Report). The ‘Ehsan’ and the ‘Shahbaz’  of Lahore contain resolutions passed at Quetta condemining  the Sindh Ministry  for its anti-Muslim policy and demanding  the restoration of the Manzilgah. (Source: indicated).
    03.12.1939: The meeting of the Working Committee of the District Muslim League, Shikarpur adopts resolution that Hindu villagers intended to involve innocent Muslims in court cases arising of the Sukkur riots and Government is urged to look into matter. (Source: Newspaper). Mr. Viromal Begraj, President, Sindh Hidu Sabha has requested the leaders of the Hindu Maha Sabha like Dr. Moonji, Mr. V.D. Savarkar and others to visit Sukkur and conduct enquirs into the atrocities perpetrrated on Hindus by Muslims. (Source:The Sindh Observer). The ‘Shahbaz’ paper of Lahore, in its issue of today publishes an account of riots at Sukkur in which it says  that propaganda maligning the Muslims was carried by Hindus ever  since the Sukkur Manzilgah agitation was started. (Source: indicated). The ‘Al-Wahid’, The ‘Qurbani’, The ‘Dharamvir’, The ‘ DAwat-i-Islam’, The ‘Sindhi’ and the ‘Zamindar’ newspapers  served Notices under Section 144 of the C.P.C, directing the editors to refrain from publishing any articles in connection with the Manzilgah agitation for a period of one month. (Chief Secretary’s Report of 12.12.1939).
    04.12.1939: A Muslim meeting is held at Larkano at which the speakers requested the audience to volunteer their names for Sukkur agitation in case Government failed to restore the Manzilgah Mosque to Muslims. A complete hartal was also observed by Muslim businessmen as a mark of displeasure against the Government attitude.(Source: Newspapers). The Sanatan Dharam Pritinidhi Sabha of Lahore decides to send a batch of volunteers to help the Hindus of Sindh. (The ‘Partab’, Lahore).
    05.12.1939: Basantram Motwani, President Sukkur Municipalty writes to Inspector-General –General of Police giving details of vicitmization of Hindus of Sukkur. (Source: Inquiry Report).Valecha of the Sukkur district Congress Committee issues /produce a pamphlet written to the Sindh Premier. It is based on oral representations made by the Sukkur Panchayat. (Source: Pamphlet). At an Arya Samaj meeting in Karachi, speakers advise the audience to develop physical strength in order to be in position to protect Hindu community. One of speakers alleged that  after looting the Hindus in Shikarpur, their womenfolk were burn alive. Handbills issued by Mr. Shamdas P. Gidwani were distributed on this ocassion in which Hindu women and children were advised not to leave their houses after sunset. Such a type of meetings are reported from Larkano and Hyderabad also. (Source: Newspapers). A pamphlet  entitled , ‘Why Bloodshed in Sindh?’ by Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi, printed at Lahore is distributed in various cities of Sindh. It reviews Sindh affairs  from the Muslim League point of view and criticising the present Ministry, alleges that the bloodshed and lawlessness which occurred on the Sukkur Manzilgah  question was due to the fact that present Ministry were afraid of losing their Hindu following. The Pamphlet further alleges that the Ministry is in custody and at the mercy of the Hindu party.( This Pamphlet was forefeited under the Press Act, on 09.12,1939). The ‘Zamindar’ of Lahore contains a letter from an unknown MLA of Sindh, conveying thanks to the Punjab Muslims, and says that while the Sindh Government had gagged  the Muslim press in Sindh,  the Hindu press continued in indulging in anti-Muslim propaganda. This letter demands payment of compensation to Muslim sufferers and the release of Manzilgah prisoners.( Source: indicated). [It is doubted that the letter was written by Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi, who was in Lahore and he managed to get it published.]. The Sindh Government imposes ban on   the Poster  in Sindhi entitled, ‘ Sindh Je Musalmanan Danh Pegham’  under  Indian Press Emergency Powers Act. (Source: Government Notification).
    06.12.1939: The ‘Ehsan’ of Lahore, in its issue of today published resolutions condemning the Sindh Ministry,  passed at Muslim meetings held at Sialkot, Rasulpur, Kapurthala and Kot Radhe Kishin. (Source: indicated). The Sindh Government forefeited a poster in Urdu, entitled, ‘Sindh ke Muzloom aur bekas Musalmanan ke nam Musalmanan Hind ka Pegham’ [Message from Muslims of India to the oppressed and helpless Muslims of Sindh]. It carry the name of Muhammad Ibrahim Chishti, Secretary, Punjab Muslim Students Federation, printed at Itthad Press, Ball Road, Lahore, in which it is said that unarmed Muslims have been slaughtered at Sukkur and that Government are not only piercing the bosoms of innocent Muslims by their own bullets, but also instigating  the Hindus to do same. It contains an appeal that the Sindh Manzilgah Martyrs Day should be observed throughout the length and breadth of Punjab, on Friday, the 1st December 1939. It also appeals to the Punjab Muslims for funds and volunteers to help the oppressed Muslims of Sindh.
    07.12.1939: A black flag procession is taken out in Larkano which ended with public meeting. The speakers exhorted the audience to saxcrifice their lives and property in the case of the Manzilgah and appealed to Government to release All Muslims arrested in connection with the agitation for restoration of Masjid Manzilgah. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid). The Sindh Government imposes ban on  a Cyclo-styled letter in Sindhi regarding the evacuation of the Manzilgah at Sukkur and purporting  to have been addressed by Shaikh Abdul Latif from Sukkur to K.B. Allah Bux Soomro. The action has been taken under the Indian Press Emergency Powers Act. (Source: Government Notification)
    08.12.1939: A hartal is observed in Dadu District as a protest again the arrest of G.M.Syed and was followed by a procession in which an effigy of the Premier K.B.Soomro with blackened was taken out and burnt. In an other meeting speakers alleged that the Zulum that was perpetrated against the Muslims was a result of bribe taken by the Premier from Hindus. The students of Nauahahro Feroz Madressah and High school did not attend their classes for one day as a protest against Government;s policy regarding the Sukkur Manzilgah. (Source: Newspapers).
    12.12.1939: The Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh informs the Government of India that “An objectionable poster on the alleged demands of Indian Muslims regarding the Manzilgah riots, printed at Lahore in Urdu and Sindhi has come to notice in Karachi and Sukkur respectively were copies were found posted on the walls of Mosques and other public places. The poster is being sent to Sindh  enclosed in Urdu newspaper printed in Lahore. The poster refers to  the heartless and oppressive manner in  which innocent and oppressed Muslims of Sukkur  have been ruined and compares the conditons at Sukkur to those obtaining in the days of Hilako Khan and Chaghez Khan. It goes on to say that the only crime committed by the Muslims of Sukkur  and Sindh was that they wanted the House of God to be restored to them. The poster also criticizes the Ministry in that, that after siplling the blood of Muslims at Sukkur they still cling to offices. It demands that compensation for the loss of  Muslim lives and property should be paid by the Premier and Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah from their own pockets and they should resign foethwith and retire from public life. This poster was also received enclosed in copies of the ‘Inqlab’ of Lahore. Government propose to proscribe this poster under section 19 of the Press (Emergency Powers) Act, 1931. It is understood that the leaders of the Manzilgah agitation have approached the editor of the ‘Civil and Military Gazette’ and the ‘Statesman’ for support to their publicity. It is further learnt that the editor of the ‘Al-Wahid’ has engaged the services of  messengers to collect all news about the Manzilgah Satyagraha and Sukkur riots  which he intends to send to the Punjab for publication so as to represent the case of Muslims and to keep alive  the agitation from Lahore. The ‘Al-Wahid’ believes that the material so collected will be useful as evidence before an Enquiry Commission, if such is appointed. The Punjab Government have however been requested to impose a censorship on these attacks upon the Sindh Ministry. (Source: indicated).
    13.12.1939: The ‘Star of India’, Calcutta published exaggereted reports of the Sukkur riots and are refuted by Sindh Government. (Source: Chief Secretary’s Report, dt:13.1.1940).
    15.12.1939: The military is removed from the bazar area of Sukkur town. (Source: Newspapers). The ‘Inqlab’ and ‘Ihsan’ , both papers of Lahore contain articles on Sukkur roits. The latter newspaper  appeals to Muslim lawyers to volunteer their services free of charge to defend Muslims involved in Sukkur riot cases. (Source: Inqlab and Ihsan Newspapers of Lahore).
    16.12.1939:  The Sindh Governor, L.Graham writes detailed letter  to the Viceroy of India so as to apprise him of the  situation created by Sukkur riots. He writes: ‘ There can, I think, be no doubt that the main blame lies with the Muslims for trouble in Sukkur itself, though it must be admitted that the Hindus contributed  to the ill-feeling by their provocative attitude especially on the occasion of their Conference which was addressed by Dr. Moonji…..The Muslim League continues to scream  for the blood of my Cabinet, though Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon has thought fit to remove himself with his minion, Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi, to Lahore. From there he is pouring out propaganda  and I am waiting my chance to pick him up for substantial offence under the Penal Code. My Ministers were anxious to prosecute Rashdi  for a Pamphlet which mainly consisted of a personal attack on me for my alleged unconstitutional manner in the selection of my Ministers. (Source: indicated). The ‘Al-Islam’ of Quetta published an objectionable article under the caption:’Eye Witness Account of the Sukkur Manzilgah Mosque’. In this article it is sought to prove that  there was a pre-arranged conspiracy on the part of Hindus to massacre Muslims, that shots were fired by the Hindus who were sitting on house tops well-equiped with two thousand guns, that firing took place on Sadh Bella island resulting in the death of many Muslim boatmen, that two hundred armed Hindus set fire to several Muslim shops.(Source: Chief Secretary’s Report, dt: 13.1.1940).
    19.12.1939: The ‘Inqlab’ of Lahore, appeals to Muslims of Sindh to overthrow the present ministry of K.B.Allah Bux Soomro. (Source: The Inqlab, Lahore). 20.12.1939:Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon, in a meeting held at his residance apprise leaders of Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee of his meeting with M.A.Jinnah and inform them that Jinnah was in favour of sending Investigating Committee to Sindh to probe the issue. (Source: Newspapers).  At a   meeting of Sukkur District Jamiat-ul-Ulema held at Pano Aqil, at which Moulvi Abdullah of Haleji presided, it was decided to make arrangements  to preach nationalism and Hindu-Muslim unity. The meeting also passed a resolution regretting the attitude of the Hindu Maha Sabha towards the question of the Manzilgah, and urging them to refrain from opposing the return of the mosque to the Muslims. (Source: Newspapers).
    22.12.1939: The local Muslim paper of Sukkur writes that ‘ A month had passed since the Hindu-Muslim riots broke out at Sukkur. During this period the leaders of Sukkur  repeatedly requested the Chief Minister and the Collector to open the gates of the Lloyd Barrage, as we were certain that corpses of Muslims were lying in the river. The Government of Sindh opened the gates only on 20th December 1939 and within two days eight corpses were taken out which were in advanced stage of decomposition. (Source: Quoted in Government record. See, Governor’s report to the Viceroy, dt. 9.1.1940).
    27.12.1939: Sindh Governor, in his letter writes that ‘ I asked my Chief Minister (Allah Bux Soomro) on 23rd December wether he had been to the Jumma (Jamia) Masjid to say his prayers on the 22nd and he replied to me quite simply that he was not going to places like mosques at present as there is a risk of his being assassinated by emissaries of the Muslim League. Source: Date of Letter indicated. Photo copy with Gul Hayat Institute).
    28.12.1939: The troops are withdrawn from Shikarpur.(Source: Newspapers).
    09.01.1940: L.Grahm, the Governor of Sindh, apprising the Viceroy and Governor-General of India of Sukkur situation writes that ‘ You will remember that I sent you figure of casualties at Sukkur. Both sides are obviously anxious to show that their own side has suffered the large number of casualties and I persume that their intention is that it should be thought that side which was suffered the most casualties cannot have been aggressor’. (Source: indicated in the text).
    13.1.1940: In his report to the Secretary to the Government of India, I.H.Taunto , Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh write that: ‘
    “It is reported that though normal conditions have been restored in Sukkur, neverthless Hindus and Muslims are suspicious of each other and are arming themselves.Since the removal of the militry  from the bazar area of Sukkur town, the Khaksars have taken to parading the Muslim quarter. Other military disposition will have to remain as they are at present until the future of the Manzilgah is decided. There has been no progress in this direction as the Hon’ble Premier was away in Bombay.
    An an offshoot of the Sukkur riots, there has been a demand for the enlistment of more Hindus in the Police Department, increase in the Police force in the Province and grant of gun licences liberally to Hindu villagers. Government have acceded to demand for more Police by santioning the recruitment of 250 extra men and Punjab Government have been requested to give effect to an offer which they made in November to assist in the recruitment of this special force…The District Magistrates have been granting gun licences to Hindu villagers liberatly. Efforts have been made by non-official Hindus to appoint volunteers in towns and villages to safeguard Hindu interests.
    The President Sindh Hindu Sabha, has spread exaggerated reports regarding the Sukkur riots in which it is said that two hundred and fifty Hindus had been murdered, that fifty lakhs worth of property has been lostand that eleven Hindu girls had been abducated, out of whom only eight had been restored and three are still missing. These figures are about double the true numbers. (Source: Government of Sindh Home Department [special] No.P-25-H(S)/39, Sindh Secretariat,Karachi)
    14.1.1940: Police is huntting for Muhammad Salih, a retired City Magistrate and Mukhtyarkar at Shikarpur. He is to be arrested  under Special Powers Ordinance,1939. This man was responsible for inflammatory articles in local newspapers.(Source:Newspapers)
    15.1.1940: Mahbub Ali Shah, Secretary, Muslim League Relief Committee, Sukkur, has sent a disappointing report to the Sindh Provincial Muslim League, regarding collections towards the Relief Fund. The amount collected is Rs.1,019 and the expenditure to date is more than Rs.700. Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, MLA, Secretary, Sindh Provincial Muslim League, has issued an appeal for the sale-proceeds of the skins of animals sacrified on Bakri-Idd to be credited to the Provincial Muslim League Sukkur Relief Fund. (Source: ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).
    16.1.1940: The Sindh Muslim league has asked M.A.Jinnah to expedite the enquiry on behalf of the League into the Manzilgah affair, since the Congress inquiry has been finalized. (Source: ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute). The Governor of Sindh apprising the Viceroy of India of the Manzilgah affair writes that ‘ Abdul Qayum of the Central Legislative Assembly who was sent on behalf of Congress to make an inquiry has concluded his efforts in the space of a very few days and it is quite impossible that he should really have got to the root of the matter. At the same time he has made some very shrewd observations and has said that he has been struck particularly in Sindh by the lack of organised parties and any kind of loyalty to Ministers. (Reference: Governor’s letter of 16th of January 1940).
    17.1.1940: The NWFP Muslim League have informed the Sindh Muslim league that since the Congress Relief Committee has already started work, anything done by the League would look ‘sham and imitation’. They have, however, persuaded a young Lawyer, Sajad Ahmad Jan of Abotabad, to go to Sukkur and appear gratis on behalf of the Muslims in the cases there. (Source: ‘Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute). Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sarhandi and others are released. (Source: Newspapers).
    18.1.1940: Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi is at Lahore, saw Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, the Premier of Punjab in connection with the Manzilgah affair, and writes to K.B.Khuhro to visit Lahore to interview the Punjab Premier. It is learnet that Hassanally Effendi, Barrister-at-Law, who is an Assistant Public Procecuter, has offered his services free to the Muslims who are accused of offences in connection with the Sukkur riots. (Souece: Chief Secretary to Sindh Government’s report to the Government of India, No.P-25-H/40, dt, 18th January,1940). A meeting of Karachi Journalist passes resolution protesting against the continuance of, and urging Government to withdraw precensorship regarding the publication in Sukkur  Manzilgah news. (Source: Newspapers).
    19.1.1940: There is a bomb explosion near the Cinema in Sukkur, and a Hindu alleged to have been carrying the bomb is injured and captured. An other bomb is thrown at the Moharram procession at Nim-Jo-Chowk of Sukkur resulting one is killed and other 20 injured. (Sources: Inquiry Report, Newspapers).
    20.1.1940: Five are murdered in Rohri town, five more in Rohri taluka, six in Pano Aqil, four in Obauro taluka. All are Hindus. (Source: Inquiry Report). Thirty-seven Hindus are murdered at Gosirji. Sub-Inspector of Police is later on prosecuted under Section 211 of IPC. (Reference: Ibd). Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sarhandi, at the Idd congregation held at Hyderabad, blames Government for Sukkur disturbances and announces  that out of one thousand Muslims arrested, hardly twenty per cent were real offenders. He also protest against the demand of the ‘Hindu Independent Party’, saying that if ‘ fourteen points’ were cancelled the Muslims would dissociate themselves from the Hindus and the Ministry. (Source: Newspapers).
    21.1.1940: Twenty-one Hindus, including Santumal are killed at Lakhi. (Source: Newspapers).
    23.1.1940: A considerable military force arrives in Shikarpur, (Source: Newspapers).
    24.1.1940: Pir Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi is making efforts to secure the services of the Lawyers from Punjab to defend Muslim charged with rioting at Sukkur. He has suggested to the Sindh Muslim League that they should arrange to provide the families of Muslims in jail with food and clothing. In order to collect funds it is proposed to send two or three deputations on a tour of India. Rashdi is affaired that if adequate collections for the sufferers in Sukkur riots are not made, it would have a bad effect on the League’s  influence. (Source: Reported by the Sindh Chief Secretary in his Report, dated 2nd February 1940)
    25.1.1940: The Sindh Arya Pritinidi Sabha deputes Ramchand Khanna of Multan and Rupchand Sipahimalani of Hyderabad to conduct an enquiry into the Sukkur disturbances, and has decided to carry on relief work in the district. (Source: Newspapers).
    26.1.1940: The Sindh Provincial Hindu Sabha, Sukkur, have requested Sir Manmathanath Mukerjee and Dr. Sir Gokalchand  and Narang of Lahore to visit Sukkur, and enquire into the recent disturbances on behalf of Sabha. On the other hand Naraindas Ratanmal Malkani has been appointed as Chief Organizer by the Sukkur District Congress for the purpose of collecting facts and figures regarding the loss sustained during the Sukkur disturbances. (Source: Newspapers).
    20.2.1940: The Gharibabad Gurdwara Singh Sabha, Sukkur, have  appointed a Committee to arrange for the defence of Sikhs prosecuted for carrying  ‘Kirpans’ during the resent Sukkur disturbances. (Source: Newspapers).  The Newspaper ‘Qubani’ criticises the Ministry for its conduct in the Manzilgah affair and reproduces the resolutions passed at the  Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha that a ‘Sukkur riots Day’ be observed throughout India on the 3rd March by holding meetings at which  Government should be urged to punish the offenders. (Source: indecated ).
    21.2.1940: On arrival at Larkano, Kazi Fazlullah, one of the leaders who were arrested under the Ordinance on account of the Manzilgah agitation, is received at station by hundreds of Muslims who welcome and garlanded him. (Source: Newspapers).
    22.2.1940: It is reported that a sum of about Rs. 40,000 has been collected for the Congress  Sukkur Relief Fund, mainly from Bombay, but also from places so far away as Coimbatore. Government in addition to the grant of Rs. 25,000 already sanctioned, have decided to allot Rs. 50,000 for loans at low rates of interest to those who were rendered destitute by riots. (Source: Newspapers).
    23.2.1940: The Secretary, Sindh Provincial Muslim League, has appealed to the Muslim public and branches of the League in Sindh to protest  against the proposed extension of the Sindh Frontier Regulation to Sukkur District. (Source: Source-Material on Sindh Muslim League’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).  Leaflets regarding the Manzilgah entitled ‘ The Truth about the Manzilgah. My interview with  His Excellency’, over the signature of T.D. Chatlani of the Union Shrine Agency, and by Shamsulhaq regarding the Muslim demands in relation to the Manzilgah were sold in Karachi for one piee each. (Source: Newspapers). The Newspaper, ‘Hindu’ in its issue of today reproduces the resolutions passed by the Working Committee of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha and appeals for observing 3rd March as a ‘Sukkur riots Day’. (Source: indicated). The Newspaper, ‘Sansar Samachar’ in its issue of today, in an anti-Ministerial article asks the Hindu MLAs not to join the Allah Bux Ministry alleging that the Muslim Ministers had encouraged the ‘Satyagrahis’ associated with the Manzilgah movement. (Source: indicated).
    24.2.1940: Proceedings under Section 153-A, Indian Penal Code have been taken against the ‘Dawat-i-Islam’ and ‘Sansar Samachar’ for exciting communal bitterness. (Source: Newspapers)
    01.03.1940: All troops at Sukkur, including the company of Rajputs are withdrawn. (Source: Government Notification). At a meeting of  the Hindu Sabha, Hyderabad, a resolution is passed sympthising with editor of the ‘Sansar Samachar’, because of his prosecution under Section 153-A, Indian Penal Code, for writing an article on the Manzilgah affair  which was intensely communal. Today, the said paper has appealed to Hindus for monetary help to defend the editor. A sum of Rs.10 has been raised so for his defence. (Source: indicated).
    02.03.1940: A public meeting presided over by K.B. Ali Bux Muhammad Hussain held at Shikarpur  demands lifting of ban on the movements of certain members of the Masjid Manzilgah Restoration Committee. (Source: Newspapers). Under the auspices of the Guru Singh Sabha and the Azad Khalsa Dal, Karachi, ‘Nabha Day’ is observed where resolutions are passed urging the Government of India to re-install the ex-Maharaja Gurcharansingh of Nabha on the Gadi, and urging the Sindh Government to release the Sikhs arrested for wearing oversized ‘Kirpans’ during the Sukkur riots. (Source: Newspapers).
    03.03.1940: The Arya Samaj and the Hindu Mahasabha observe ‘Sukkur Day’ with three-fold object, viz, to sympathize with the Hindu sufferers in Sukkur riots, to urge Government  to appoint Hindu and Sikh policemen in Sukkur district and to raise funds in aid of Hindu sufferers. (Source: ibd).
    04.03.1940: The dissemination of tendentious literature on the Sukkur agitation continues. The Police intercepted under Section 26 of the Post Office Act, the following documents, all exhibiting a strong pro-Hindu bias: – ‘Statement  of Manzilgah and Sukkur Riots’, issued by Dr.Choithram P. Gidwani, MLA, and Professor  Ghanshyam Jethanand, MLA, ‘Manzilgah and Sukkur Riots’, by C.T.Valecha, MLA, and  ‘Report regarding the Manzilgah  affair and recent Sukkur disturbances’, by Lalchand Arya, Secretary, Sindh Provincial Hindu Mahasabha, Sukkur. (Sourece: Chief Minister to Government of Sindh’s Report, dated,19th March 1940). 
    05.03.1940: Two more Newspapers, viz., ‘Al-Wahid’ and the ‘Qurbani’ are prosecuted for exciting communal bitterness under Section 153-A of the Indian Penal Code. (Source: Newspapers).  The ‘Sansar Samachar’ , in its issue of today, congratulates the ‘Hindu Independent Party’ for sitting in opposition benches and appeal to them to vote in favour of the rupee one cut motions to bring down the Ministry. It goes on to say that the public should not celebrate ‘Holi’ because the minds of Hindus are grived at the atrocities perpetrated against them in Sukkur. (Source: indicated).
    11.3.1940: The Sindh Governor, while apprising the Viceroy of India of the Manzilgah affair, writes that ‘ I have nothing to add on the subject of the Manzilgah because I have already made it plain that the Manzilgah was merely used as a stick with which to beat Government’. (Source: Governor’s letter of 11.3.1940).
    18.3.1940: The Newspaper ‘Qurbani’ criticises the new Ministry and adds that the so called Nationalist Party consists of Muslim Leaguers who were responsible for the ugly event which occurred in Sukkur district. (Source: date of the issue of the paper is given).
    23.3.1940; The Sindh Governor while apprising the Viceroy of India of the Manzilgah affair writes that ‘ The Manzilgah business is one of the matters which the new Government has undertaken to settle. The agreement is that there shall be an inquiry by a competent tribunal, i.e a tribunal with power to record evidence and to summon and compel the attendance of witness, and that action shall be taken in pursuance of the decision of the tribunal. This, however, I understand is not really intended because it is realized that probably decision of the tribunal will be that the Muslims have failed to prove their case. This will be entirely unacceptable to the Muslims and the intention, I am told, is to set up a tribunal and before it has time to function to arrive at some amicable conclusion which will result in the Muslims getting possession subject to safeguard. The tribunal will then be told that there is no need for it to continue its inquiries, though it appears to me that once the tribunal has been lawfully appointed under the Act no power short of the Legislature can stop it from completing its inquiry if it choose to do so. (Source: indicated). The ‘Islah’ strongly urges the new Government to restore the Manzilgah mosque immediately to Muslims without appointing a tribunal. The paper adds that if the Ministry fails to do so this, the Muslim public will conclude that the agitation was started for selfish ends. (Source: indicated).
    27.3.1940: Government of Sindh appoints a Court of Inquiry under Section 3 of the Public Inquires Act,1940 to inquire in matters connected with Sukkur riots. (Source: Government Notification). The paper ‘Jamhoor’ accuses the League and Hindu parties for all the trouble at Sukkur, and wonders what will happen with the Ministry formed of these parties at the helm of affairs and occupying the ‘thrones of Law and Justice’. (Source: indicated).
    05.04.1940: The Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh, in his Fortnightly Report writes that ‘ With the advent of the new Ministry (Headed by Mir Bandeh Ali Khan Talpur), the Manzilgah is not as much a live issue as it was  in the past – though the final disposal of this throny problem is awaited by the public with interest. Government have appointed one of Judges of the Judicial Commissioner’s court to inquire into the riots. Meanwhile, Mr. Ali Muhammad Rashdi has written yet another  pamphlet called ‘ A Cursory Glance at the Politics of Sindh’, copies of which, it is understood, were distributed at the 27th session of the All-India Muslim League at Lahore. In the brochure Khan Bahadur Allah Bux is severly criticised. The Hindus for their part have not forgotten the riots and reports have been received  that Sukkur Day was observed in all the principal towns of Sindh and also at Calcutta, where Hindus were asked to organize their forces under the Hindu Mahasabha and no longer trust in non-violence. Retaliation was even suggested on Muslims in provinces where Muslims are in minority. The diehards among Hindus still urge that the Manzilgah should be Government property. (Source: Letter No.P-25-H-S/40).
    06.04.1940: The Hindu Panchayat at Diplo adopted a resolution congratulating the editor of the ‘Sansar Samachar’ on his prosecution and condeming Government for it and urging its withdrawal. The paper notifies that a sum of Rs.750 has so for been collected for the editor’s defence. (Source: The Sansar Samachar).
    07.04.1940: The Court of Inquiry issues notices for a prelimnary hearing. (Source: The Daily Alwahid).
    09.04.1940: While apprising the Viceroy of the Manzilgah affair, the Sind writes to him that ‘ The Manzilgah business is going to be investigated by the same officer, Mr. Justice Weston, who is in charge of the Sukkur Riots Tribunal. I do not think that my Ministry are already out of their difficulties and I have warned them that they can not expect a high judicial Officer to pay any attention to their manoeuvres for a compromise while he is conducting the inquiry. I have heared that the Chief Minister has also been warned in the same strain by the Judicial Commissioner. (Source: Date of letter indicated).
    19.4.1940: Pakistan Day is observed at Sukkur  and a procession  is taken out  that ended in a meeting at which besides the Pakistan resolution is adopted sympathising wit Dr. Muhammad Yamin on his conviction under Section 153-A, Indian Penal Code, and appealing to the Government to withdraw  all cases against the members and workers of the Sukkur Masjid Manzigah Restoration Committee. (Source: Newspapers).
    20.4.1940:The Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh, in his Report for the Government of India writes: ‘With the advent of the new Ministry the Manzilgah agitation  has deied down, thus giving support to the belief that it was engineered mainly to overthrow the Allah Bux Ministry. After adjournment of the Assembly, the Premier with two of his colleagues proceeded to Sukkur  and his visit has raised expectations of communal peace with an early settlement of the Manzilgah issue. (Source: letter No. P-25-H-S/40). Representatives on behalf of Hindu and Muslim Association appear before Court of Inquiry, at Sukkur. (Source: Newspapers). Shaikh Wajid Ali Ghulam Hussain, the dictator, and other members of the Manzilgah Restoration Committee returned to Shikarpur on expiry of the prohibitory order against them under the Sindh Ordinance. They were received at rhe railway station by 3,000 Muslims, who expressed regret at the injuries sustained by them in the lathi charge at the Manzilgah. Shaikh Wajid in thanking them said it was gratifying to note that their trifling sacrifices had brought the downfall of the Allah Bux Ministry (Source: Chief Secretary to the Government of Sind’s Report).
    24.4.1940: The Sindh Governor while apprising the Viceroy of India of the Sukkur Situation, writes that ‘ Three of my Ministers- The Premier Mir Bandah Ali, Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi & Gokaldas- spent ten days in Sukkur town and the district trying to bring about improved relations between Hindus and Muslims and in particular attempting to get a settlement of the Manzilgah  before the tribunal reaches a finding. My Ministers appear to have had no sort of success and generally to have made themselves unpopular with the public of Sukkur.(Source:  Date of the letter is indicated).
    23.4.1940: Notices are published in local Newspapers by the Court of Inquiry inviting persons who desire to give evidence. (Source: Newspapers).
    03.05.1940: Mr. Valecha,Member Sindh Legislative Assembly makes application to the Court of Inquiries seeking representation on behalf of the Sukkur District Congress . (Source: “Source-Material on Sindh Congress Committee’, compiled by Gul Hayat Institute).
    05.05.1940: Hindu Panchayat submits its statement in the Court of Inquiry at Sukkur in which allegation of criminal negligence in duty are leveled against local and District Administration (Soure: Newspapers)
    06.05.1940: The Chief Secretary  to the Government of Sindh, while reporting to the Government of India on the Sukkur situation, writes, ‘ The Manzilgah problem still remains undecided. The recent visit of three Hon’able Ministers to Sukkur, which it was thought might bring  about a private settlement of this question, does not seem  to have borne any fruit. At a congregation in the Jamia Mosque of Shikarpur, Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sarhandi related his goal experiences and gave an account of the Sukkur  Manzilgah Agitation  movement. He rejoiced over the fall of the Allah Bux Ministry.  A report on the Sukkur riots  issued by Malik Ramchand Khana, Vakil of Multan, President, Arya Pritinidhi Sabha Sindh Enquiry Committee has been intercepted in the Post. In reaction to the 21-points given by the Hindu Independent Party and consequently accepted by the new Government, the Sindh Muslim League has  presented 34-points as their demads. It seems that approach of Hindus and Muslims  to the problem is so contradictory that the attempt to present an agreed case to the court hace failed. (Source: Letter No. P-25-H/S/40).The Court of Inquiries started recording Evidences at Sukkur. It continued up to 25th May,1940. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    10.5.1940: The Sindh Governor, while apprising the Viceroy of India of the progress about the proceedings of Sukkur Tribunal writes that ‘ The inquiry into the Sukkur riots has been started by the Hon’able Mr. Weston one of the judges of the Chief Court.  So far there have been only two days of hearing  and I cannot say on what lines it will develop. The Government  position is in hands of the Public Prosecutor from Karachi, Mr. O’ Sullivan, and I am convinced that he will look after the interest of the Government servants whose conduct might come under review. There has been a strong move which has received  some support from my Ministers to secure the transfer from Sukkur of the District Magistrate Mr. Kothawala and also the District Superintendent of Police Mr. Moss. The attitude which I have taken so far is that unless the Judge in charge of the inquiry vreports to my Government that the proceedings of his Enquiry are being subjected to intereference by either of these officers, I shall not consider that the transfer of these officers now would amount to strong expression of disapproval of their conduct during the riots. (Source: indicated).
    14.5.1940: K.B.Allah Bux Soomro appears before the Court of Inquiries so as to record his Evidence. (Source: Newspapers).
    16.5.1940: The Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh, in his report prepared for the Government of India, writes that: The enquiry into the Sukkur riots continued. At one stage the Hindus threatened to boycott  the enquiry unless Government  conceded several demands, including immediate transfer of officers, who were in Sukkur during the riots. Dr. Muhammad Alam, Barrister of Lahore is appearing  on behalf of the Sindh Muslim League. He is accompanied by Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi, who has been entrusted by Sindh Muslim League with relief work in the District. (Source: Letter Mo.P-25-H-S/40).
    07.06.1940: The ‘Islah’ of Karachi (Edited by Hakim Fatih Muhammad Sehwani) which was antagonistic to the present Cabinet, in an open letter to the Governor of Sindh complains against three members of the present Ministry, viz., Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi, K.B. Muhammad Ayub Khuhro and G.M.Syed, who the paper says  are mainly  responsible  for  the  sukkur  tragedy, and should be made to vacate their offices and stand their trial before the Court of Inquiry. (Source: Reported by the Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh).
    21.6.1940: The Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh writes in his report that ‘ There are indications that communal relations in Sukkur  have worsened during the last few days. The convictions in some of the riot cases and the evidence before  the Court of Enquiry have aggravated communal animosity, and the old question is again being asked which community is to blame for the riots? Some leaders are anxious to faciliate a settlement by withdrawing witnesses of both the communities from the enquiry. The Muslims however feel that it would not bee in their interest to withdraw at this stage when Hindu case has been fully represented. (Letter No.P-25-H-S/40, date indicated).
    22.6.1940: The Governor of Sindh while apprising the Viceroy of India of the progress report about the Tribunal writes that ‘ I rather fear that the Sukkur enquiry conducted by Mr. Waston may continue for the greater part of the month of June, by the end of which time there is likelihood that tempers will be short on both sides. The Court yesterday is reported to have sat in camera, as it was pleaded on behalf of certain witnesses who were to give evidence in respect of what happened in one of Hindu villages that the witnesses were to frightened to give evidence in the presence of a prominent  Zamindar of the neighbourhood.(Source:The-Date-of-letter-indicated).
    24.6.1940: The Court of Inquiries starts recording Evidences at Karachi. The was was completed on 7th July,1940.At Sukkur and Karachi total 109 witnesses were examined. Today Moulana Muhammad Sadik of Khada and Foujdar Umar Khan recorded their statements and evidences befory  Court at Karachi(Source:TheDaily,Al-Wahid,Karachi).
    13.7.1940: The Sindh Governor apprising the Viceroy of India of the Sukkur affair writes him that ‘ Today is the last day of the arguments in the Sukkur riots inquiry cases.  The Muslims have been very badly represented by Ali Muhammad Shah Rashdi,. We wanted to arrest him at the time of the trouble, but he slipped away to Lahore. There was a fine battle between K.B.Khuhro, my P.W.D Minister,  and Allah Bux , ex-Premier, before the Court and one or the other has lied extensively on a very important point. Each says the other one is liar and Allah Bux, I know, is applying to the presiding Judge for permission to prosecute Khuhro for perjury. Khuhro is, to my knowledge, such a habitual liar that I should think it unlikely that he refrained from lying merely because he was on oath before the inquiring Judge. (Source: dateindicated).
    09.08.1940: The Judge, E.Weston submitts his report on the Sukkur riots. It contains 11 chapters alongwith 4 appexies. This is very important documen on the subject. In his Summary of the report, he writes that: ‘ The Hindus who suffered the more seriously in life, and who alone suffered substantially in property, are entitled to sympathy. The situation largely was not of their creation…. I do not suggest that a narrow communal attitude is peculiar to the Hindus, but as the major community in Sukkur, it may be said that they have the major responsibility for creation there of a spirit of reason; and without such a spirit the outlook for the town and for the district cannot be hopeful. As in 1930, so also in 1939 the spark which caused the conflagration was killed in Sukkur’. (Source: Inquiry Report).
    After the publication of the report it occupied a prominent place in all newspapers. It was quoted extensively . The ‘Daily Gazette’, reviewing the report, blames the attitude of the ex-Premiers and remarks: ‘A Premier without a consistent line of action, he ran from pillar to post courting Hindu members at one time and Muslim members at another. As a political bargains varied so did his orders  to  the District Magistrate of Sukkur’. The ‘Sindh Observer’, commenting on the report  remarks: ‘ K.B.Allah Bux richly deserves the strietures passed  upon……The ex-Premier was attempting  to  reconcile the irreconcilables; had always an eye on his seat in the Assembly from Sukkur District- Whether he would be able to retain it in the face of incensed Muslim opposition at next election, would not arrive at any decision; would spend days and weeks in useless and infructuous discussions; would not enforce the ordinance specially issued to curb the mischief but allowed it to rust; and never was willing, as the  Judge said. To give up his Premiership, pretending all the time that he was not enamoured of his office’. Remarking on the part played by the Muslim League, the paper remarks: ‘But League got the Ministry  they  thirsted for by overthrowing K.B. Allah Bux. Here we cannot  help remarking that the Governor should  himself have guided properly his in-experienced ministers at a critical moment on account of his own  large  and wider experience, which they did not get from him. It is as if the Governor  did not exist in those days, everything being left in the hands of K.B.Allah Bux Soomro, although it became clear at some stage or other  that the Premier was hopelessly bungling and required the guidance of a mature and firmer brain that of the Governor.’ The ‘Sansar Samachar’ remarks that the report has connived at the sins of the officials.’ The ‘Hindu’ writes that although the official have been exonerated many serious allegations have been admitted against the Police Department and exhorts the Inspector-General of Police to take proper steps to remove this blot on name of the police’.

  • CHORONOLOGY OF THE COMMERCIAL & POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITISH AND SINDH(1612-1843)

    Dr. Dur Muhammad Pathan

    CHORONOLOGY OF THE COMMERCIAL & POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITISH AND SINDH(1612-1843)

    Feb 1612
    Authony Starkey, the first Englisghman to come, arrives at Thatta in the ship “Dragon.” He is carrying important letters and document with him. He lands at Thatta with tow purposes:
    (1) to transverse the land route for England,
    (2) to find trade opportunities in Sindh. After a few days, he is poisoned by Portugueses there,

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May,1934, P.34]

    26th September, 1613
    Sir Robert Sherley, the ambassador for Persia, Walter Payton, Sir Thomas Powell and other members of the suite, about the fifteen in number for going to the kingdom of Persia, arrived Diul bander of Sindh.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.40]

    December, 1613
    Nicholas Withington the British factor reaches near to Thatta and his party is seized by a local chief and rob them of that they possess Withington and his party, however luckily escaped back to surrat with their lives.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.41]

    24 November,1615
    Sir Thomas Roe writes to the East India Company, that “accordingly to such relations as I have gotten, the River of Syndu(Sindhu) were most commodious of all others, to which from Lahor anything may pass by water, besides the country in more healthy and plentiful in Indigo and comodytyes fit for England.”

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” PP.75-76]

     

     

    March, 1616

    Sir Thomas Roe presents his Treaty of commerce at the Royal Court of Jehangir. The Second Article of his trade facilities in Sindh.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pg.134]

    26 April, 1616
    Sir Thomas Roe writes to the English factors at Surat, that an attempt should be made to open up trade with Lahore and Sindh.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pp146-148]

    1629
    Invitation is sent from Sindh, to English factors at Surat, for establishment of an English factory in Sindh country.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.41]

    April 1630
    English factor of Surat, who insisted for investigating possibilities of establishing factory in Sindh, apply for permission to the East India Company. Two bales of the Sindh Indigo and some sample of white cloth of Sindh are also sent to the East India Company.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pg148]

    28 November, 1635
    English Ship- the “Discovery” anchores right against the river Indus’ mouth.

    23rd February, 1636

    William Fremelen and his party leave Thatta and embark for Surat in the Ship “Hopewell”.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.43]

    25th August, 1636

    John Drake, who obtained “Parwana” from the Royal Court of the Moghul Emperor, sends this “Parwana” to Surat factors, today.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII]

    3rd  December, 1636
     William Fermelen and his companions land at Lahri Bunder, at midnight. His team consists of John Spiller and Richard Moyle. After five days, this explaination left for Thatta.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.43]

    10th December, 1636

    William Fremelean’s party renches Thatta. This may kindly be noted that they remained at Thatta for nearly two months and a half and investigated in the commercial possibilities of Sindh.

    16th March, 1638

    The East India Company writes to their Surat factors that a factory in Sindh should be established and cherished.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII Pg.57]

    June 1640
    John Spiller is sent to Sindh as the chief factor. He visited sindh in 1633 as an Assistant to William Fermelen. John Spiller remains in Sindh upto 1642.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII Pg.53]

    1643
    Dara Shikoh, Shah Jehan’s eldest son, grants several “nishans” to the East India Company to facilitate English trade in Sindh.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X]

    April, 1644

    The establishment of the Englishmen for trade purpose is created and John Spiller, Danial Elder and Revett Walwyn are employed on salaries of the 138-6-8 Pound , 70 Pound and 18 pound per annum respectively. From May to September 1644 John Spiller toured in upper Sindh.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X, Pg.132]

    1650
    It is reported that Surat Factory servants in Sindh are being hindered by the obstructions, set by the native officials, at two places-Kandiaro and Nasarpur Richard Davidge placed this matter before Moghul Emperor and succeeded in obtaining a “Farman” ordering the governors not to interrupt the free course of trade.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X, Pg.132]

    March, 1652

    Prior to this, only two Western nations, were competing for trade in Sindh, the Porteguese and the English, but now Dutch nation also starts trading in Sindh Pietor Bie is granted permission to establish factory.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.45]

    24th April, 1656

    English factors writes to the East India Company, informing that Moghul Governors of Thatta~Jaffar Khan retiring governor is putting traders to great inconvienience  by seizing all their boats. The wife of new Governor-Kabad Khan is taking away goods and not paying even half of the price for them.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pp. 58-78]

    5th June, 1656
    Souvenir – East India Company’s chief factor reports that “there is mad kind of government at present in Thatta. Governor-Kabad Khan’s masterful spouse is at liberty to ruin traders and commercial community.
    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.46]

    1658
    The East India Company sends a band of five Englishmen, namely Messrs Nicholas Souvenir,William Bell, Humphrey Fox, Thomas Atkins and John Widderington to Sindh to be factors there.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pg. 152]

    April, 1660

    The East India Company issues orders to its Sindh Agent that cease buying cotton goods, and to buy a stock of saltpeter instead.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pg. 52]

    14th June, 1660
    Surat English trading authorities writes to their Thatta factors to be in readiness to depart, on receiving warning or indication from Surat. This may kindly be noted that at that time William Sorivener was the Chief factor in Sindh, assisted by Messrs William Bell, Valentine Nurse and John Cox.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 27]

    27th March, 1662

    William Bell is the chief factor in Sindh. He is directed by the East India Company that if a steady supply of saltpetre and calicoes at reasonable prices were not procured, the Sindh factory would be withdrawn.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 72]

    14th November,1662
    The Services of William Bell, the Chief factor in Sindh are withdrawn on corruption grounds with the departure of William Bell and other factors, the English factory in Sindh stood withdrawn.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 72]

    1699

    Captain Alexander Hamilton visited Thatta, and stayed for three months. He was made free of all customs duties and tax on goods that he had brought or should export from Sindh. He had brought with himself goods worth 10,000 pounds with intention of trading with the people of Sindh. Mughal Nawab allowed him the privilege of “ Imprisoning those people who failed to pay him for the goods brought from him, without goind to the Kazi for justice.”
    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.48]

    8th May, 1748

    Edward Cooke, private merchant breaths his last. He was learned in many languages including Sindhi.
    [Cousens: “Antiquities of Sindh,” P. 123]


    2nd March, 1800

    Nathan Crow lands at Karachi and proceeds immediately to Hyderabad, where he is greeted in a friendly manner by Fatehali. The four ambers, despite their desire for British military support, at first suspects  the Company of interest in conquest rather than commerce, but Crow assures them that he desires only “the removal of discord” and the increase trade and wealth the factory would bring to Sind. [Page/2“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    7th May, 1800

    Nathan Crow writes to Duncan to inform him that he has assured Sindh that establishment of Factory will pave Way for increase trade and wealth of Sindh. [Page/2 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th August, 1800

    Meer Muhammad Ismail, on behalf of Rulers of Hyderabad, Sindh, informs Nathan Crow that the Company would probably allow a Hindn agent there in factory. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th August, 1800

    On behalf of Meer Fateh Ali Khan, Agha Abdul Hussain writes to Nathan Crow informing him that Meer is under pressure and has no any option expect to ask Crow to close the factory. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th August, 1800

    Meer Fateh Ali writes to Nathan Crow directing him that all importal would have to come through kukrala. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     28th October, 1800

    Fatehali orderes Crow to remove him and all the Company’s establishments from Sind immediately. The agent had no choice but to comply, and, factories and the setting of accounts, the East India Company lost Rs. 110,000 on the venture. [Page/4“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    19th November, 1800

    Jonathan Duncan while writing to Wellesley suggests that all Indian ports be closed to sindian ports and merchandise currently in Indian port be seized as compensation for Crow’s expulsion a resultant financial loss. [Page/4 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th January, 1805

    Abdul Hussain Bohanee in his letter to the East India Company writes that  Sind was afraid of the Afghan king and wants amicable relations with the British. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    17th January, 1808

    W.H.Smith  (Bushire) write to Edmonstone, Secretary to the central Government that negotiations has been originated with Sindh Agents to draw up a treaty with the Shah of Persia under terms of which the Persians were to aid the Sindians against the Afghans in return for aims cooperation with the design of Persian king upon kandhar. [Page/6“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    2nd March, 1808

    The British authorities orders the Governor-General of India to take measures to prevent a hostile army from crossing the India and cultivate to the utmost of power the favorable opinion and cooperation not on of all states and countries the eastward of the India but also of the Afghanistan Government even of the Tartar tribes to the Eastward of the Caspian. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th March, 1808

    Lord Minto, Government General of India dispatches from N.H. smith at Bushire telling us of the visit of the Sindh vakeels to Persia and the French overtures to Sindh have convinced the Government of expediency of reopening relations with Sindh. [Page/6 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th April, 1808

    Captain David Seton leaves Bombay accompanied by his chief Aide lieutenant Gridley an assistant Surgeon, and an affair in charge of sixty ranks of native infantry for Hyderabad to gain the confidence of the Ameers in order to promote the Company’s aims of setting a factory. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th May, 1808

    Seton arrived at Mandavi in Cutch on May 18, 1808 and remained there for about six weeks. This greatly distressed Duncan, who wanted him to arrive in Hyderabad before the Persian envoy, reached Hyderabad on June 4 and was received with the highest honors. Fateh Ali was reported to have offered Franco-Persian help to Sind in shaking off the shackles of Afghan overlordship in return for the use of Sindian ports and Facilities to supply French ships. [Page/7“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    15th June, 1808

     

    The dilatory Seton finally arrives in Hyderabad on June 15, 1808, and a week later had a conference with Ghulamali who, realizing the Strength of his position, declares that had the English not sent Seton “to cultivate his friendship, he would in despair of gaining their good will have closed with the offer of the French and the Persians.”

    [Page/8“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th July, 1808

    The Sindh Government of Hyderabadi Meers enters into an agreement With Captain David Seton.

    [ “The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”, article by A.B.Advani published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society/V.11, Part 111, December, 1936]

    24th July, 1808

    The Agreement consisting of 7 Articles is drawn up between the Government of Sindh and the East India Company Government. It is agreed that this shall remain forever and that the disaffected of one Government shall not be protected by the other. It is agreed that an Agent on the part of the Honorable Company, for the increase of friendship and goodwill, shall reside at the Court of the Meer of Sindh.

    [“The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”, article by A.B.Advani published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society/V.11, Part 111, December, 1936]

     

     

     

     

     

     

    8th August 1808

    Native intelligent agents report to the East India Company Government about imminence of French foothold in Sindh. [Page/6 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th August, 1808

    Captain David Seton writes to Duncan to Share with him important clauses of a treaty proposed by the Sindh Rulers: Permitting the British to reopen factories at Thatta and Hyderabad, neither govt should protect the enemies of the other, that the British should provide Meer Ghulam Ali with artillery for the capture of umerkot and British & Sindh divide between them the coastal province of cutch. [Page/8 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    21st August, 1808

    Captain David Seton, the ex-British Resident at Museat, Presently on Sindh visit, writes to General Malcolm to update him about Sindh policy. He writes that Meer Fatih Ali Khan have offered France Persian help to Sindh in shaking off the shaking  of Afghan over lordship in return for the use of Sindhian ports and facilities to supply French ships. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    24th September, 1808

    Secret and Political Department Diaries (No.248) of India reveals that Main Abdul Nabi is in aid Jodhpur to seek British aid in regaining his throne. [Page/9 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th October, 1808

    Minto, Governor-General Plamed to send Nicholas hanky Smith, the British, to Sindh as a representative of the central Government. [Page/9 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    28th November, 1808

    Neil B. Edmonstone, then secretary to the Central Government, sent Smith his instructions. He was to place British relations with Sind on the footing originally intended, which would necessitate his coming to an agreement with the Ameers to supersede Seton’s. The British could obviously enter into no agreement with Sind which would include military aid against Afghanistan. . [Page/10“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    22nd December, 1808

    Captain David Seton writes to Duncan that he agreed to terms of treaty proposed by Ameer of Sindh, with the exception of those referring to umarkot and cutch and has also dropped all company claims for reparations against Sindh with aim to reestablish relations with Russian, French and Persian influence at also costs. [Page/8 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th March, 1809

    East India company decides that relations should not be resumed (With Sindh) until the claim of Nathan Crow about compensation is settled.

    [Page/5 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th April, 1809

    To re-establish the proper relative rank of the British and Sindhian governments, the Mission under the leadership of Mr. Nicholas Hankey Smith leaves Bombay. This Mission consists of seven members namely N.H.Smith of the Bombay Civil Service as the Envoy, Henry Ellis of the Bengal Civil Service as the first Assistant, Lieutenant Robert Taylor of the Bombay Native Infantry and Lieutenant Henry Pottinger as the second and third assistants, Captain Charles Christie to command the escort, William Hall surgeon and Captain William Maxfield of the Bombay Marine to act as marine-surveyor.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.10]

    9th May, 1809

    The Mission headed by Mr. Nicholas Hankey Smith reaches Karachi and is received by the Governor of Karachi on next day. The head of the Mission has received pointed instructions from his Governor-General to repress any attempts on the part of the Meer to claim equality with the British Government and to claim from Sindh rulers the respect due to the British power in India.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

     

    10th June-1809

    The East India Company Government mission on way to Hyderabad, reaches at Thatta and takes up their quarter in the East India Company’s factory. This may kindly be noted that the Mission reached Karachi 9th May 1809, and leaving Karachi after stay of 1 month. A lot of material is available about activities of in this Mission in Karachi. The Governor of the Karachi did his level best to keep eye on the activities of these foreigner he also gave him tough time.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

     

    15th August, 1809

    The Mission reaches at Hyderabad. This may kindly be noted that the mission spent more than 1 month in Thatta and remained busy in getting their required information on political situation and geography of Sindh.The Mission got free hand and opportunity to study the surrounding area and for proceeding to Hyderabad, Mission was divided into two parties, one to travel by water and other by land-route, and both the parties avail opportunity to obtain information and data on land and water routes of Sindh.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936.]

    22nd August, 1809

    The treaty was signed in August, 1809, and its ratification assuaged British fears in regard to a possible French foothold on the subcontinent. The realization that Napoleon, enmeshed in dynastic intrigues and unable to extricate himself from the Iberian Peninsula, posed no further threat to India soon returned the affairs of Sind to their original obscurity. [Page/12“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Sindh Government deputes three official namely Wali Mohamad Khan, Akhund Baqa Khan, Mushtak Ram discuss the proposed treaty with Mr. Smith and his team and following treaty is concluded:
    Article 1:

    There shall be eternal friendship, between the British Government, namely Meer Gholam Ali, Meer Karam Ali and Meer Murad Ali.
    Article 2:

    Enmity shall never appear between the two States.

    Article 3:

    The mutual dispatch of the Vakeels of both Governments, namely the British Government and Sindhian Government, shall always continue.

    Article 4:

     The Government of Sindh will not allow the establishment of the tribe of French In Sind.
    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

    4th September, 1809

     Political Department Diaries (No 3 to 10) of India reveals that the Maratha leader, Juswant Rao Holkar of Indore, was trying his level best to insist Sind to join him in alliance with French. [Page/12 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    1st October, 1809

    Nicholas Hankey Smith writes to Edmonstone informing him that in his meetings and deliberations with Sindh Ameers has formed opinion that the Ameers were not very cordial and of course objected to the abrogation of Seton’s treaty. [Page/11 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    9th November, 1809

    A mission consisting of Captain Sadlier, Mr. W. Simon, Dr. Hall and Major Wood House

    Discuss and conclude the Treaty with Meer Karam Ali Khan and Meer Moorad Ali Khan. The Treaty consists of four articles and it is signed by Ismail Shah on behalf of the Meer Government of Hyderabad.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.14]

    1826

    Ranjit Singh demandes the payment of tribute from the Ameers of Sind on the grounds of having inherited most of the disintegrated Afghan empire and hence a right to the tribute formerly paid by the Ameers to Kabul. [Page/33 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th November 1831

    Letter No. 256 from Political Superintendent, Cutch to Government of Bombay relating to the pursuit after free-booters (Soda Jagatsing of Nagar Parkar and Soda Poonjaji of Vera- veer) by Sindian troops under Nawab Ghulam Shah Laghari, Chief of Saimkote. (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (22-24)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th March, 1831

    Henry Potting, the British agent in Cutch, reported to Bombay that the Ameers, prompted by British threats to reopen the matter of the Khosa depredations, and a military demonstration on their border by Ranjit Singh’s general, Ventura, had agreed to let the mission pass. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    October, 1831

    Pottenger received his instructions from the Governor-General in October, 1831. He was to negotiate only with Murad Ali of Hyderabad and Rustam Khan of Khyrpore, and he should use the implied threat of Ranjit Singh on their northern border and the continued depredations of the Khosas as a means of achieving his ends if the Ameers were recalcitrant. He might also cite Vattel’s law under which straits could not be closed by the controlling power, although this would entail the necessity of defining the Indus as a strait between the sea and the British possessions in the Northwest, a rather strained usage at best. . [Page/23“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    24th November 1831

    Letter from Captain Sir C. Malcolm, Superintendent of Navy, to Earl of Clare, President and Governor in Council, informing him as to the time the Sind Mission, under Colonel Pottenger would take to reach Mandvi  ; letter from Mr.  C.  Morris, Chief Secretary to Government of Bombay to Captain Sir C. Malcolm in reply to the above letter; letter No. 1789, dated 28th November 1831, from Government of Bombay to Envoy in Sind informing him that an advance of Rs.15,000 had been made in his favour on account of the mission to Sind; (Year, 1832 Department. Political… File No, 300 Page (1-3) &) (Year 1832 Department Political… 300 Page (5)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Governor in Council to His Highness Nawab Bahawalkhan, Daood Potra, Chief of Bahawalpur, making a Present of certain valuable articles to him for showing kind attentions and hospitality to Lieutenant Burns while on his journey to Lahore; (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (9-10)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     December 1831

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a   copy of a letter written under order of Governor-General to Political Assistant at Ludhiana, and of one to the address of Maharajah Ranjeetsing, Ruler of Lahore, relating to Colonel Potenger’s Mission to the courts of Ameers in Sind in connection with improvement of means of intercourse between His Highness’s territories and those of British Government by the route of Indus; (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (47-54) )//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     9th January 1832

    Letter No. 43, dated 9th January 1832, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of his Progress report relating to the mission to the Ameers of Sind and sanctioning grant of Presents to the Agent of His Highness Meer Murad Ali Khan of Sind; (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300 (71-72))//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     12th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of the emissary of Meer Naseer Khan and of the course proposed to be followed in continuing his journey to Hyderabad ;( Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300 (73-83)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th January 1832

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing how he was received by the ‘Mahenandaes’ of Meer Murad Ali Khan, that his baggage was detained at the mouth of Indus and that he remonstrated with the ‘Mahemandars’ of Meer Alimurad Khan against the unfriendly act on the part of the Meer; (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (26-35))//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st January 1832

    Letter No. 2, from Government of Bombay directing Colonel Pottenger to act in accordance with sentiments expressed in extract paragraphs 5 to 8 of the dispatch from the Governor-General. (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (87-89)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     25th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger stating that the accounts of the Sind Mission will ultimately be passed by Supreme Government, but as the Bombay Government were connected with the Mission it would be convenient that they should pass in the first instance through that Government;(Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300(93-94) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     26th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of his letter of 8th idem and expressing-

    (i)           His Lordship’s approval of the instructions issued to Dr. Del Hoste to avail himself of the opportunities afforded by the Mission to extend acquaintance with the Geography of Sind;

    (ii)         Enjoining great caution to avoid incurring any imputation of converting the Mission into an expedition for the purpose of exploring the routes and military resources of the country.(Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(95-96) &)

    (iii)        Letter No. 40, dated 21st January 1832, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India stating that Syed Zainuddin discussed with him the claims of several rival candidates to the musnud of Sind Government after to the death of Meer Muradali Khan; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (41-51) &)

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of a letter and it translation from Meer Murad Ali Khan expressing His Highness’s friendly wishes and intentions towards His Lordship;(Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (41-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     31st January 1832

    Letter No. 43, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the following proceedings with the Government of Sind with effect from the date of his arrival in Sind :-

    (a)  Suspicions raised in the mind of Meer Muradali owing to the deputation of Colonel Pottenger to Khyrpore and obstruction put by the Ameer in the Colonel Pottenger’s design to proceed to Khyrpore;

    (b) Reception of Colonel Pottenger and his associates by Meer Muradali Khan;

    (c)  Interview of Colonel Pottenger with the Ameer.

    Draft treaty consisting of nine articles-Discussions of-with Munshi Khushiram. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (52-103) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd February, 1832

     

    Pottenger submitted to Murad Ali his draft of the proposed treaty, which essentially provided for the opening of the Indus to the merchants and traders of India.But before the conclusion of the treaty with Hyderabad Pottinger proceeded to Khyrpore to draw up a treaty with Meer Rustam Khan, although Murad Ali claimed that Khyrpore was subordinate to Hyderabad and hence covered by any treaty signed by him. [Page/23“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

     

    3rd February 1832 and 5th February 1832

    Letters No. 46 and 46-B of, respectively, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Meer Muradali had permitted him to proceed to Khyrpore had permitted him to proceed to Khyrpore and that before leaving Hyderabad he had sent an outline of treaty to Meer Muradali to calm his suspicions and asking for further instructions;( Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (147-175) (178-190) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th February 1832

    Letter No. 53, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing:-

    (a)  That Meer Muradali accepted the Presents sent by His Lordship;

    (b) That he had  another interview with Meer Muradali Khan;

    That owing to certain disturbances at Khyrpore his departure had been postponed to that place at the expressed desire of the Meer; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (190-215) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th February 1832

    Letter,  from Government of India in reply to Colonel Pottenger’s letter No. 38, dated 21st January 1832, expressing approval of his conduct in the intercourse he had with Mehmandars; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(117-118) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     17th February 1832

    Letter, from Government of India in reply to Colonel Pottenger’s letter No. 40, dated 21st January 1832, approving of the manner in which he discussed the question of succession and the caution maintained by him, and giving future instructions in connection with the matter; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (119-120) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    22nd February 1832

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the following further proceedings at the Court of Meer Muradali:-

    (I)         Message from Meer Muradali Khan desiring Colonel Pottenger to quit Hyderabad at once and proceed to Khyrpore;

    (2)        Memorandum from Colonel Potenger to Meer Muradali stating that he was ready to act agreeably to his advice and that he was waiting for reply from Meer Rustomkhan;

     (3)       Deputation of Ahmedkhan and Bakshali to accompany Colonel Pottenger and his party to Khyrpore;

    (4) March of Kharaksing to Dera Gazikhan and preparations made by Ameers of Hyderabad to meet him on the Sind Frontier;

    (5)         Message from Meer Muradalikhan desiring Colonel Pottenger to return to Cutch if such a contingency arose and informing that he would write a letter to His Highness Governor-General explaining him the reason for dismissing the Mission;

    (6) Memorandum from Colonel Potenger to the Meer making some suggestions for establishing certain degree of political influence, without which no treaty would be found effectual.

    (7) Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Murad Ali Khan informing that he had decided to send one of the gentlemen of his suite (Dr. Delhoste) to Khyrpore ;unfriendly attitude adopted by the officers and difficulties thrown in the way of Colonel Pottenger’s access to Khyrpore by the Meer and Colonel Pottenger’s protest. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(249-290) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th February 1832, and 2nd March 1832

    Letters, from Dr. Delhoste, attached to the Mission to Colonel Pottenger, relating to his reception at the Khyrpore Durbar. ; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(167-181)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter, dated from February 1832, from Government of India forwarding, for information, to Colonel Pottenger copies of-

    (I)           A letter from Maharajah Ranjeetsing respecting the navigation of the River Indus and by him in explanation;

    (2)       A letter from Maharajah Ranjistsing in reply;

    (3)         Letter from Government of India in reply to the above. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (201-207) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    February 1832 and 31st January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of Colonel Pottenger’s letter of approving of his conduct in the difficult and troublesome discussions with Ruler of Hyderabad and his officers;(Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(161-163) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 56 of Colonel Pottenger appointing Dr. Delhoste to proceed to Khyrpore and giving him instructions for guidance. ;( Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(249-290) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th March 1832

    Letter, from Government of India (I) approving, with certain modifications of the draft treaty negotiated with Meer Muradali and giving further instructions; (2) forwarding a letter to the address of Meer Muradali Khan, assuring His Highness that British Government had no desire to covet his possessions (i.e. Shikarpur) and that integrity of Sind dominions will ever be respected. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(209-211) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th March 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger, conveying His Excellency the Governor General’s approbation of the prudent and conciliatory course of proceedings which he (Colonel-Pottenger) adhered throughout the course of his negotiations and furnishing further instructions. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(213-218) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th March 1832

    Letter No.59, from Acting Resident at Bhooj forwarding copies of correspondence relating to complaint of one Sador Rahbaree of Palanpur against an outrage committed by certain Khosas of Islamkote and (2) of a letter to the address of Ameers of Sind for redress of grievances. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(268-270) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    March 1832

    Letter No. 71 from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger reporting depredations committed by the Free-booter Pittoojee Waghela and requesting that it should be brought to the notice of the Ameers, if so desired. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(188) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th April, 1832,

    The treaty, signed on April 4, 1832, provided for continuing friendly relations between Khyrpore and the British. The merchants of Hindustan were granted use of the river and roads of Khyrpore on whatever terms might be settled with “the Government of Hyderabad, namely Meer Murad Ali Khan Talpoor” and the Government of Khyrpore promised to provide the British with a statement of just and reasonable tolls to be levied and not to hinder the traders in any way. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    Toward the end of June Bentinck retuned the ratified treatise with Khyrpore and Hyderabad to Pottenger, who now, in addition to his duties as residend in Cutch, was to have charge of Sind affairs. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Nonetheless the agreement of Rangit Singh and Bahawal Khan open the Indus to commerce. Write the conclusion of the treaties an experimental cargo was sent up the river, and in 1833 a group of merchants sailed boats down the Indus from Ludhiana to Shikapur; but results were disappointing. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th April 1832

    Letter No. 69, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing-

    (I)           That negotiation with Khyrpore State has taken a turn which would appear equally inexplicable and unexpected to His Lordship.

    (2)        That several alterations  were suggested in the treaty by the officers of Khaipur    State, which in his opinion, were absolutely useless and that he informed the Vazir that he would take care to bring to the notice of Governor-General that such useless stuff had not proceeded from him;

    That he had a further interview with Meer Rustomkhan on 5th April 1832 but he had to return to his tents without being able to discover the cause of the visit having proved abortive. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(349-385) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th April 1832

    Letter No, 71, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting-

    (I)           That Meer Rustomkhan suggested certain modifications to be made in the treaty which he refused point blank and at his request he omitted paragraph 5 of the treaty altogether;

    (2)        That he had a last interview with Meer Rustom khan, Mubarak Khan and Alimurad Khan when the treaty was exchanged between the parties; Meer Rustomkhan thereafter dismissed the Mission in kindest manner possible.

    (3)      Meer Rustomkhan sent to Colonel Pottenger certain presents worth Rs. 1,000 in all;

    (4)      Visit of sons of Meer Rustomkhan and Mubarak Khan to Colonel Pottenger as a token of respect for him;

    (5)     His departure from Khyrpore on 11th April 1832;

    (6)   Pointing out certain inconsistencies displayed by Meer Rustomkhan, his relations and ministers and at the same time assuring that the Meer was really disposed to form close alliance with British Government but he was restrained by his brother and Meer Muradali Khan of whom he could not be said to be independent;

    (7)     That the question relating to succession to supreme authority at Khyrpore on demise of Meer Rustomkhan was unsettled as that of Hyderabad;

    (8)     That Meer Alimurad Khan made certain overtures in an underhand way and he desired to enter into a separate treaty, granting favorable terms, which he refused. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(406-443) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th April 1832

    Letter No. 68, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding them a copy of a letter, dated 28th March 1832, from Lethal, Native Agent at Hyderabad, relating to-

    (I)           Plundering of Larkana Purgunnah by the Thanedat of Mehrabkhan Brohee and deportation of Ahmedkhan son of Nawab Wali Mohomed for committing reprisals;

     (2)       Interview of Captain Wade with Maharajah Ranjeetsing for permission to open a factory at Mithankot. Meer Muradali Khan hearing of this desired that if a factory was opened at Mithankote there was no necessity of opening another in Sind. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(342-349) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd April 1832

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Meer Muradali Khan of Hyderabad had agreed to hand over British Government some of the chiefs of Parkar and traitor Ismailkhan and requesting that Captain Robert might be directed to proceed to Lukhput to receive the prisoners; letter of 17th May 1832 from Government of Bombay approving of the above proceedings. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(450-452) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd April 1832

    Letter from acting Resident regarding plunder of Rahim ka-Bazar in Thar Parkar by Pittoojee Waghela and requesting that the Sind Government be moved to exert them to apprehend the free-booter. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(269-270) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th April 1832

    Letter No.64, from Colonel Pottenger to Governor-General of India reporting the arrival of Mission at Khyrpore and their proceedings at the Court of that Ameer as under:-

    (I)           Letter from Meer Rustomkhan inviting Colonel Potenger to his Court and informing that officers would be dispatched to meet him on the Frontier;

    (2)      Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Muradalikhan informing him of his departure to Khyrpore and requesting that orders be issued to the boatmen to accompany him; Message Zulfukarkhan to Colonel Pottenger requesting him not to write anything to his Excellency Governor-General that would create displeasure towards him and desiring that Government of India would allow him (Colonel Pottenger) to remain at Cutch as no one would understand the way to preserve and add to friendly feelings between two Governments; reply from Colonel Potenger to the above stating that he was grateful to His Highness’s good opinion about him and that he was sure that Governor-General  and Governor of Bombay would replace him in Cutch or place some other capable officer there;

    (3)          Colonel Pottenger’s present of one hundred Gola (venetians) to Syed Zulfukarkhan; Meer Muradali’s letter to Colonel Pottenger stating that it was contrary to the custom of his Government to receive such gifts; Colonel Pottenger’s suitable reply to the above;

    (4)         Departure of Colonel Pottenger from Hyderabad on 27th February 1832, and his arrival on 10th March 1832 at Mithiani the first village in Meer Rustomkhan’s territories where he was met by Dewajikhan, Diwan Lakhmichand and others.

    (5)         Letter from Dr. Delhoste regarding his good reception at Khyrpore, enclosing a letter from the Meer expressing his friendship with British Government and cordially inviting Colonel Pottenger to his court;

    (6)        Arrival of Colonel Pottenger at Khyrpore on 21st March 1832; Wazir Fatehkhan Ghori met him at the town of kot Laloo and informed him that Meer Rustomkhan was anxious to meet him; hearty welcome accorded and munificient hospitality shown to Colonel Pottenger; 23rd March was fixed for public reception of the Mission; Colonel Pottenger sent a draft treaty to Meer Rustom Khan and requested him to add to or alter it any way he considered necessary; Further interview granted to Colonel Pottenger; draft treaty discussed with Meer Mubarak Khan and the Vazir ; the terms were seffled and copied fair. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(297-327) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st May 1832

    Letter No. 80, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting:-

    (I)           Return of mission from Khyrpore and their arrival at Hyderabad on 16th April 1832.

    (2)         That a memorandum was received from Meer Muradali Khan asking him for information on several points in connection with the Mission at Khyrpore and his reply there to;

    (3)        That had an interview with His Highness Meer Muradali and other Ameers and the former spoken about the treaty which he (Colonel   Pottenger) promised to send to him on the next day; the terms of the treaty were discussed with Munshi Khushiram who took a copy of it to Meer Muradali;

    (4)         That on evening of 20th Meer Bakar and Diwan Baharmal brought a statement of customs and other duties livable on goods and vessels passing up the Indus which were very high; he remonstrated with Diwan and explained to him the position His Lordship the Governor-General would take if His Highness insisted to adopt the above tariff schedule; that in the afternoon of 21st Munshi Khushiram with others returned with the statement of customs schedule and said that Meer Muradali desired that they should be definitely fixed before he (Colonel Potenger) quitted Hyderabad ; the deputation was assured that the question would be fairly considered and discussed by British Government and that the matter would be referred to His Highness Meer Muradali’s final approbation and confirmation;

     (5) Final interview with His Highness Meer Muradali on 22nd April when the treaty was given to him. The Ameer introduced Bahadoor Khan Khokhur, the Chief, to whom he proposed to entrust the duty of extirpating the robbers who committed depredations on the requested that speedy arrangements be made with Rajah of Jessulmere for dispatch of army against the plunderers.

    (6) Meer Muradali Khan granted permission to the Mission to return to India and sent several presents for Colonel Pottenger.

    (7) That a supplementary treaty was signed and handed over to Colonel Pottenger.

     

    (8) Departure of Mission from Hyderabad on 28th April 1832.

     

    (9) Forwarding a copy of the revised treaty with His Highness Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and discussing suitability or otherwise of the proposed rates of custom duties. &c.

     

     2nd May 1832

     

    Letter from Government of India forwarding for information a copy of the report of Captain Wade on the commerce of Punjab. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(452-502) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    7th May 1832

    Letter No. 82, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Khosas and other Banditti, among who was one Pettajee Waghela, had committed depredations in eastern districts of Sind and had repulsed the detachment sent against them by Meer Alimurad of Meerpur.

     

    Visit of Bahadurkhan Khokhar to Colonel Pottenger and his desire to carry operations against the free-booters during the rains;(Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (518-525) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    Letter No. 83 of 7th idem from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay dispatching the above for transmission to Government of India and requesting for co-operation of Rajahs of Jessulmere in routing with British and Sind Government in routing the Khosas and other murderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (526-530) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th May 1832

     

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of several letters received from him and expressing regret at the sudden turn which negotiations at Khyrpore had taken and trusting that authorities at Khyrpore would not impede the attainments of the principal object of the Mission, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (317-318) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th May 1832

    Letter No. 84, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India asking for orders on the disposal of presents and informing that the accounts of the mission would be sent after two months. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (530-536) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th May 1832

    Letter No. 93, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting three original treaties concluded by him with the Ameer of Khyrpore and Hyderabad. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (561-563) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th May 1832

    Letter No. 87, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Naseer khan of Meerpur made overtures for a separate treaty on favourable terms but he refused to do anything with him without orders of-General. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (541-546) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th May 1832

    Letter No.67, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger approving of measures suggested for extirpation of Parkar free-booters and arrangements made with the Ameers of Hyderabad for the purpose. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (327-329) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    May 1832

    C.E. Trevelyan, a deputy secretary to the Government in Calcutta, drew up a paper on the Indus tariff at the Governor-General’s request. He pointed out that transportation by water was much cheaper than by land and that the duty levied by the Ameers should be on the value of the cargo rather than on weight. Cargo should be taxed only once on the trip, and the proceeds should be divided among Sind, Bahawalpur, Lahore, and British India; while the collection of the toll should be under the superintendence of a British political agency. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    11th june1832

     

    Letter No. 104, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India.

     

    (I)           Submitting with his remarks copies and translations of statements of duties furnished by chiefs of Hyderabad and Khyrpore in virtue of treaties concluded with them;

     

       (2)      Informing that Duties on goods carried by land were quite high; commerce in                 Sind was therefore at a standstill and that this fact appeared to have given to the Ameers the smallest concern and that on several occasion His Highness Meer Muradali expressed that he and his family would deeply regret the revival of trade by Indus, whatever fiscal advantages he might reap. This was because it interfered with his shikargahs or preserves for game with which the whole course of Indus from Thatta to Sehwas was lined, &c.

     

    (3) Giving a vivid description of river Indus and bringing to notice the deplorable condition of its banks and suggesting several improvements for its proper navigation;

     

    (4)   Drawing attention to the Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of London for 1830-31, Page 227, in which the exports and imports were fully stated;

     

    (5) Stating that at the time of invasion of Nadirshah there were forty thousand weavers of loongis and Calico at Tatta but in 1832 it was not even one-tenth of the size it was in 1809. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (564-575) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th June 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Government of Bombay intimating that the Governor-General had full confidence in the discretion of Governor in Council exercised in connection with joint operations contemplated against the freebooters and that Governor-General’s Agent at Ajmere would procure effective co-operation of Jodhpur and Jessulmere Durbars in the action against the plunderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (423-424) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th June 1832

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay requesting that arrangements might be made for manufacture of 6 sword blades and 6 highly furnished right hand guns, &c, in England for Meer Muradali Khan and suggesting that the cost of these articles be met from public funds; . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (593-594) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th June, 1832

    Bentinck, the Governor-General favors the negotiation of a new treaty with the Ameers which would give the British greater influence in Sind. He wrote: “I could wish that it may be the accomplished without the employment of direct force, but by the effect of other and milder influence.” (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    19th June 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger in reply to several of his letters:-

     

    (I)           Requesting transmission of ratified treaties, signed and sealed by Governor-General to their respective destinations;

     

    (2)      Advising consideration of several details before the proposed Customs Tariff                schedule was drawn up and accepted by the Ameers;

     

    (3)      Making further enquiries relating to the possessions of Meer Naseerkhan;

     

    (4)      Enquiring as to the best place which may be fixed and at which customs dues would be collected;

     

    (5)      Discussing the provisions of 4th article of the treaty relating to issue of passports to persons proceeding to Sind for purposes of trade and appointing persons and fixing places where they should be issued;

     

    (6)      Approving of line of conduct proposed to be adopted towards Meer Naseerkhan;

     

    (7)      Expressing satisfaction on the result of what passed Colonel Potttenger and Ameer of Sind on the subject of combined operations against Khosas and other plunderers and giving further instructions on the matter. . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (349-359) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd June 1832

    Letter No. 110, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay in connection with dispatch of troops under command of Captain Robert for punishment and suppression of Khosa and other marauders. . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (595-606) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Muradali for making arrangement for dispatch of Sind forces for the purpose and return of Jagatsing and Poonjaji, Parkar chiefs, alleged to have been implicated with the Plunderers.

     

    2nd July 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding to him copy of a letter from Envoy of Persia on the subject of proposed alliance between a son of Meer Muradalikhan of Hyderabad and a daughter of the king of Persia and other matters connected with affairs of North West Frontier. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (606-612) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th July 1832

    Letter No. 126, , from Government of Bombay intimating that a letter had been addressed to Honorable Court for execution of articles required by Meer Muradali; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (393) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    23rd July 1832

    Letter No. 154 from Government of Bombay approving of the suggestions made by Colonel Pottenger with regard to the assemblage of the army for routing out the tree-booters. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (413-414) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th July 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding to him a copy of their letter to Government other services of Colonel Pottenger and for reasons mentioned therein appointing him as Agent for affairs of Sind; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (425-432) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st July 1832

    Letter No. 159,from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Government of India had issued orders to Agent at Ajmere to open a communication with Rajah of Jodhpur for co-operation with British Government against Parkar plunderers and for adopting the measures preventing them from finding an asylum in his territories. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (437-439) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1832

    Letter No. 164, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield, Commanding Sind Force-

     

    (I)           Furnishing him with suggestion to be useful to him in the expedition against the Parkar free booters.

     

        (2)      Acquainting him with cause which led to the necessity for the expedition and for co-operation of certain Native powers with the British;

     

         (3)     Informing him that the strength of the enemy was estimated at 2000 fighting men and the Khosas, a tribe of Baluchees who composed the majority Rulers of Sind, and they refused every advance made to them by the Talpoors and formed themselves into a nucleolus for the disaffected and turbulent of the circumjacent regions:

     

    (3)  That Means, which formed the most infamous body of Parkar robbers lived in wands. Or temporary villages along the Northern edge of Parkar. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (672-702) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st August 1832

    Letter No. 162, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger (I) intimating him of appointment of Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield to the command of the expedition against Parkar and (2) Vesting him (Colonel Pottenger) with general of expedition and the measures consequent on its termination, (3) directing that Lieutenant William Pottenger should accompany the expedition in civil capacity and afford to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield advantage of his experience and knowledge of Sind Auxiliaries, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (445-449) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th August 1832

    Letter No. 120, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a map with a memoir on the Province of Sind prepared by Lieutenant Delhoste and Pottenger; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (623-624) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    Letter No. 123, dated 7th August. 1832, from Colonel Pottenger to Adjutant-General of the Army, Bombay, making suggestions for assemblage of forces to act against the plunderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (625-630) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th August 1832

         Letter No. 127 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India:-

    (I)             Describing the limits of the territory in possession of Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore;

    (II)         Informing that the latter had agreed to his suggestion for levy of duties at one place and that Meer Muradali should be asked to make a similar arrangement in his own country so far the vessports were concerned and that system of farming may be continued with regard to local trade;

    (III)        That the Bombay army would move across thrive to put down the plunderers of Parkar as soon as he heard from Colonel Lackete about the march of Jodhpur and Jussulmere forces;

    That Meer Muradali intimated that his army was awaiting orders from him. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (630-642) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th August 1832

    Letter No. 128, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay submitting account of the presents purchased on account of Sind Mission. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (643-645) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1832

     

    Letter No. 140, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copies of letters received from Native Agent from Sind to the effect:-

     

    (I)           That Meer Muradali desired that he would recover the losses incurred by the people from the Parkar chiefs and that he was prepared to hand them over to Colonel Pottenger on his assurance that they would be kept for two months and they would not be sent to any place from Bhooj:

     

    (2)    That news had been received from Hakim of Shikarpur that Kirpalsing with four thousand men joined General Ventura at Dero Gazikhan and that Ameers of Hyderabad sent trustworthy spies to find out the object and direction of their intended movements;

     

    (3)    That Meer Muradali and his sons sent presents to Sardar Dost Muhomed of Colonel though Nizamuldin Peerzada. The object of the Mission was to persuade the Sardar to make a demonstration against Sikh territories at any time Raja Ranjeetsing directed his attention towards Shikarpur.

     

    (4)      That His Royal Highness Abbas Meerza of Persia arrived at Meshed and Prince Kamran of Heart opened a friendly correspondence with him the object of placing himself under his protection. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (646-651) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 157 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of letters received from:-

     

    (I)           Meer Muradali and observing that reports had been received that Meers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore had entered into agreement with Shah Shujaool Mulk, king of Cabool, to help him in recovering his part in event of his success agreed to the Ameers and to acknowledge independence of Sind and to give a final release for payment of tribute; that Meer Muradali had sent Munshi Khushiram to Khyrpore to consult him on the subject and that His Highness Meer Rustomkhan consented to the plan on certain conditions.

     

    (2)     That the boxes containing the treaties were received and he delivered those for Meer Muradali in public Durbar, and the other he forwarded to Khyrpore.

     

    (3)     That Meer Muradali said that he having consulted his sons Mohomed Bakarshah to Bhooj in charge of the Parkar chiefs;

     

    (4)  That some Kassids came from Khyrpore who reported that Meer Alimurad Khan had fled to Bujrika Goth where he had collected a strong garrison and Meer Rustomskhan had sent troops for taking the place. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (655-659) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th August 1832,

    Letter No. 127 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India:-

     

    (I)           Describing the limits of the territory in possession of Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore;

     

         (2)     Informing that the latter had agreed to his suggestion for levy of duties at

                  One place and that it would be desirable that Meer Muradali should be asked                   to make a similar arrangement in his own country and that system of farming may be continued with regard to local trade;

     

         (3)     That the Bombay army would move across the river to put down the plunderers of Parkar as soon as he heard from Colonel Lackete about the march of Jodhpur and Jessulmere forces;

       

    (5)  That Meer Muradali intimated that his army was awaiting orders from him. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (630-642) &)

     

     15th September 1832

     

    Letter No. 241, from Government of Bombay on the same subject and signifying the Governor’s concurrence with opinion expressed by Governor-General of his conduct in the Late Sind Mission, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (561-562) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th September 1832

    Letter No. 189, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from the Native Agent in Sind reporting:-

     

    That there was a considerable chance of a civil war in Khyrpore State between Alimurad and his two elder brothers;

     

    (2)    That the cause of the war was refusal on the part of Meer Rustomkhan and Mubarak khan to restore Meer Alimurad some Purgunnahs which he had given to them; that Meer Muradali Khan of Hyderabad’s effort to reconcile the brothers proved ineffective. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (708-709) &)

     

    September 1832

    Pottenger writes a minute in which he expresses the opinion that the Ameers are taxing trade out of existence and that Murad Ali is trying to make the recent treaty a dead letter by means of excessive duties. He thought a toll based on the size of each boat should be levied:  [Page/27“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    5th October 1832

    Letter, from Meer Muradali of Hyderabad dispatching Parkar prisoners under charge of one Ghulam Hyder Mujranee and requesting that they might be sent back made and him after necessary enquiries had been made and their guilt disproved; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(719-722) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the

    6th October 1832

    Letter, from Agent to Governor-General, Rajputana to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Jodhpur and Jessulmere with British Government in capturing the Parkar robbers and to send their forces for the purpose; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(611-616) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th October 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of his instructions to the officer appointed to the command of the force against Khosas and others of Parkar. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(623-624) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October 1832

    Letter No. 215, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Meer Muradali had sent some petty Blooch Sardars in place of Jagatsing and other Parkar Chiefs. He sent them back as he found them old hopeless men and of the lowest station in life. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(716-719) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October 1832

    Letter No. 242, from Political Superintendent, Palanpore, to James William, Pol. Commr., Guzarat, forwarding a copy of letter addressed by Meer Mohomed Khan Abbas, Chief of Kalhora family to Lieutenant Presscot asking for assistance from British Government in securing Sind (their territory) from the Talpooes. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(643-644) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th October 1832

    Letter No. 290, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger approving of his proposal to appoint Lieutenant Delhoste to examine part of the country, left of river Indus. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(647) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th October 1832

    Letter No. 237, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Roberts, Commanding Poona Auxiliary Force, informing of his appointment as officer in charge Intelligence Department with Parkar Expeditionary Force; that he had informed Meer Muradali that Government had appointed him to be medium of communications between the Officer Commanding the Forces and Meers Sardars; that he had appointed a Munshi Syed Rahmatullah who with his acquaintance with knowledge of Sindhi and Gujarati will knowledge of Sindhi and Gujarati will prove efficient person; that as Head of the Intelligence Department he was required to perform certain duties as detailed in paragraphs 9-12 of his letter. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(737-746) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th October 1832

    Letter No. 234, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield, Officer in charge Expedition Force, against Parkar free-booters giving him further assistance for guidance. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(733-736) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1832

    Letter, from Agent to Governor-General, Rajputana, to Colonel Pottenger informing that communications had been received from certain Chiefs who it appeared were greatly alarmed at the approach of British army expressing their willingness to relinquish their predatory calling if any arranges could be made for their support, &c.

    (2)      Making certain suggestions to this end. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(741-745) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October, 1833

    The Governor-General agrees with the advisability of replacing the duty with a toll but with a toll but cautions pottinger that in conducting negotiations he should give the Ameers every assurance that the internal trade of their own country will not be interfered with. The moment goods are landed at Tatta, Hyderabad or anywhere else in their dominions they will become subject to the local duties levied by the Ameers in their own country. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    October, 1833

    Murad Ali dies and is succeeded by his eldest son, Nur Mahomed, as the principal chief of Lower Sind. He firmly refuses to allow the creation of a British Residency in Sind. Pottinger is at a loss about what to do as his instructions forbade him to “demand anything or to use coercion.”[Page/27“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    16th December 1833

    Letter, from Native agent at Hyderabad to Colonel Pottenger, Political Resident, Cutch, informing of death of Meer Muradali and stating that Meer Nur Mohomed Khan and Meer Mohomed-khan determined to send presents to Bombay Government, &c.; letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Nur Mohomed Khan condoling with him on the death of his father; letter dated March 1834 from Meer Nur Mohomedkhan of Hyderabad to Colonel Pottenger in reply to the above. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302Page No (1-7) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (9-12) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (53) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand desiring him to inform the Ameers (Nur Mohomed, Sobdarkhan and Naseerkhan) of his appointment as Agent to Governor-General in Sind and of appointment of Captain Melwill as his Assistant in Sind and his headquarters being fixed at Hyderabad. As that gentleman did not accept the appointment on account of delicate health, he had intended to proceed to Sind requesting that arrangements be made to meet him at Badin. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (31-35) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th August 1834

    Letter, from Munshi Jethanand to Colonel Pottenger reporting that he had he had sent a letter and a hundi for Rs. 500 to Bahawalkhan, who expressed thanks to the Governor and said that the Colonel Pottenger should be assured that the friendship between him and British Government would continue from generation to generation; that a cassid had arrived from Cabool who gave an account of the unsuccessful attempt of Dost Mohomad to attack the fort of Candhar; that Ameers of Sind had received letters from the Chiefs of Candhar giving account of their victory and route of the King. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (43-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th August, 1834

    Pottinger writes to Macnaghten that the Ameers continued steadfastly to refuse their permission for the creation of the Residency and evinces no enthusiasm about signing any new treaty. Unless we mean to abandon the great Design of opening the Indus to traffic, we must, in the event I am contemplating, change our Requests to Demands and support those demands, by increasing Force in Kutch and blockading the ports of Sinde till everything we wish is fully acceded to. (“IRO, Bengal Secret and Political Consultations”. Sept 5, 1834, No-1.)

    18th August 1834

    Letter from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger informing that there was some disagreement between Meer Nur Mohomedkhan and Meer Sobdarkhan on question of division of the State on the demise of late Meer Muradalikhan; that he had reminded Meer Nur Mohomedkhan to return the treaty where in it was provided that a Native of India would be placed in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (43-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th January 1835

    Letter No. I, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Robert, Assistant Political Agent, Bhooj, directing him to be strictly neutral with regard to the application from Meer Mohomed for assistance of British troops in collecting the tribute from the district of That Parkar, &c; letters Nos. 2 and 3 of even dates from Colonel Pottenger forwarding to Government of India Bombay a copy of the above for information. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (1) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (2) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th January 1835

    Letter No. 4, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that news had been received from Native Agent at Hyderabad that His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Kelat with two hundred retinue and so closely followed by Khoodadad Khan of Candhar that he was obliged to take refuge within the country of Khan of Kelat who acceded to the unfortunate monarch the protection and hospitality he sought for; that the Ameers of Sind hearing that information had taken steps to strengthen the garrison at Shikarpur; that it was clear it was clear that the king would not remain for a long time and he would not remain for a long time and he would proceed to Bombay via Sonmeanee, if the Ameers did not permits him a passage through their territory; in the other case he would pass through Sind to Bhooj and Bombay; requesting that he was anxious to know the terms on which the King was to be received and treated; letter No. 5 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to the above and asking for instruction on the above Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (3-4) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (5) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st January 1835

    Letter No.6, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India stating that the Native Agent informed that His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Bhag in Cutch Gandava and that the son and the nephew of Meer Rustomkhan had arrived at Hyderabad for persuading Meer Nur Mohomedkhan not to allow the Emperor to enter Sind. Meer Nur Mohomed had promised that he would not allow the king to remain anywhere for more than a day and that he would not only grant him a free passage but would treat him with all respect and honour due to him; letter No. 7 of even date forwarding a copy of the above to Government of Bombay. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (6) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (7) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th February 1835

    Letter No. 9, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting as under:-

    (I)           That His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Larkana on his way to Hyderabad;

         (2)          That one Mr. Semon who was once in Sindhia’s service has returned from Peshawar and has entered the service of Meer Alimurad of Meerpur;

         (3)         That Syed Ismail shah and Said Zynooldin were appointed Governors of Larkana and Shikarpur. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (8-10) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th February 1835

    Letter No. 10, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of instruction prepared for guidance of Native Agent and desiring that Lieutenant Mackeson should always address the Ameers of Sind through Munshi Jethanand to avoid delays and subterfuges on the part to the Ameers; That he had moved the Government of Bombay to publish the Indus Toll Treaty in Bombay Government Gazette in English, Persian and Gujarati (vide letter No. 12. Of even date); letter No. 14, dated 18th February 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson forwarding him copies of the above with enclosures for instructions. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (10-11) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (21) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th February 1835

     Letter No. 17,from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of the letter from the Native Agent reporting as under:-

    That Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk arrived at Hyderabad on 14th February and on the following day all the Ameers with relation and children paid their respect to His Majesty who requested Meer Nur Mohomed to permit him to stay at Shikarpur till he could collect a force. Meer Nur Mohomed declined to accede to his request but he agreed to assist him when he returned with his army from Ludhiana. A treaty to that effect was entered into by His Majesty who in return gave Shikarpur as a free gift to the Ameers and abandoned all claim to tribute from the Sind Ameers. Meer Nur Mohomed and other Ameers gave presents, etc. to His Majesty; That Dost Mohomedkhan of Cabool had assumed the title of Ameer and had khutba read in his name and that he was collecting troops to drive Sikhs from Peshawar. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (23) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th February 1835

    Letter No. 20, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of correspondence between him and Meer Nur Mohomed relating to suppression of Khosas under Paroo Jamadar and other predatory tribes on the border of Cutch and protest of Meer Nur Mohomed against attack of British Commander at balmere. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (26-27) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th March 1835

    Letter No. 23, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from Native Agent, Hyderabad, reporting:-

    (a)  Peeru Khoso’s son complained to Meer Nur Mohomed of the treatment received by his father from Officer Commanding the Forces at Blameer. Meer Nur Mohomed gave him a disappointing reply;

    (b) That Rajah Ranjeetsing had sent one Chunilal as a Vakil to Cabool for transmitting any news from that quarter;

    (c)  Meerza Mohomed Bakarshah who was deputed by Meer Nur Mohomed to establish a treaty with Meer Mehrabkhan of Kelat, returned;

    Salamatrai Munshi and Vakil of Rajah of Jessulmere arrived with some presents for Meer Nur Mohomed and Meer Naseerkhan. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (32) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th March 1835

    Letter, from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger informing that Bharra and other Khosas appeared before Meer Nur Mohomed and the latter reprimanded them for their conduct and ordered them to leave Thar and reside in Sind; That reports had been received that Dost Mohomed Khan had determined to give battle to the Sikhs and that he was collecting men and money for the purpose. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (38-40) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th March 1835

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from Native Agent to the following effect:-

    That the Ameer Nur Mohommed sent for Bhara Khosa and others of the same tribe and warned them to abstain from their predatory habits and recommended them to leave Thul and take up their abode within the precincts of Sind; Khan had determined on giving battle to the Sikh army and everyday people were flocking from Khorasan to Dost Muhammad’s standard. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (38-40) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th April 1835

    Letter, from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger reporting that Meer Nur- Mohomed was taking vigorous steps against the Khosas. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (41) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th April 1835

    Letter No. 29. From Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that he had received a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad for permission to go to Bhooj as a bearer of certain secret and important messages from Sind Ameers.

    23rd April 1835

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that object of the Ameers in sending the Native Agent with messages to Bhooj was to remonstrate against British Government’s intentions to build the fortress in Bahawal Khan’s country. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (52-53) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th April 1835

    Letter No. 30, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Nur Mohommed Khan had given orders for half treasures being brought from various places. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (42-43) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th May 1835

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay acknowledging receipt of a copy of their letter to Mohomed Rahim Shirazi relating to opening the trade by the Indus and informing was in end of February, March and April as the southerly winds blew regularly then; letter No. 31 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Government of India for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (56-57) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    May 1835,

    Pottinger sends his assistant, Alexander Burnes, to Hyderabad at the aMeer’s request. The Ameers hope to conclude an offensive-defensive alliance with the British directed against Ranjit Singh whose pretensions to Shikarpur, jointly owned with the Ameers of Upper Sind and some forty miles northwest of Khyrpore; they had good cause to fear. [Page/30 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    13th June 1835

    Letter No. 40, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that the Ameers of Hyderabad refused to restore to Rai of Cutch a vessel which had stranded near one of the months of river Indus and that he had made a further reference to the Meer on the subject and should he still refuse to comply with the request, he should be forced to restore the property and should be forced to restore the property and abandon the barbarous custom of confiscating the stranded vessels and requesting that the survey of the months of river Indus should be set about early; Letter No. 47, dated 14th June 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Meer Nur Mohomed had in consequence of remonstrance restored the vessel and the property; That His Highness had forced the Khosas to move to the Eastern Frontier and that he had given a civil and encouraging reply to a Persian merchant who had gone to make enquiries respecting the trade by Indus. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (58-59) &)Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (67-68) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th August 1835

    Letter No. 50, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson, British Agent for Navigation of the Indus, pointing out the disadvantages of applying to Sind Government on each occasion of the boats for special order as a beaten road for travelers. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (69-72) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     26th August 1835

    Letter No. 51, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of the above for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (72) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th August 1835

    Letter No. 54, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay asking for permission to set the Ranna of Parkar (a state prisoner at Bhooj at liberty on condition that he would either live in Cutch or Sind; Informing that in anticipation of Government orders he had acceded to the request of Meer Nur Mohomed and released eight of the relations and followers of Rana Jagatsing of Parkar placed in confinement by the Sind Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (73-75) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    30th August 1835

    Letter No.58, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that the Ameer had consented to restore the boat and other property seized by the Sind officers; That the practice of condemning stranded vessels might be considered to have been finally abandoned; asking for instructions before he brought the question of a survey of the Indus to Meer Nur Mohomed ; Forwarding copy of the above for making remarks on the question of the survey of river Indus. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (79-81) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th September 1835

    Letter No. 63, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting substance of two letters from Meer Nur Mohomed and from the Native Agent. In the one the Meer asked for permission to be granted to Native Agent to proceed to Bhooj with certain confidential messages and asking for a medical officer to be sent to Hyderabad; In the other the Native Agent reporting that Meer Nur Mohomed promised that no molestation would be offered to the merchants trading by Indus; That the Ameers were in great tribulation about Ranjeetsing attacking Shikarpur; Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (94-97) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th September 1835

    Letter No. 67, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India relating to Mission sent under Diwan Lakhmichand by Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore; letter No. 70, dated 3rd October 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Rustom’s Vakeel who arrived at Bhooj, some days ago, paid him visits and brought presents from his master for Government of India and for him; expressed feelings of friendship and devotion to British Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (99) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th September 1835

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Sir Charles Metcalfe Governor-General of India for promotion. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (100-104) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd October 1835

    Letter No. 70, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the nature of the secret messages brought by the British Native Agent from Ameers of Sind and the reply he intended to give and intimating his intention of deputing Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad as the medium of certain communications which appeared to him to be urgently called for. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (106-111) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     10th October 1835

    Letter No. 73, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson, British Agent for the Navy of Indus, informing that the Ameers of Sind were aware of his appointment and the duties he was required to perform; That he was sending Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad, in connection with certain explanatory messages to the Ameers and that the necessity for their directing their local officers to attend to his requisitions had formed a part of Lieutenant Burn’s instruction. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (114-115) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th October 1835

    Letter No. 77, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting (I) some secret communications made by the Vakeel from Khyrpore relating to determination of Meer Rustomkhan’s position with respect to Hyderabad Government, (2) requesting instructions. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (117-119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October 1835

    Letter No. 78, and from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns furnishing him with detailed instructions as to how he should move with Ameers while on deputation at Hyderabad; letters Nos. 79 and 80 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Government of India and Government of Bombay for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (120-130) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (130-131) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1835

    Letter No. 81, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns informing him of the deputation of Dr. Heddle to Sind for negotiating with the Ameers in connection with the survey of river Indus and desiring him to confine himself to what he contemplated in his letter of 22nd October; letter No. 82 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India intimating that the deputation of Dr. Heddle by Government of Bombay without his consultation had put him and Lieutenant Burns in a difficult position; letter No. 84, dated 3rd November 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Dr. Heddle informing him of the appointment on deputation of Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad, stating that he had strictly prohibited Lieutenant Burns from interfering with the objects to proceed with his business without reference to his presence; letters Nos. 85 and 86 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay and Government of India forwarding a copy of the above for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (131-132) &) Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (132-135) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (136-137) &) Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (137) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th November 1835

    Letter No. 88, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India intimating that Nihalsing with a considerable force had arrived at Multan and he halted there for orders to advance; that Dost Mohommed Khan of Colonel had proposed to Ameers of Sind to join with him in the great struggle against the consternation and were making active arrangement to oppose the Sheikhs. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (138-139) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th November 1835

    Letter No. 92, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Wade, Political Agent, and Ludhiana, regarding detention on Indus of boats coming from Ludhiana and the grounds for calling on the Ameers to pay demurrage. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (140-142) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th December 1835

    Letter Nos. 98 and 99 from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns expressing his approbation of his proceedings with Ameers of Sind and directing him to remain at Hyderabad if Meer Nur Mohommed proposed him to do so. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (146-147) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th December 1835

    Letter No. 106, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay explaining in detail the motives which had induced him to direct Lieutenant Burns to take no share in Dr. Heddle’s negotiations with the Ameers of Sind for the survey of Indus; letter No. 107, dated 18th December 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of the above for information. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (152-161) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (161-162) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd December 1835

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter on the subject of Lieutenant Burns deputation and offering some further explanation of the motives which induced him to take that step without previous reference and expressing his hope that the result of the deputation would appear satisfactory to Government.  Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (162-165) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd December 1835

    Letter No. 109, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above and informing that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had consented to a survey and examination of the river Indus and requesting that necessary order be issued for commencing the work. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (166) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th December 1835

    Letter No. 116, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of Lieutenant Burns’ dispatch containing overtures from Ameers of Sind for establishing intimate connection with the Province including the residence of British Agent in Sind and recommending that proposals be accepted. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (170-175) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    32nd December 1835

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter on the subject of Lieutenant Burns’ deputation and offering some further explanation step without previous reference and expressing his hope that the result of the deputation would appear satisfactory to Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (162-165) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd January 1836

    Letter No. 5, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting a copy of a letter received from Government of Bombay commenting on his measures regarding Dr. Heddle’s mission to Sind and trusting that his conduct would be viewed by Governor-General with due allowance for the delicate situation in which he was placed. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (190-191) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th January 1836

    Letter No. 9, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting a copy of a letter from Dr. Heddle complaining of the incivility he experienced in Sind and offering some palliative circumstances in the Ameers demeanor. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (193-211) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th February 1836

    Letter No. 11, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he had Jearnt that Assistant Surgeon Hathorn Had been recalled from Sind under orders of Government of Bombay and offering his opinion as to the light in which Meer Noor Mohomed Khan might view this measure. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (213-216) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th February 1836

    Letter No. 13, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns regarding a flat-bottomed boat that was to be sent from Bombay to the Commander of East India Company’s Sloop “War Amherst” to deliver in charge of Petamber, the Bunder Master at Mandvi, the above boat; letter No. 17, dated 8th March 1836, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Carless asking him to return to Mandvi as the season had far advanced and it was not possible to proceed with the survey work and informing that he had asked Lieutenant Wood of Indian Navy to remain on the Indus and watch the progress of the Indus; Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (217-218) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (219-220) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (220-221) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    March 1839

    The treaty is ratified by the Governor-General and Karachi is provided for in a separate agreement drawn up at the time of its capture between Rear AdMeeral Frederick Lewis Maitland and Brigadier T. Valiant on the part of the British and Hassal Ben Butcha, the commandant of Manora Fort, and Khyer Mahomed, the Governor of Karachi, on behalf of Nur Mahomed. The first article is the most significant; it said simply “that the full possession of the fort and town of Kurrachee shall be this day given up by the aforesaid Governor to the British forces”. [Page/54“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    5th March 1836

    Colonel Pottenger writes to Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore informing that friendship and good will of British Government towards Khyrpore will remain forever. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (221-223) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th March 1836

    Letter,from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand informing him that merchants going from Bombay had been disturbed on the way while passing through Indus and that he had written to Meer Noor Mohomed to issue orders to his men not to interfere with the boats. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (223-224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th March 1836

    Letter No. 22, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding for information a copy of his letter to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan discussing the terms of a new treaty he made with him. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (225-228) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th March, 1836

    Letter No. 18, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Wood forwarding a copy of the above and intimating that he had informed Meer Noor Mohomed of the above arrangements and that he had requested the Meer to afford him every facility in carrying out his duties. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (221-223) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th March, 1836

    Letter No. from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting copies of instructions issued to officers of India Navy employed in surveying and examining the Indus and stating his opinion with regard to the river being examined annually. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th April 1836

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding translation of a letter from Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and of a letter from his agents complaining of the incivility with which his highness’s emissaries had been treated at Bombay; letter No 39, dated 17th May 1836 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting receipt of a second letter from Meer Nur Muhammad Khan regarding the treatment meted out to his Vakeels at Bombay. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (251-253) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st April 1836

    Letter No. 36, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding translation of a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad containing the observations made by Meer Noor Muhammad Khan on the reply sent to him regarding a European being permanently stationed in sind. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (245-249) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th May 1836

    Letter No. 41, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that treaty made by Meerza Bakarshah (who was sent to Baluchistan) with Mehrabkhan of Kelat to make a simultaneous attack on the plunderers who infested the borders of both the States. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (254-255) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th June 1836

    Letter No. 46, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting translation of a letter from Native Agent, Hyderabad, containing the defence of His Highness as to his conduct towards Dr. Heddle and explaining his motives for having kept the above letter for long. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (259-265) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th June 1836

    Letter No. 48, from Colonel Pottenger of India forwarding a translation of the letters from Native Agent at Hyderabad reporting that he waited on Meer Noor Mohammad Khan in connection with the question relating to establishment of a British Agent in Sind; communicating further news. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (266-267) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th June 1836

    Letter No. 50, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the substance of the letters received from Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore and asking for permission to send presents to him and his brother. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (269-271) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st June 1836

    Letter Nos. 55 and 56 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay and Government of India forwarding-

    (I)           A copy of the letter from Assistant Surgeon Hathorn for allowances during the period he was in Sind.

          (2)       Medical case of His Highness Meer Noor Mohomad Khan of Hyderabad. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (276) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th June 1836

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of a letter from the Honorable the Court Directors regarding mode to be adopted for trial of British subjects when delivered over to Native states and reporting that he had no occasion to hold any trial since the receipt of the Circular of October 1834. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (277-279) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1836

    Letter No. 59 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding Extracts of a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad reporting on the following points:-

    (I)           The alarm of the Ameers at the intimation received from Rajah Ranjeetsing of his intention of calling on them to restore Shikarpur town;

    (2)        Further application for pecuniary aid from Dost Mohomad

    (3)        Failure of Hyderabad Ameers in mediating between Meer Nusseerkhan of Hyderabad Meer Alimurad Khan of Meerpur with regard to some disputed land.

    (4)       The quantity of opium passed through Sind and the bad faith of Ameers in their promises to the merchants; letter No. 60 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above with his comments on the opium question. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (281-83) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th July 1836

    Letter No. 62, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting receipt of a kind letter from Meer Noor Mohomad Khan accompanied by five camel loads of mangoes and the purport of his reply he addressed to him. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (286-287) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th August, 1836

    Despite the pessimistic reports Auckland sends an experimental steamer up the Indus and asks the Court to send two or three more steam vessels. He writes to Sir James Carnac, Governor of Bombay, that the authorities at Bombay are needlessly discouraged by the report of Carless and Wood; and he hopes to encourage trade on the river by the establishment of annual fair on its banks. With a view to these objects and that of obtaining general information he proposes to send Captain Alexander Burnes on a mission to Lahore and Kabul. (Auckland Papers No.37689)

    29th August, 1836

    Auckland Observes that “I am unwilling to give the alarming color of political speculation to a mission, the main object of which is commercial, but it is impossible to divest of political interest any observation of the Countries on the Indus and to the West of the river. It is difficult to see without some anxiety the exertions made on every occasion by the ruler of the Punjab to extend his power; all information from that quarter must be valuable, and it may not be useless ostensibly to mark that nothing which is their passing is viewed with indifference by the Brithsh Government or escapes its notice.(Minute on Commerce and navigation on the Indus. By Auckland)

    August, 1836

    The Sikh troops were once more on the march toward Sind. Divan Sanwanmal again captured Rojhan and carried by assault a small Sindian fort near Shikarpur. To equip his troops Ranjit Singh asked the British for “50,000 stand of arms,” but they were refused him. The Governor-General was seriously worried by the Sikh advance. [Page/35 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    September, 1836

    Wade is in Lahore to discuss with Ranjit Singh and use every means short of actual threats to keep Ranjit Sing at Lahore and prevent the further advancement of his army towards Sindh. [Page/36 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    September 1836

    The Governor-General entertains the conviction that the Government of India is bound by the strongest considerations of political interest to prevent the extension of the Sikh power along the whole course of the Indus. It cannot also view with indifference any disturbance of the existing relations of peace between the several states occupying the banks of the river. [Page/35 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th November, 1836

    Pottinger is in empowered to receive overtures from the Ameers for the complete dependence of Sind on Britain, which would require a permanent detachment of British troops in Sind but would guarantee the Ameers protection against all enemies. (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    November 1836

    Pottinger arrives in Hyderabad and reports to the Central Government that he had entered into a provisional agreement with Nur Mahomed providing for the residency of a British agent in Shikarpur. [Page/37 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th December 1836

    Letter No. 124, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting as under:-

    (I)           That on his arrival at Vikkur he was met by Governors of Tatta and Mugerbin, and servants of Meers Noor Mohomed and Meer mohomed, respectively At Tatta he was met by Meerza Bakar, Meer Noor Mohomed’s principal treasurer, Secretary and bosom friend,  who brought a message from his master desiring him to keep secret the fact of his visit to Sind on invitation by him (the Meer);

    (2)        That on evening of 22nd Meerza Bakar saw him and enquired whether he wanted to pay visit to the Meer and said that the Meer wanted to know the object of his Mission. He was replied that he had two communications to make (one regarding opening of the Indus and the other of a purely political nature) Meerza Bakar desired that there were still cogent reasons which rendered secrecy and precaution advisable for some time This conversation afforded him a perfect insight into domestic dissensions of the ruling family;

    (4)      His visit to the Meer on 23rd with Meerza Bakar and Baluch Khans who formed his escort;

    (5)    That on the next day he paid another visit to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and when he met him in his room Meer Noor Mohomed Khan whispered him not to say anything in public as Mohomed Usif and Mohomed Khan Talpoor, servants of Meer Mohomed Khan, were sitting as spies;

    (6)    That on the morning of 25th he sent his commercial memorandum to Meer Noor Mohomed through his agents who expressed his agreement to all proposals contained therein. Meerza Bakar’s conversation with him on the politics and propects of Sind, the relations of all the Ameers with one another and the un-compromising attitude of Meer Sobdarkhan towards the British and his object of going out on hunting on the day of Colonel Pottenger’s arrival; 

    (7)     On 28th he devoted that day to receiving visits from one Mohammed Tahir, Agent of Agha Rahim Shirazee of Bombay, and from several well him on the trade of Sind. The latter complained that on account of the dread of Shikhs, Shikarpur which was once known for its flourishing trade with Khorasan had been Deserted and that the whole World anxiously looked to the British to interfere and thereby restore prosperity not only of Shikarpur but of all countries bordering on their dominions;

    (8)      That in the afternoon he sent his secret memorandum to Meer Noor Mohomed through Syed Azamoodin.

    (9)      Visit of Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and on his return he was accompanied by Meerza Bakar who consulted him on two points:-

    (a)    That Meer Noor Mohomed had an intention to call out the whole army and proceed against Maharajah Ranjeetsing;

    (b)    That it was possible Meer Sobdarkhan might refuse to allow commercial treaty to be carried into effect.

    (10)   On the 1st November Meerza Bakar brought the commercial treaty signed and sealed by the three Ameers;

    (11)   That on 1st December he had an interview from Syed Ali, Agent of Ali Mohomed Khan Shustry a merchant of Bombay, who desired Colonel Pottenger to recommend him to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan’s protection. This he accordingly did. In the evening Colonel Pottenger saw the ex-Rana of Parkar who resided at Hyderabad and received his stipends from the Native Agent. He expressed his thankfulness to Meer Noor Mohomed for his kind treatment;

    (12)   That heoffered presents to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan which were appreciated by him;

    (13)   That he learnt from Munshi Jethanand that Sobdar regretted his refusal to sign the treaty and that he wished to open communication with British Government through him. Colonel Potternger refused to see him without obtaining permission from Meer Noor Mohomed;

    (14)   That he sent the commercial treaty in English and Persian duly sealed and signed to Meer Noor Mohomed He went to the Durbar where Meer Noor Mohomed told him that he would religiously abide by stipulations made in it;

    (15)   That on the morning of 5th he rode down and embarked on board the “Jhampti”. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (279-333) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Private letters from Azamuddin Hassan to Colonel Pottenger informing that he had forwarded papers to him; one relating to the local trade of Vikkur and the other to the general system of revenue in Sind, character of the people, their mode of life; private letter, dated 15th April 1837, from Azamuddin Hassan to Colonel Pottenger reporting that on 14th Meerza Bakar Khan came from Meer Noor Mohomed to welcome him and presented him with a purse of Rs. 200 which he accepted. He entered into discussion on several points relating to treaty and had assurance from him that the Governor-General will not interfere into the private and family disputes of the Ameers. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (103-109) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (149-161) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th October, 1836

    “Pottinger write to prinsep that our Paramountcy not only entitles, but calls on [us] to stand forward to save the country of Sinde from the aggressions of Ranject Singh, and further, that we must establish a decided Political ascendency . . . [and] that the Maharaja should be distinctly warned off.” (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    2nd January, 1837

    Secret Committee writes to Governor-General, Auckland that “Your Honourable Committee will perceive that our negotiation is now narrowed to two objects-the improvement of our relations with the Ameers of Sinde by stationing a British agent at their capital, and the adjustment, with the consent of both parties of the present difference of the Ameers and the Ranjeet Singh-Should these objects be attained, of which there is every possibility, the preservation of tranquility along the whole course of the Indus will be the natural consequence”. (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    11th May 1837

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Syed Azamuddin Hassan informing him that His Lordship made a direct and precise offer of mediating between the Governments of Sind and Lahore on the understanding that the Sind Government of a Resident in their territory; and asking him to return to Bhooj after taking leave from the Ameer. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (171-173) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munsho Jethanand informing that it was understood that one Ali Muhammed Khan who was going from Hindoostan to the Court of Mohomed Shah of Persia and that Ameers of Sind had given “Ureezee” (petition) for him and that it was important that he should find out how far it was true. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (219-224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th September, 1837

    Burnes arrived in Kabul and was received by Dost Mahomed “with most gratifying demonstrations of respect and civility.” But he soon reported to Auckland that the Afghan ruler showed a marked predilection for the Russians and Persians. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th December, 1837

    While Writing to Macnaghtem, Potinger objects appointment of Wades assistant Lieutenant Mackeson to arbitrate between Ameers and the Sikhs on Mazari territory question, because, he feels that Mackeson may be prejudiced in favour of Ranjit Singh. [Page/38 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th February 1838

    Government of India writes to Colonel Pottenger approving of the tenor of Communications made to Meur Sobdarkhan and concurring with Colonel Pottenger in his opinion that his visit to Sind should be dependent on the final appointment of a Resident in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (369-370) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd March 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Government of India were surprised and concerned to hear that Ameers of Sind had submitted themselves to the Court of Persia and desiring him to apprise the Ameere of the views of British Government the matter. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (377-378) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th April 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of his intention of going to Sind in company with the Resident in Sind when that officer was finally appointed after the formal ratification of the agreement tendered to the Ameers. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (385-386) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th April 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger appointing him as Resident in Sind in addition to his duties as Resident at Cutch and appointing Caption Melwill as Assistant to the Resident in Sind and British Agent for navigation of the British ships on Indus; and desiring him to proceed to Hyderabad with Captain Melwill and to return to Cutch as soon as he had placed matters on a satisfactory footing; leaving Captain Melwill at Hyderabad to be the channel of all communications between him and the Ameers; letter, dated 20th April 1838, from Government of India to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan informing him of appointments of Colonel Pottenger and Captain Melwill as Agents and Assistant Agent for Sind; informing that in deference to the wishes of junior Ameers he had signed separate agreements for Ameers Sobadarkhan, Meer Mohomedkhan and Nuseerkhan and that he would not separate treaties with them, should any occasion arise in the future. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (393-395) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd April 1838

        Colonel Pottenger writes to Munshi Jethanand asking him to enquire from Meer Sher Mohomed Khan of Meerpur whether he liked to have a separate treaty signed by His Lordship. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (225-227) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    April 23, 1838,

    Auckland reported to the Secret to the Secret Committee that an agreement had been signed with the Ameers of Hyderabad whereby a British resident was to be stationed at   Hyderabad, the British were to use their good offices for the settlement of Sikh-Sind conflict, and all intercourse between the Sikhs and Lahore was in future to be conducted through the medium of the British Government. Separate documents were granted to the junior Ameers, but Nur Mahomed in association with his brother, Nasir Khan, was recognized as the chief with whom alone the British would deal. Colonel Pottinger was appointed resident and Captain P. M. Melvill, of the 7th Regiment of the Bombay Native Infantry, was named his assistant and British agent for the navigation of the lower course of the Indus. [Page/42 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    2nd May 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed informing him that Dhoolaji brother of Jagatsing of Nagar Parkar had been seized and would be sent to Hyderabad if His Highness so desired. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (233-235) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd June 1838

     

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to A. C. Gordon on deputation to Hyderabad informing him that some of the Punjab boats were plundered in Khyrpore country and statig the steps he had taken in the matters; letter, dated 25th June 1838, from A. C. Gordon, Assistant Surgeon on special duty to Colonel Pottenger reporting an outrage committed by sepoys of Meer Murad  Ali on the boatmen; letters Nos. 81 and 107, dated 7th July 1838 and 11th September 1838, respectively, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting copies of letters received from Dr. Gordon regarding exactions made from the return boats on the Indus ; letters, dated 11th October 1838, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of the action taken by him on the matter and with reference to Moulvi Nasruddin and his followers ; letter, dated 13th December 1838, from Government of India forwarding for information and guidance an extract from the dispatch from the Honourable Court the Court of Directors relating to the system under which Native Chiefs were held responsible with respect to property plundered while crossing their territories. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (55-66) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (69-72) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (73-84) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (85) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (153-155)

     

    2. Dispute between Meer Alimurad Khan and Naseerkhan of Khyrpore relating to right of possession over five villages-Decision of Mr.Ross Bell, Polotical Agent, in case of-; several agreements entered into by Meer Rustom Khan to Major Outram for restoration of the five villages given to Meer Alimurad Khan by Mr. Ross Bell or for permission to settle the question with Meer Alimurad Khan without intererferance of British Government; Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (295-300)

    2nd May, 1838

    Governor-General, Auckland forms opinion that “The Ameers of Sinde though all professing friendship have some of them been corresponding in terms of submission… with the Persians, and would thereby justify any course which we may think it expedient to adopt towards them.” “The Ameers spoke fairly but acted foully.” [Page/46“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    24th May 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan sending him treaties of articles ratified by Governor-General; informing that he had been appointed as Resident in Sind and that as Captain Mellwill, his assistant, was on account of his delicate health unable to proceed to Hyderabad he had determined to come there as soon as arrangements were made for him; that Governor-General had sent some presents for would bring them when he next visited Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (243-246) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd June 1838

     

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan informing that some boats coming from Punjab had been stopped and plundered at a place called ‘Bakee Puttung’ by sepoys of Meer Ali Murad son of late Meer Sobdarkhan and requesting that as that act was a direct breach of treaty it was in the interests of both the Governments that measures should be taken without delay for the punishment of the culprits; that as the outrage was committed in the country of Meer Rustomkhan he was sending him a copy of the above letter for necessary action; letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand on the above subjects, directing him to call on Meer Nur Mohomed and request him to send trustworthy officers to investigate the matter and to punish the people of Alimurad at fault. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (255-258) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand informing that he was surprised to hear that His Highness Meer Noor Muhomed Khan should have objected to his showing the letter to Meer Sobder Khan and that he had told him several times that the British Government wished to be on friendly terms with all the Ameers of Sind and it was his duty to cultivate friendship as much as possible. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (265-268) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Rustomkhan informing him that Government of India will not make any application to Maharajah Ranjeetsing for restoration of Muzaree district and Rojan until Moulvi Naseerdin was seized and his followers driven out of Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (269-271) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter No. 65, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting arrival of Dr. Gordon and of the Dewan in service of Maharajah Ranjeetsing from Bombay en route to Ludhiana; visit of Dewan to Colonel Pottenger and delivery of a letter with some presents to him from Maharajah; that Meer Sher Mohomed Khan of Meerpurkhas visited  Meer Noor Muohomed and a treaty composing the difference between the Ameers was drawn up and when it was sent to Meer Sobdarkhan he refused to affix his seal; that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had no fear of Persian Army taking heart and recommended them to send troops for his assistance; that he had written a letter to Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore requesting him to take adequate steps for punishing Nasroodin; letter dated 12th June 1838 from Government of India approving of the manner the Dewan was received by him and authorizing him to charge in his accounts the disbursements made by him to the Dewan, &c; letter No. 82, dated 13th July 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he had received letters from Meer Sobdarkhan and Meer Sher Mohomed Khan acknowledging the ratified treaties and expressing the gratification at his appointment as Resident; giving an account of the alleged Persian Prince who had arrived at Hyderabad.

    June 1838

    Auckland, influenced by a misguided Macnaghten and a misleading Bures, determined to persevere. To achieve the replacement of Dost Mahomed to with Shah Shuja it was necessary to gain the cooperation of Ranjit Singh and to acquire the right of transit through Sind as well as certain further concessions from the Ameers. It was decided that to defray some of the expenses of the expedition and to assure funds to reward Ranjit Singh for his cooperation, the fiction of a tribute payable to Shah Shuja as suzerain of the Ameers of Sind would be revived; and a treaty to this effect was signed by the British, Shah Shuja, and Ranjit Singh without the Ameers even being a party to it. This tripartite treaty set up the machinery for the invasion of Afghanistain. The sixteenth article provided that Shah Shuja would relinquish all claims on the Ameers of Sind for a sum to be determined by the British, and it was anticipated that the amount would be in excess of twenty lakhs. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    3rd August 1838

    Government of India writes approving of the tenor of his letter to the address of Meer Rustomkhan desiring him to write to the Meer to put the frantic Nasroodin in confinement and to hold him responsible for further mischief committed by him. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (407-408) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1838

    Letter No. 85, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting translation of a petition by Meer Noor Mohomed to Shah of Persia, &c. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (461-446) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August, 1838

    Pottinger wrote to Macnaghten that the principal Ameers of Hyderabad had written a letter to the Shah of Persia. Pottinger himself did not attach mush importance to this as all Ameers except Sobdar were Shias and hence considered the Shah their ecclesiastical superior. [Page/46 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    13th August, 1838

    Auckland decided to replace Dost Mahomed with a ruler friendlier to British designs in Central Asia. The candidate of his choice was the oft defeated but ever hopeful former monarch, Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk, whose aspirations the British had previously often spurned. Auckland wrote:

    As to the justice of the course about to be pursued there cannot exist a reasonable doubt. We owe it to our safety to assist the lawful sovereign of Afghanistan in the East requires of his throne. The welfare of our possessions in the East requires that we should in the present crisis of affairs have a decidedly friendly power on our frontier and that we should have an ally who is interested in resisting aggression and establishing tranquility in place of a Chief seeking to identify himself with those whose schemes of aggrandizement and conquest are not to be disguised. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th August 1838

    Letter No. 89, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting substance of a letter from Native Agent of Hyderabad and explaining the natu e of fued alluded to therein between the Talpoors and Lagharees. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (465-469) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th August 1838

    Government of India writes to Colonel Pottenger desiring him to approach the Meer of Khyrpore to allow British Government to occupy Bukkur to enable them to keep open the passage of the river for troops proceeding to Candhar and to maintain their communications. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (429-430) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August, 1838

    The Ameers of Hyderabad are meanwhile mulcted of twenty lakhs of rupees for the payment of Shah Shuja, ten of which were paid at the time of the acceptance of the draft treaty. The final from of the treaty as sent from Calcutta by Auckland consistes of 14 articles and is more stringent than Pottinger’s draft of 23 articles. It provides for a British force to be stationed in Sind, at Tatta or such other place westward of the Indus as the Governor-General might select. The strength of this force would also be determined by the Governor-General but would not exceed 5,000 men. Meers Nur Mahomed Khan, Nasir Mahomed Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan are to pay one lakh of annum for support of the British force. Meer Sobdar is exempt from any payment. [Page/53“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th August 1838

    Letter No. 143, from Government of Bombay requesting Colonel Pottenger to keep them informed of the progress of his negotiations with Ameers of Sind; best mode of transmitting troops to Sind should such a contingency arose; what extent of transport would be obtained either at mouth of Indus or at Tatta? Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (423-425) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd August 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger requesting him to take measures for purchase of grain crops at Larkana from the Ameers of Sind and other dealers at that place; Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (435-436) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1838

    Colonel Pottenger writes (letter no. 94) to Government of India reporting his intention of resuming his journey in a few days to Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (475-478) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th August 1838

    Letter No. 100, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of instructions of 26th July 1838, and assigning reasons for calling on Government of Bombay to prepare a force for eventual service in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (493-496) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th September 1838

    Letter No. 102, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had sent a letter to the Ameers of Sind for help and the Ameers had sent a reply to him. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (505-509) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th September 1838

    Government of India writes to Captain Burns appointing him in charge of Mission at Cabool, giving him further instructions for his guidance. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (511-515) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th September 1838

    Letter, from Government of India acknowledging receipt of Colonel Pottenger’s letters of 25th and 27th August and informing that in view of “deep duplicity displayed by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan, his unjustifiable conduct in other respects, and owing to feelings of unwarrantable eneimity and jealousy with which he appeared to be regarded by some of the Chiefs, it was essential that a British force of 5000 men should advance without delay for occupation of Shikarpur or any other place deemed Indus; informing that Captain Burns had been deputed to visit Khyrpore and if necessary to enter into a new treaty with the Meer guaranteeing his independence and assuring him protection of British Government against all external enemies. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (499-503) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th September 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing him that he would reach Bukkur by end of the month and requesting that before he proceeded to Khyrpore he might be informed of the decision arrived at by him regarding affairs of Sind; from Colonel Pottenger in reply informing him that arrangements had been made by his agents for purchase of corn, &c., as directed by Governor-General; letter No. 116, dated 8th October 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns furnishing information on the points referred to in his letter; informing him how he was insulted when he returned from the Durbar of Meer Noor Mohomed and in the circumstances it was hopeless on his part to succeed to get the fort of Bukkur on loan; letter dated October 1838, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger reporting his arrival at Bukkur.

    16th September 1838

    Letter from Government of India acknowledging receipt of copies of communications from Meer Noor Mohomed to the Shah of Persia relating to his allegiance to him and informing him that the duplicity on the part of Meer Noor Mohomed in making professions of submission to Persia and of close alliance with British Government had forfeited for him (Nur Mohomed) all confidence and friendly consideration on part of Governor-General; directing him to proclaim as soon as a force arrived from Bombay that if an act of hostility and bad faith had been committed towards British Government the share of the Government of Sind held by any party should be transferred to the most faithful members of the family and that as security for the future, a British subsidiary force should be maintained in Sind, and giving further instructions for future guidance. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (523-524) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (601-607) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (601-607) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th September 1838

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Ameers had sent their reply to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk refusing to allow His Majesty a passage through Sind; that if British Government had to send troops to Sind the Indus would be the proper channel and if advisable a detachment might proceed to occupy Karachi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (527-529) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th September, 1838”

    Pottinger is ordered to take the strongest action against Nur Mahomed “for his duplicity in making at the same moment profession of submission to Persia and of close alliance with the British Government.” [Page/46“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    29th September 1838

    Letter, from Government of Bombay to acting Assistant in charge of Residency at Bhooj asking him to report whether tonnage could be obtained at Port of Mandvi for conveyance of Regiment of Cavalry destined for service in Sind.

    29th September 1838

    Government of Bombay writes to Superintendent of India Navy for assistance in transporting a force to Karachi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (565) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th September 1838

    Letter No.283, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger asking him for information regarding the route by which he would recommend the force should march from Bombay and the probability of their being opposed; whether it would be expedient either by force or with consent of the Ameers to occupy the Fort of Karachi with a detachment of British troops; whether it would be expedient to make any demonstration on Hyderabad either from Cutch or Deesa; and assuring Colonel Pottenger that Government of Bombay would on all occasions be prepared to comply with his wishes and requisitions with utmost cordiality. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (575-578) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd October 1838

    Letter No. 114, from Colonel Pottenger to agent to Governor-General of India, Ajmeer and Deesa, informing Khan’s opening a correspondence with Rajah Mansing was to invite him to join a combination of the States westward of India against British Government and that he had detected Meer Noor Mohomed and others in a treacherous correspondence with Mohomed Shah of Persia and that he had reported to government of India of the arrival of a self-led Persian Prince at Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (595-596) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th October 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that from the papers received the suspicions felt by Governor-General of the unfriendly disposition of principal Ameers of Sind to British Government had been amply justified and if the Ameers showed a different disposition he should give immediate effect to the instructions with which he that a separate engagement be made with the Ameer at Khyrpore on the basis of recognizing his in dependence provided he maintained the same friendly attitude towards the British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (519-521) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th October 1838

    Letter No. 118, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that on his visit to Meer Sobdarkhan he was insulted on the way by the people; that Meer Noor Mohomed sent a deputation under his son Meer Shahdad Khan to apologies for the insult offered to him and to assure him that Meer Noor Mohomed had taken adequate steps to punish the culprits; that question of money payment by the Ameers of Sind to Shuja-ul-Moolk was perplexing on account of the two releases written in Kurans and sealed and signed by His Majesty which the Ameers produced; discussing the policy to be perused discussing the policy to be pursued by British Government towards the Ameers; letter No.124, dated 13th October 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting some fresh instances of the unfriendly, suspicious and despicable conduct of Meer Noor Mahomed. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (617-621) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (623-625) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October, 1838

    Charless Metcalfe writes that under the treaty of 1809 the British had no right to interfere with Ranjit’s advance on Sind. A war with Lahore might end in the defeat of the British, and even if it resulted in victory for the Company, it would remove a useful buffer between India and Russia. He felt that the Sikhs would be good neighbors and that if it ever became desirable to seize the whole of the Indus river system, the British would have to defeat only one rather than two opponents. (Auckland Papers No. 37689)

    16th October 1838

    Letter No. 129, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing him that Viccur would be the best point for disembarkation of the troops; that he did not imagine that Ameers had any fixed resulation of opposing the British Government and that their fears will deter them from proceeding to open hostilities; that there was no fort at Karachi except a small squre outwork of no strength which could be of use for the purpose stated; that he had learnt from his Agent at Karachi that he was able to secure 500 camels for the army, &c. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (627-631) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th October 1838

    Letter No. 2, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that in view of the feeling evinced at Hyderabad it was hopeless to do anything satisfactory to supply the army and thing satisfactory to supply the army and unless a charge is effected in the minds of the Ameers there was great probability of Colonel Pottenger’s quitting Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (651-652) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger discussing the feasibility of moving the Khyrpore Meers for occupying the Fort at Bukkur; reporting that proceedings of Khyrpore Chief deserved rewards for the reason that he not only refused to received that imposter Haji Husain Ali Khan, the self-styled Persian Prince, but openly expressed that he had nothing to do with enemies of British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (643-646) &)

    18th October 1838

    Letter No. 132, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he was making arrangements for provision of carriages and river boats for Bombay troops.

    18th October 1838

    Letter No. 133 of from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay desiring that should any part of the Bombay Army be sent to Karachi, it should bring forage with it and be prepared to march to nearest point of the Indus; letter No.134 of the same date Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns informing him that he would sent him the purwanas as soon as he got them from Meer Noor Mahomed Khan. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (635-640) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    19th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that he arrived at Khyrpore on the morning of 18th and delivered to Meer Rustom Khan the letters from Governor-General and Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk; that he paid a visit to the Ameer and explained to him the object of Government in restoring Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk to his indignation at the treatment accorded to Colonel Pottenger and desired to send some one of his men to convey his sentiments to Meer Noor Mohomed; letter No.2, dated 21st October 1838, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that a deputation from the Meer waited on him and they entered into a long to the share of the tribute which Meer Rustom Khan was called upon to pay to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (657-659) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (661-666) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th November, 1838

    Auckland decides to station a subsidiary force in Sind and if necessary not only to elevate Sobdar to the chieftainship but to guarantee each aMeer in his separate possession in return for payment of a share of the subsidy which the Governor-General intendes to charge for the maintenance of the British troops in Sind. [Page/47“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th October 1838

    Letter No. 339 from Government of India informing Colonel Pottenger that arrangements were being made to dispatch all the troops to Karachi by sea and that orders would be issued from Military Department for sending Lieutenant Treshire and Ramsay in “S.S Polinurus” for purpose of enquiry into resources of the country on the spot under his instructions. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (669-670) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd October 1838

    Letter No. 138 from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns informing that all the communications he had with Meer Noor Mohomed had not an hour passed without obtaining additional proofs of inimical feelings.

    23rd October1838

    Letter No.141 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of  Bombay informing that should Meer Noor Mohomed order him to quit Sind he would proceed to Viccur or embark for Mandvi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (673-675) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1838

    Letter No. 147, rom Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to the date:

    (I)           That information had been received from the Chief of Candhar that he had made arrangements for assistance from Russia through Shah of Persia and that he advised Meer Noor Mohomed to do the same. Meer Noor Mohomed sent a reply saying that all the Ameers were ready to follow his advice,

    (2)        That Meer Noor Mohomed said to his brother Meer Mohomed that it was useless to rely on British Government and the best course was to send Colonel Pottenger away and declare allegiance to Persia. Meer Meer Mohomed refused to be a partner to such a measure. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (693-750) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing that a deputation under the Minister and Agent from all the Ameers of Khyrpore waited on him and expressed the earnest desire on the part of their principals to enter into a separate treaty with them and adding that they wanted to place themselves under British protection and pronounced to do nothing without consent and advice of British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (743-747) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th October 1838

    Letter No. 359 from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger informing him that the Bombay army was proceeding to Sind under the command of General Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief of Bombay.

    26th October 1838

    Captain Burns writes to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a copy of a letter written by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore exhibiting his faithlessness and disposition towards the British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (707-709) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing that from the treatment openly show to the self-styled Prince at Hyderabad, the insulting letter written by the Ameers to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk afforded conclusive proof of their design to favour the enemies of British Government and that Governor-General had determined to establish a British subsidiary force there in lower Sind at the earliest possible moment; and directing that he should not enter into any negotiations with the Ameers until his authority was supported by the actual presence of the  British forces. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (729-737) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter No. 152, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns replying to his several letters and offering remarks for not confirming the treaty he had sent to him and stating the terms on which he was prepared to grant a new one to the Chiefs of Khyrpore and expressing great doubts of their sincerity. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (771-777) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a copy of a letter of 29th October 1838, from Government of India showing him the desirability of tendering to Meer Rustom Khan a treaty guaranteeing his to enter into negotiations with him on the terms similar to those which had been entered into by Nawab of Bahawalpur; informing that military and commercial position of Khyrpore being of far greater importance than Bahawalpur, stipulations should be added for temporary occupation of Rohri and Bukkur and that the Meers should co-operate with other powers in extending or facilitating commerce or navigation of Indus. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (783-787) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1838

    Letter from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger pointing out the unfriendly attitude of Meer Mubarak Khan to British Government and his warning to him conveyed through the Minister; discussing whether Shikarpur formed part of Sind or was a separate district. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (789-792) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1838

    Letter No. 158 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding for information a copy of his letter No. 157 of the same date to Captain Burns informing him of the unfriendly and impertinent remarks of one Lala Ladhanand, an Every of Meer Rustom Khan, who had come to see him at Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (793) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd November 1838

    Letter No. 160 from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns acknowledging receipt of his letter of 28th October 1838, and intimating that it had made no change in his opinion as regards the insincerity on the part of Chiefs of Khyrpore and suggesting his proceedings while on his Mision; letter No. 161 of 2nd November 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of the above, expressing his regret at having to dissent from that officer’s opinion and offering remarks as regards settlement in Sind.

    Steam communication between Bombay and mouth of Indus and opening of a depot at Tatta-

    Letter No, 472, dated 2nd November 1838, from Government of Bombay to Resident in Sind relating to—

    Letter No. 472, dated 2nd November 1838, from Government of Bombay to Resident in Sind relating to – Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (203-206) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th November 1838

    Letter, from John Ramsay, Assistant Quarter Master-General, to Colonel Pottenger informing that Lieutent Trashier, Assistant Commanding-General, and he himself had, under orders, left for Ghorabari where they would wait for further instructions. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (853-854) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th November 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had written a letter to Meer Rustom Khan asking him to be guided by the Ameers of Hyderabad and that the English and that Khyrpore Meers should drive them. The latter replied to him in the negative, and he assured him (Captain Burns) that he was firm in adhering to British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (863-864) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    12th November 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings at the Court of Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and the result of an important conference held with deputation sent to him by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (867-882) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th November 1838

    Captain Burns writes to Government of India reporting his action taken in connection with supply of grain and other necessaries for the army.

    15th November 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Captain Burns stating that measures taken by him for an alliance with the Meer of Khyrpore are judicious and expedient and that the commutations addressed to him would show him the nature of the treaty whereby it was proposed that alliance should be concluded; that as regards Bukkur it would be required as a depot for treasure, &c.; that the Meer of Khyrpore should not be called up to contribute any sum for maintenance of subsidiary force; letter, dated 17th November 1838, from Captain Burns to Government of India forwarding them a copy of his letter of even date to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore relating to the treaty and the terms on which it would be entered into and applauding his professions of friendship and devotion to British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (799-801) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (803-805) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (823-824) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17 November 1838

    Letter No. 190, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns forwarding him the Purwanas as required under the seals of Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and Naseer Khan; letter No. 191, dated 17th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Melwille acknowledging receipt of seven hoondis for Hyderabad for rupees thirty thousand; letter No. 192, dated 17th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns giving him instructions relating to purchase of corn, &c., near Bukkur. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (889-893) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th November 1838

    Letter No. 196 from Colonel Pottenger to the Officer in charge of British troops informing him that he should consider himself in a friendly country and that he should at first land at Viccur until the whole force was assembled; letter No. 197 from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant East wick giving him instructions to be followed on the occasion of his deputation to meet the troops coming from Bomaby. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (901-A) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (903-905) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th November 1838

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Governor-General received with painful feeling the reports of the continued treachery and enmity of the principal Ameers of Sind and that his Lordship was not prepared to take measures against their machinations; that should Meer Noor Mohomed’s future conduct make amends for his past and should he evince a disposition to meet the just and necessary views of British Government the Governor-General would be unwilling to proceed to extremities; that should the negotiations not end in a ready submission to allow the just demands of British Government or in elevation of Meer Sobdar Khan to supremacy of Lower Sind, he was authorized to guarantee to each member of the family his separate possessions upon their agreeing to pay such quota of a fair and reasonable subsidy as might be deemed proper; that Governor- General refrained from recording his Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk was said to have executed. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (925-929) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter No. 204, from Colonel Pottenger to the Agent to Messrs. Firth & Co., Bombay, advising him not to bring his goods into the interior of Sind and informing him that his attempt to proceed to Shikarpur would expose him to the risk of being insulted, if not plundered. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (174-175) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter No, 205, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Charles, Commanding the H’ble Count’s Surveying Brigade, requesting him to hand over the treasure consigned to him to Lieutenant East wick and desiring him not to leave the coast of Sind until the arrival of the troops as his intimate acquaintance with the locality of the whole of delta of Indus would be valuable to His Excellency; letter No. 221 of 26th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger forwarding copy of the above letter to Government of Bombay. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (175-178) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (195) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter, from Lieutenant Burns, submitting his report with regard to the other preparations made in Sind to receive the army. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (939-942) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd November 1838

    Letter No. 209 from Colonel Pottinger to Government of Bombay offering his opinion relating to subsidiary force to be established in Lower Sind and its composition and strength; letter No. 214 of 23rd November 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to that and his observations regarding the strength of subsidiary force and the cession of a portion of the country to meet the cost on account of the subsidiary force; letter of 13th December 1838 from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that His Lordship was not disposed to entertain any position having reference to territorial acquisitions in Sind as at all advisable, &c. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (955-957) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th November 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Government of India recommending for several reasons mentioned therein (I) fixing of a subsidiary force, (2) that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan, if permitted to reign, should send his son to apologise for all his misdemeanor to Governor-General. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (839-845) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th November 1838

    Letter No. 223, from Colonel Pottenger to Major-General Wiltshire, Commanding British Troops in Sind, congratulating him on his arrival in Sind and offering his opinion on several points connected with the disembarkation of the force. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (965-966) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th November 1838

    Letter No. 230 from Colonel Pottenger to Mr. Pestanjee Framji, Agent to Messrs. Firth & Co., informing him that he considered it unsafe for him to proceed to the interior of the Province and that as he had no authority to grant by the river route (via Viccur) and then advance up the river as soon as the army moved. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (209-210) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th November 1838

    Letter No. 233-A. from Caption Eastwick to Captain Melwille, Assistant Resident in Cutch, requesting him to supply him with one thousand camels or even more to enable the force to proceed into the interior as it was useless to depend on the Ameers of Sind for any assistance as they, in spite of their professions, were hostile to the advance of the British army and would be delighted to throw obstacles in their way. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (218-220) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st December 1838

    Letter No. 239-A., from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Sir Alexander Burns relating to dispatch of treasure by the ships bringing the troops, &c.; letter No. 256 of 12th December 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above for information and making suggestions for sale of bullion at Hyderabad to get coin necessary to meet expenses incurred by the troops; that the greatest difficulty he found and the one in which he was unable to see his way out was want of money and in spite of having 25 lakhs of bullion he was unable raise one thousand rupees at Hyderabad or at Tatta, &c.; that he had instructed Lieutenant Leckie to remain at Hyderabad as long as he was not threatened or insulted by the rabble or he saw no cause to apprehend that he and other gentlemen of the Residency were in sort of personal danger, &c. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (228-231) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (260-264) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st December 1838

    Letter No. 271, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of his letter No. 267 of 20th December 1838 to Government of Bombay calling for subsidiary force to Sind without delay and informing that he agreed with Colinel Burns in his opinion that the presence of His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk in Sind would be advantageous and that he trusted that His Majesty would march to Shikarpur without delay. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (318-323) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (312-317) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd December 1838

    Letter No. 241, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to 1st December 1838, as under:-

    That Meer Noor Mouhammed Khan expressed his willingness to pay his share and for other Meers of the tribute of Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk, but he was informed that he (Colonel Pottenger) had been prohibited by His Lordship from interfering into the affair; that on the morning of 27th he received a letter from Lieutenant Eastwick regarding arrival of the troops at the mounth of Indus and and reporting that Ghulam Shah, who had been sent off by Meer Noor Mohomed a month ago, had not only collected grain but he refused to sell provisions on a large scale to the Army; that before the news of the arrival of the troops reached Hyderabad Meer Noor Mohomed khan called all the Baluchees to Hyderabad and brought all his guns from the bank of the river to an enclosure near Colonel Pottenger’s camp; that Meer Noor Mohomed informed the Native Agent that he meant to oppose the British army but if Colonel Pottenger gave him assurance of the safety of the country he would issue orders for their dispersal; that he was prepared to pay the tribute to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk and if he was not able to raise the money he would put him (Colonel Pottenger) in possession of Larkana or Shikarpur till he was able to liquidate the loan. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (979-983) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd December 1838

    Letter No. 242, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Burns informing him that he felt doubtful whether he would be able to get ‘Puewanas’ from the Ameers for purchase of corn for the troops. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (241-242) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd December 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns, Envoy at Kelat, to Colonel Pottenger relating to the supplies to be procured in Lower Sind for the Bombay Armay under the command of Sir John Keane; letter, dated 8th April 1839, from Government of India to the senior officer in command of the troops at Shikarpur, directing him to co-operate with the Political Agent in all matters regarding advance, protection and comfort of the army;

    4th December, 1838

    The Secret Committee approved of Auckland’s action, but assumed that you have not had certain proofs that those chieftains were irretrievably committed to a policy hostile to British interests-but, also, that you had the full persuasion that the restoration of Shah Shujah would be acceptable to the great body of Afghans, and moreover that he might be maintained upon the throne more by his own influence and the justice of his sway than by the continued manifest interference of the British government. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th December 1838

    Letter No. 255, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that he concurred with Commander-in-Chief regarding proposed communication with the Indus by means of a steamer and advisability of the plan and that he would make proper arrangements to receive all stores, &c., for the force. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (257-258) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th December 1838

    Letter No. 260, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings as under:-

    That he had an interview with Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and other Meers in the afternoon of 3rd of December; that information had been received from Seth Naomal of Karachi, that he had collected eight hundred camels for the army but the owners of the animals could not proceed to Viccur without the express permission of the Government of Karachi; that he sent a message to Meer Noor Mohomed telling him that if the camels were not speedily produced he would suggest the Commander-in-Chief to take possession of Karachi; that he proceeded to Viccur and met Commander-in-Chief on 8th when a messenger arrived with a letter from Meer Noor Mohomed stating that he had failed to keep his promise about the camels and that he had issued orders for dispatch of several thousand camels to Viccur, &c.; that all the Ameers had given orders for guns to be removed to Lakhat, a place near Sehwan, with a view to defend Hyderabad; that one ‘ Jam located near Karachi, sent a message through his brother offering his services to British Government and proposed to meet him (Colonel Pottenger) at night through Seth Naomal but his offer was declined. Year, 1837-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1015-1025) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (63-65) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th December 1838

    Letter No. 262, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Pottenger Burns informing him that for reasons stated therein he would be unable to render him any help in collecting supplies and obtaining carriage for the army of the Indus, &c. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (299-302) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th December 1838

    Letter No. 264, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Burns informing him that disclosure of His Lordship’s plans regarding Lower Sindh will be ill-advised and premature and that it would enable the Ameer to Make preparations for best resistence in their power to the British Army, &c.; that Honorable Company’s steamer “Semeranis” would be dispatched on 28th with cooli laborers’ together with treasure and sepoys. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (306-310) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd December 1838

    Letter No. 589, from Government of Bombay to Comisary-General and letter No. 2067, of 26th December 1838 from the latter to the Government of Bombay in connection with entertainment of a body of coolies required by Political Resident for service in Sind. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 pages No (1089-1090) &) Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1095-1097) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th December, 1838

    The treaty drawn up between Burnes and Rustam provides for perpetual friendship between Meer Rustam, his heirs and successors, and the British Government. The British for their part engages to protect the principality and territory of Khyrpore. Meer Rustam and his heir acknowledge the supremacy of the British Government and bound themselves to work in subordinate cooperation with it and to have no connection with any other chief or state. [Page/55“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    26th December 1838

    Letter No. 633, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger enquiring whether it was necessary that whole of the force should arrive atonce at Karachi. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1061-1064) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th December, 1838

    A British resident with an appropriate escort is to be stationed in Khyrpore. A separate article provides that the Company could occupy the island of Bukkur in time of war. Rustam is also excused from paying anything in support of the Company troops, but the British intendes to force Rustam’s brother Meer Mubarak Khan to pay a subsidy, as he had been the chief opponent of the British in Khyrpore. [Page/55“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    31st December 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger relating to character of the measures taken by the Ameers towards the British Government; warning to the Ameers that their proceedings during the expedition would regulate the future them and that His Lordship was unwilling to entertain any propositions of territorial acquisition. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 287page No (90-95) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Steam Communication between Bombay and mouth of  Indus and openeing of a depot at Tatta.

    31th December, 1838

    When the Ameers refused Shuja’s demand for passage through their territories, the Governor-General writes: “The treachery of the Ameers is fully established by a variety of concurrent circumstances, of their having written a slavish areeza to the Shah of Persia … by the treatment openly shown to a self-styled Persian Prince at Hyderabad and their insulting letter to Shah Shoojah ool Moolk coupled with the distinct announcement … regarding opposition to the Shah.”  He further writes “Those who are not our friends on the day of trial will be considered our enemies,” And unhappily it is amongst those that Nur Mahomed has apparently chosen to rank himself.” [Page/47“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    January, 1839

    Eastwick, accompanied by Captain Outram and Lieutenant Leckie, arrives in Hyderabad in. He carries with him a draft of the proposed new treaty of twenty-three articles. The deputation soon has an audience with the Ameers.

    26th January, 1839

    Nur Mahomed strongly opposes some articles of the treaty .He produces a box from which he takes, one by one, all the past treaties with the British. He then asks:

    “What is to become of all these? Since the day that Sind has been connected with the English there has always been some-thing new; your government is never satisfied; we are anxious for your friendship but we cannot be continually persecuted. We have given a road to your troops through our territories and now you wish to remain. This the Baloochees will never suffer. But still we might arrange this matter, were we certain that we should not be harassed with other demands.”He asks about the subsidy to Shuja, which matter had been left in abeyance for more than four months. “Is this a proof of friendship?” he wants to know. “We have failed in nothing; we have furnished camels, boats, grains; we have distressed ourselves to supply your wants.” “Nur Mahomed further observes that “Our Hunting preserves will be destroyed, our enjoyments curtailed; you tell us that money will find its way into our treasury, it does not appear so, our contractors write to us, that they are bankrupt, they have no means of fulfilling their contracts; boats, camels, are all absorbed by the English troops, trade is at a stand; pestilence has fallen on the land. [Page/50“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th February 1839

    Letter No. 559, from Commisary-General to Government of Bombay, pointing out the difficulty experienced in proceeding carriage for advance of Sind army; letter No. 1125, dated 4th March 1839, from Government of Bombay to Commisary-General, authorizing him to purchase camels for the army. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (265-266) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (266-267) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th February 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Government of Bombay conveying the approbation of His Lordship of the prompt measure adopted by His Excellency the Naval Commander for reducing Karachi. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (307-308) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th February 1839

    Letter, from Lieutenant Eastwick, Assistant Resident in Sind, to His Excellency Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Indus reporting that the army under his command had been plundered and that the prices of commodities had been kept so high that the camp followers with their limited means were unable to purchase sufficient grain. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211page No (215-221) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    30th March 1839

    Letter No. 366, from Colonel Pottenger to Officer Commanding Tatta in connection with the preservation of Shikargahs of the Ameers of Sind while passing the army through their territory. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (301-302) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd April 1839

    Letter No. 2, from T.D. Lecki, Assistant Resident, Sind, to Colonel Pottenger informing him that he passed on the communications to Meers Noor Mohomed, Naseer Khan, Meer Mohomed and Sobdar all the Ameers seemed dissatisfied with the amended treaty, but they were distinctly told that the orders of Governor-General were final and no alterations could possibly be made in it. It had however come to his notice that the Ameers, one and all, had no intention to accept the amended treaty. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1105-1109) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th April 1839

    Letter No 3, from T.D. Leckie, Assistant to Lieutenant Eastwick on the subject of “Dak” runners for transmission of post from Tatta to Hyderabad and to Bukkur. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1110) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th April 1839

    Letter No. 23, from Lieutenant Leckie to Colonel Spiller, Commanding at Tatta, informing him that he would get permits from the Ameers for cutting timber required for hutting the troops and that he should send them on to him early. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (685-686) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th May 1839

    Letter No. 40, from Lieutenant Leckie to Colonel Pottenger reporting that the fleet had been detained at Sehwan under the orders of Ameers. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (581-584) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st May, 1839

    Despite his policy toward Afghanistan the development of trade on the Indus is perhaps Auckland’s chief goal. He writes: “If I can open channels of commerce to Central Asia and if I can make the Indus the throughfare for navigation, that gold and silver road (as the Burmese would call it) which it ought to be, I shall not care for much else.” He informed Hobhouse that he planned to start a monthly boat service between Bukkur and Tatta, and Bukkur and Ferozepur, as soon as events would allow it. He is determined “that five boats of 300 maunds [about 12 ½ tons] each shall start from Ferozepore for Bukkur, every fortnight, from the first of June, with passengers and goods.” The Governor-General awaited with great interest the first experiment with steam on the Indus. “I look upon the Indus,” he writes, “As the high road from London to Delhi and it requires but good arrangements to make the travelling easy.” [Page/59“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th May 1839

    Letter No. 607, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding meteorological Register for July in reply to their letter on the subject of climate of Tatta and Karachi. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (625-630) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd May 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Political Agent, Shikarpur, forwarding for information extracts from Mr. McNaughton’s letter, dated 26th April 1839, conveying good news of triumphant occupation of Kandhar by His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (473-474) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell expressing approval of the arrangements for conveyance of dak between Shikarpur and Dadur and informing that no arrangements had been made for ‘dak’ between Dadur and Quetta &c. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (419-420) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1839

    Government of India writes to Mr.Ross Bell approving his plan for enlistment, organization and employment of Baluch crops. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (423) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th July 1839

    Letter, No. 532, Colonel  Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of a letter from Military Board on the question of wages and rates of hire prevailing in Sind. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (525-531) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th July, 1839

    Secret Committee criticizes Auckland’s Sind policy and put on record that “The virtual establishment of British authority throughout Sinde may have been justified by the conduct of the Ameers and by the paramount necessity of securing the line of the Indus for purposes of defence of commercial enterprise. But it is not to be denied that by reducing the Ameers of Sinde to the condition of Tributary and Protected Princes of Hindoostan you have in fact extended the limits of the Empire and may give countenance to the charge of having departed from the resolution proclaimed in your declaration of 1st October, not to attempt any territorial aggrandizement. [Page/57“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th July, 1839

    Pottinger raises objection to the seizure of Karachi. He feels that the British should be allowed free access to the port but that it should be returned to the Ameers. He also thinks that the Governor-General should obtain a release for Shikarpur from Shuja to show the Ameers “that we do not lose sight of their interests. [Page/52“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th August 1839

    Governor-General recards minutes on the army of the Indus and political prospects and arrangements in Afghanistan. Year, 1839-41… Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (271-316) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th August 1839

    letter, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell, Political Agent, Shikarpur, forwarding to him for transmission to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore, a copy of the proclamation of His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk regarding his entry into Cabool; letter, dated 14th October 1839, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell forwaeding him copies of correspondence with Political Agent at Ludhiana on the subject of proposed proclamation by Sikh Government encouraging the general trade Government encouraging the general trade between Sind and the Punjab. Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (63-65) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (117-120) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (133) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (153) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st August 1839

    Letter No. 635-A, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India regarding concentration of troops at Sukkur and informing that he agreed with Mr. Ross Bell in his suggestions made on the subject. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (611-612) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    August 1839

    Colonel Pottenger writes (letter No. 591) to Lieutenant Leckie, Assistant Resident at Hyderabad, regarding fuel depots on the Indus. Year, 1839…Miscellaneous. Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (647-652) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1839

    Government of India writes to Sir H. MacNaughton, Envoy and Minister at Cabool, directing him to communicate to the officers of trust and responsibility the orders of Government prohibiting them from sending copies of correspondence to their friends in England relative to the duties on which they were employed. Year, 1839-41… Miscellaneous. Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (69-71) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th October 1839

    Letter, from Lieutenant Leckie to Lieutenant White Lock at Tatta, informing that he was unable to hire boats for conveying grain with the army as the boatmen refused to accept reduced pay. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (79-80) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October 1839

    Letter No. 707, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India expressing his views regarding the seaport of Karachi and mentioning facts illustrative of the difficulty of introducing policy of British Government in Sind and submitting for information of His Lordship an English version of a memo. To address of the Ameers of  Sind for subsidy to be paid by the Ameers towards the maintenance of the British Army in Sind. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (115-119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29-11-1839

    Pottinger has written Eastwick on that no customs duties are to be levied on any goods (no matter who the owners are) going or coming by the Indus.”

    29th October 1839

    Letter, to Colonel Pottenger reporting theft of camels, from the Kafila under Surwarkhan Lohana; letter, dated 6th November 1839, to Captain Eastwisk, Assistant Political Agent, Upper Sind, informing that he had brought the above to the notice of the Ameers of Hyderabad and the latter had directed Takkee Shah, Governor of Shikarpur, to investigate the matters and bring the parties at fault to book; letter, dated 7th November 1839, to Colonel Pottenger informing that he brought the above facts to the notice of Meer Nur-Mohomed Khan who gave an enasive reply to him. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (539-540) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (541) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (543) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    January 1840

    Colonel Henry Pottinger, troubled by ill health, and mortified by the rapid rise of his erstwhile subordinate Alexander Burnes and the reliance placed on him by the Governor-General, resignes and is replaced by Captain James Outram. Ross Bell, a Bengal civilian, is placed at the head of the new Upper Sind political agency. [Page/57“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th February 1840

    Letter No. 351, from Government of Bombay to Government of India for orders on the letter from Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane reporting the arrangement made by him for breaking of the part of the army of Indus under the command of Major-General Wiltshire and  distribution of the troops to remain in Upper Sind and Lower Sind; and requesting that as the junction of the two forces at that moment was premature both from a political and military point of view orders be issued for the command at Karachi to stand as it did, previous to the change ordered by His Excellency Lord Keane; letter, dated 2nd March 1840, from Government of India sanctioning the arrangements reported by Lord Keane and approving of the staff appointed for Sind Brigade under command of Brigadier Stevenson, &c.

    Proposal of Lord Keane for establishing a permanent Cantonment for European troops at Karachi (vide letter of 20th February 1840) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (141-144) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd March 1840

    Letter, from Government of India to Government of Bombay informing that Governor-general agreed with the above proposal of Lord Keane and at the same time approved of the resolutions of Governor in Council that be held distinct, each by a Brigadier of second class, &c. Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (177-180) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th April 1840

    Letter No. 166, from Major Outram and Political Agent, Sind, to Government of India relating to issue of permits for goods passing free of transit duty into British Cantonments in Sind. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (227-230) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th May 1840

    Letter, from Major Outram, Political Agent, Lower Sind, to Government of India discussing the propriety of a toll- tax being levied by the Ameers on boats plying in the Indus, &c.; letter No 386, dated 22nd June 1840, Government of India to Political Agent, Lower Sind, in reply furnishing instructions.

    25th May 1840

    Letter, From Government of India to Captain Outram approving of his arrangements made in connection with the establishment of packet boats between Karachi and Sukkur.

    17th August 1840

    Letter, No. 562, from Government of India to Political Agent, Sind, informing him that the precautions taken by him in his letter quoted above to prevent the Ameers from being defrauded of their just dues were highly necessary. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (239-241) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th March 1841

    Letter No. 346, from Government of Bombay to Envoy and Minister at Cabool  informing that Governor in Council being apprised of the unsettled state of affairs at Heart and candhar had issued orders to Military Board directing them to send to Karachi the Ordinance and Military stores and to place them at the disposal of Political Agent, Lower Sind; letter No. 347 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Major Outram requesting him to receive charge of the above and supply them to the Envoy and Minister at Cabool when 1841, from Military Board to Government of Bombay reporting compliance of their order of 4th March 1841; letter, dated 19th April 1841 from Government of India to Government of Bombay informing that the advance season of the year had rendered it impracticable to convey heavy artillery through Bolan Pass and it was desirable that all siege Ordnance be stored at Sukkur till the arrival of proper season for transporting them; letter No. 480 of 19th April 1841, from Government of India to Major Outram forwarding him copy of the above for information. Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (257-258) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (259-260) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (261-262) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (275-276) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (279) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    July 1841

    An agreement is signed with Sher Mahomed of Meerpur after the settlement of the long-standing land dispute between the Meerpur and Hyderabad families. The treaty is similar to the one drawn up with Rustam Khan provides for the freedom of navigation in the Meerpur section of the Indus. Sher Mahomed had hoped to avoid the payment of a subsidy, but the British made Rs. 50,000 annually the price for guaranteeing him in his possessions. [Page/56“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    December 1841

    Nur Mahomed of Hyderabad has died, and his heirs, Nasir Khan and Hussein Ali, are willing to give up their share of Shikarpur on certain specific terms: Shikarpur is still to be part of Sind, and the British are to govern it on behalf of the Ameers.  February 14, 1842, and they are to remit a part of the subsidy equal to one-fifth more than the amount realized from the revenue, which is estimated by the Ameers  to be Rs. 200,000 and by Captain Postans, who had surveyed the financial possibilities of the areas, as Rs. 117,000 annually. The British are to deduct two lakhs as tribute and given any excess to the Ameers. Both parties are to coin money without the other’s permission and the treaty is to be concluded between the two parties when a figure acceptable to both is determined as to the annual revenue of Shikarpur. [Page/65“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    21st Fabuary, 1842

    Outram reports to the Governor-General that AMeer Nasir Khan of Hyderabad had been discovered in “treasonable” correspondence with Divan Sanwanmal, the Sikh governor of Multan. The letter, worded ambiguously, vaguely implied some previous understanding for joint action against the British. [Page/72“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th April 1842

     

    Letter, from Meer Rustom Khan to Major Outram for restoration of the five villages given to Meer Alimurad Khan by Mr. Ross Bell or for permission to settle the question with Meer Alimurad Khan without interference of British Government; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (323-325)

    Letter, dated 26th April 1842, from Major Outram to Government of India transmitting papers relating to the above dispute; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (55-66)

     

    5th October, 1842

    Napier writes from Sukkar that “these Princes do not appear to be acting loyally” and claimes that the Ameers were violating the fifth article of the treaty of 1832 by taxing not only their own subjects but those of Bahawalpur. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    30th May 1842

     

    Letter of from Captain Kennedy to Major Outram, regarding the above dispute; Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (353-358)

    Letter No. 127, dated 10th May 1842, from Government of India to Major Outram, declining to interfere with decision arrived at by Mr. Ross Bell, &c.; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (397-399)

     

    4th June, 1842

    The Governor-General wishes to be informed, whether the territories under Meer Roostum Khan be in such a position as to make it easy to annex a portion thereof to the dominions of the Khan of Bhawulpore, whose dominions his Lordship is desirous of increasing, in reward for his uniform fidelity, and that of his ancestors. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    26th June, 1842

    Outram writes Ellenborough that the district of Sabzalkot in the extreme northeast of Sind had been seized from Bahawalpur by the first generation of Talpurs, and that it now belonges not to a Khyrpore aMeer but to Nasir Khan of Hyderabad, the aMeer most guilty of behavior unfriendly to the British. The district is three hundred miles from Hyderabad; it is badly governed, and its transfer to Bahawalpur would punish Nasir Khan and put a welcome end to his pretensions to be raise. Outram also suggestes a scheme whereby the British could remit the tribute due to the Company in return for the cession of Karachi, Sukkur, Bukkur, and two adjacent islands. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    4th July 1842

    Letter No. 16, from Captain Brown, Assistant Political Agent, Sind and Baluchistan, to Major Outram forwarding for transmission to Governor-General Copy of the plan of Bukkur together with a report thereon. Year, 1839-41… Department, Political Miscellaneous. … File No, 203 page No (79-87) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th July 1842

     

    Letter, from Meer Rustom Khan to Lieutenant Brown, Assistant Political Agent informing him that Meer Ali murad Khan would not listen to his troops with hostile intent near Khyrpore to molest Meer Naseerkhan who is sick; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (409-412)

    Letter from Mr. Brown to Meer Alimurad Khan advising to remain quiet and assuring him that the case would be decided according to its merits; letter, dated 19th July 1842, from Meer Alimurad Khan to Lieutenant Brown requesting that his case be taken up by British Government and he would be willing to abide by their decision. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (413-415) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (429-432)

     

    1st August 1842

    Letter No. 2072, from Lieutenant Brown to Government of India reporting the death of Mr. Ross Bell; letter No. 2106, dated 3rd August 1842, to Government of India informing that a will had been found among the effects of Mr. Ross Bell and that Lieutenant Brown had been selected one of the six executors of his will. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 Vol.I. Page No (87) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I.  Page No (91) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th August, 1842

    Nasir Khan of Hyderabad writes to his deputy at Shikarpur when ordering him not to allow boats from Bahawalpur, Mithankot, Shikarpur, and Sabzalkot to pass: You are well aware that revenues of Sinde depend chiefly upon the grain crops, and if it be allowed to be imported from all quarters, there will be no fixed price, and price will be uncommonly low, and from the cheapness of grain there will be a deficit in the revenue. [Page/74“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    9th September 1842

     

    Letter from Meer Ali Murad Khan to Captain Brown, British Agent, complaining of Meer Naseer Khan’s conduct towards him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (325-326)

     

    11th September, 1842

    Ellenborough, reversing his previous stand, decides to open the question of a new treaty with the Ameers of Sind. The justification for this course is the assumption that the Ameers were guilty of the various accusations against them. He orders Outram to place before Napier with “judicial accuracy” a statement of the instances when the Ameers had violated the terms of the treaties with the British, for he intended to punish any aMeer who had “evinced hostile designs” during the Afghan war. But, he adds, he “would not proceed on this course without ample and convincing evidence of the guilt of the person accused.” The Ameers, said Ellenborough, would have to make restitution for any infringements on the Indus and for any duties levied in the British cantonment at Karachi. He authorizes Napier to inform the Ameers that he is empowered to use force, if necessary, and that the Governor-General was willing to negotiate a new agreement, under the terms of which all tribute would be relinquished in return for the cession of certain areas. [Page/75“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    15th September 1842

     

    Letter from Meer Naseer Khan to Captain Brown explaining his conduct; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (326-327)

     

    17th September 1842

     

    Letter from Meer Naseer Khan to Captain Brown informing that Meer Ali Murad Khan made an attack on their army without any provocation, &c., Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (327-328)

     

    18th September 1842

     

    Letter from Meer Rustom Khan to Captain Brown on the same subject, Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (328-329)

     

    18th September 1842

     

     Letter, from Meer Ali Murad to Captain Brown explaining the circumstances he was obliged to oppose Meers Naseer Khan and Rustom Khan.

     

    19. – Jagheers of Meers Mohomed Khan and Ghulam Mustafa- Correspondence relating to- Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (330-332)

     

    25th September 1842

    The Ameers’ troubles were just beginning. Napier arrives at Hyderabad for the first time and is handsomely received. Ominously he notes that “possibly this may be the last independent reception they may give as princes to a British general”. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    28th September 1842

    The Governor-General of India writes Sir Charles Napier.(Extract )of the letter is as under:

    Your first political duty will be, to hear all that Major Outram, and the other Political Agents may have to allege against the Ameers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore, tending to prove the intention, on the part of any of them, to act hostilely against the British. Army.
              That they may have had Hostile feelings there can be no doubt. It would be impossible to believe that they could entertain friendly feelings; but we should not be justified in inflicting punishment upon the thoughts.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 1]

    8th  October, 1842

    The Governor-General of India writes Sir Charles Napier.(Extract )of the letter is as under:

    IT appears that the assembling of men by Khyrpore Ameers was only for the settlement of a quarrel amongst themselves, and had nothing in it of hostility to us. The Sikh government acts in the most friendly manner, we have hitherto received from it.

              There is,therefore, no longer any necessity for holding a considerable force together at Sukkur.The army marches from Cabool to-day, and the last column of Major-General England’s Troop will probably arrive to-day at Dadur.

              Under these cirmcumtances, unless events should have occurred before you receive this letter, which lead you to suppose that a continued assemblage of a considerable body of troops will be required at Sukkur, beyond the force which it may be advisable to leave, for the present, for the occupation of that town and of the Island of Bukkur, I request that you will direct the 19th Bengal Native Infantry to return to Ferozepore.
     [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 1]

    8th  October, 1842

    Meer Ali Moorad Khan of Khyrpore writes to Sir Charles Napier text of letter is as under:

    I was very much pleased when I heard of your arrival in this country ; God has been great in his kindness to such a wise and just man here as to you but I heard that a Lord arrived with you, and I did not know to whom I ought to write. Yesterday I sent my vakeel to sukkur, to inquire who come manded in Sinde ; he was returned, and given me the intelligence required, and now I write. Iam very much grieved that I should have delayed writing. So long; I have heard that you are always to remain in this country, at which Iam much pleased; I will always obey strictly the orders of Government, and trust you will always have cause to be pleased with me. I send Ali inform you how anxious Iam to meet you.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    8th  October, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier replies to Meer Ali Moorad. The text of the letter is as under:
    Iam much pleased to receive your Highness’ letter. Iam comer here to live in this country, and to take care that all the English people observe the Treaty between the Governor-General and their Highness the Ameers of Sinde, whom God prosper and make happy; and I am ordered by the Governor General to take especial care that all people do exactly observe the Treaty of Sinde and Beloochistan, that the friendship between the Governor-General and their Highness, because I know that you are a friend to my nation, and that we should know each other.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    14th  October, 1842

    Outram prepared for Napier’s use his compilation of complaints against the Ameers of Upper and Lower Sind as requested by Ellenborough. He urges that a unified government once more be established in Lower Sind. But he points out that the Khyrpore Ameers had never relinquished their right to tax the commerce of their own subjects on the Indus. Outram once more advises the acquisition of Shikarpur as a defensive bastion and trade center. He suggested that the parts of Shikarpur belonging to the two Nasir khans and to Meer Rustom could justifiably be forfeited for their recent intrigues and that the remaining sharers who not implicated could be compensated. [Page/75“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

     

    12th November, 1842

    Outram intercepts a letter from Meer Rustam Khan to Maharajah Sher Singh of Lahore which intimates a similarly undeveloped plan. The matter did not rest here, for Nasir Khan of Hyderabad was charged with having written Bibarak Bugti, a semi-independent chief of Upper Sind, asking him for aid against the British; and Fateh Mahomed Ghori, Meer Rustam’s chief minister, is accused of helping a state prisoner, Mahomed Sharif, to escape to Baluchistan in order to raise an insurrection. [Page/72“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    22nd December, 1842

    Inteligence from clibborn informs Napier that the Upper Sindh Ameers had moved with what forces they had in the direction of Hyderabad.

     

    1st  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameers of Upper and lower Sinde.The text of the correspondence as under:
     

    I have received the draft of Treaty between the Ameers of Khyrpore (and Hyderabad) and the British Government, signed by his Excellency the commands I have to present it to your Highnesses, for your Highnesses’ acceptation and guidance.
              In obedience to the command of the commands of Governor-General of India, I shall proceed to occupy Roree, and the left band of the Indus, from the later town up to the Bhawalpore frontier, including the whole of the district of Bhoong Bhara and Subzalkote, as set forth in the said Treaty. The minor arrangements will be entered into by my aide-de-camp, Captain French (and Lieutenant Stanley), with those whom your Highnesses may appoint for that purpose, to the end that the Treaty may be speedily brought to a conclusion.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    3rd  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Rustom Khan of Khyrpore. The text of the correspondence as under:
     I Have sent my commissioner to wait upon you, and to agree upon the day and hour of ensuing week, on which your Highness will receive a new Treaty, which the Governor-General  has ordered me to place in your hands, and to carry into immediate execution.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    11th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Ali Moorad. The text of the correspondence as under:
    IT is said that you possess two villages in the territory which I am ordered by the Governor-General is reward them. But to arrange the details requires time.
    You shall have all your rights secured to you; be confident in all I have said to your Highness.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    11th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes from Sukkur to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore dislinking his way of dealing with him. Napier asks him to accept the Treaty proposed by him without fail and stop collecting troops in all direction.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    18th   December, 1842

    Proclamation issued by Sir Charles Napier. The text of the correspondence as under:
    The Governor-General of India has ordered me to take possession of the districts of Subzulkote and of Bhoong Bhara, and to re-annex the said districts to the territory of his Highness the Nawal of Bhawulpore, to whom they will immediately  be made over, his Highness guaranteeing all contracts made between the Ameers and private indivisuals, not within the said districts, in such manner  as shall be hereafter arranged in fulfilling the details of the Treaty.
              It is hereby also made known, that if the Ameers collect any new tax upon that amount in arranging the new Treaty, and this amercement shall be enforced to a larger amount than the Ameers may have levied upon the people of the said districts.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    18th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier of to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore.The text of the correspondence as under:
    Highness,
              My own belief is that, personally, you have ever been the friend of the English. But you are helpless among your ill-judging family. I send this by your brother, His Highness Ali Mirada; listen to his advice; trust yourself to his care; you are too old for war; and, if battle begins, how can I protect you? If you go with your brother, you may either remain with him, or I will send an escort for you to bring you to my camp, where you will be save. Follow my advice; it is that of our friend; why should I be your enemy? If I was, why should I take this trouble to save you? I think you will believe me, but do as you please.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    18th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Rustom Khan. The text of same as under:
    Ameer,
              My letters have been stopped near Khyrpore; this has been done either by your order, without your consent.
    If by your order you’re guilty;if without your consent, you can not command people. In either case, I order you disband your armed followers instantly. I will to Khyrpore to see that this order is obeyed.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    21st  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameer of Hyderabad, Naseer Khan and Meer Muhammad Khan.
    The text of the letter as under:
    I have to request that your Highnesses will protect our post coming thorough your country. Two of our males have been stopped in the territory of Khyrpore and I am going to enquire into this matter, and put a stop in such aggressions. Wherever my post are stopped, their will our march with my troops, and your Highnesses will have to pay the expense, if this happen within your territories. [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    23rd December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Ali Moorad of Khyrpore that “I think your Highness will do well not assumed the Turban, for so many reasons. People will say that the English put it on your head, against the will of Meer Rustom—
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 6]

    27th December, 1842

    Napier writes to Ellen borough that “The Ameers put implicit faith in their deserts, and fell confident that we can not reach them. . . I made up my mind that, although war had not declared (nor it is necessary to declare it), I would at once march upon Imamgarh, and prove to the whole Jaipur family of both Khyrpore and Hyderabad, that neither, can protect them from the British Troops. [Page/90“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    1st January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier issues the proclamation from the Camp near Khyrpore and the text of Sind as under:

    Ameers and people of Sinde,
                                          His Highness the Ameer Rustom Khan send secret messenger to me to say, that he was in the hands of his family, and could not act as his feelings of friendship for the English Nation prompted him to do, and that if I would receive him he would escape and come to my camp. I insert His Highness that I would certainly receive him, but that my advice was for him to consult his brother the Ameer Ali Moorad Khan. He took my advice. He went to fort of Dejee to his brother. When I heard of this I was delayed, for I thought that Sinde would be tranquil; that His Highness would spend his last days in honour and in peace. I moved with my troops towards Khyrpore to force his violent family to disperse the wild bands that they had collected. I send his Highness the word that I should visit him; I wanted to ask advice as the arrangement for the new Treaty; I thought that he had again become the friend of the Government that I served. That night I heard that he had solely conferred upon his brother, the Ameer Ali Moorad, The Turban of Command or the Talpurs family, which brother is the hire to that honor. I thought this a very wise proceeding, and it added to my desire to meet His Highness, That I might hear promise his own lips all about these things, and report the same to the Governor-General, Being assured that these acts of His Highness would recover from him good onion friendship of Governor-General of India. My feelings toward His Highness those of friendship, honor, peace I even advices His Highness’ brother Amber Ali Mirada, not to accept the Turban, to assist his brother that chip, in the tear Government. I labored by honor of Taper Family. What then was my astonishment to find, that when I expected to meet the Amber the Ruston Khan, I heard that His Highness had departed from the roof of his brother; thus insulting and defying the Governor-General, whose commander I am. But my surprises greatly increase by here and that his Highness has joined his family with their armed bands, who have cut off our communications, and stopped our mails. These things have surprised, but my course is plain and I thus publish this to the country that all may know it, and conferred themselves accordingly. I will, according to the existing Treaty, protect the chief, Ameer Ali Moorad, in his rights, as the justly constituted chieftain of the Talpur family. God willing, I mean to March into the desert I will disperse the armed bands that have stopped my mails. I will place the Killadars of the chief, Ali Moorad, in command of every fort, and I will act towards the Ameers of Hyderabad as I shall find their conduct may deserve.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 6-7]

    2nd   January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Naseer Khan of Hyderabad. The text of the letter is as under:
    Ameer,
              I have received your letter. When a man’s actions and his words do not accord, I am greatly distressed to know how to act. The Government of Ameers is one of many heads; all speak and act after different and strange manner. I cannot judge after off. I came took her Khyrpore to see how matters stand, and I mean to go to Hyderabad to do the same. I cannot distinguish friends from enemy, at 200 miles distance; and as you say you are the friends of the Company and the Governor-General you will rejoice to see me. I hear of troops collecting in the south. Armored men shall not cross into Sinde; therefore I take troops.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 7]

     

    2nd   January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes a lengthy letter to Meer Rustom Khan ending with following lines:
    “Ameer, I donot understand you’re double conduct. I hold you to your words and deeds; I no longer consider you to be the chief of the Talpurs, nor will I treat with you as such, nor with those who consider you to be the Rais.”
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 7-8]

     

    5th January, 1843

     

    Intelligence from Cibborn reveals that the force of more than 5,000 men has been collected under the leadership of Meer Rustom’s relatives at Dhinji, while 2000 more were supposedly with Meer Rustom Khan. Meer Ali Akbar, Rustom’s second son was raising a force at Shahgarah, yet the intelligence made it clear that these preparations were directed against Ali Murad and not against the British. [Page/91“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    7th January, 1843

    Napier writes to Ellen borough that “ I only agreed to Meer Rustom being made easy as to his personal safety, but to no concession or submission could reinstate him in the Turban, which he had resigned and upon which I consider the tranquility of Scinde to depend. [Page/91“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    11th January, 1843

    Inspire of having written to Ellenborough, that he would not but Napier orders to blow up Imamgarah Castle.
    In his journal, Napier writes that “This castle was built and used for oppression and in future its ruins will shelter the slave instead of tyrant “.
     

    [William Napier ,”Life and opinions of Sir Charles Napier”, Vol II, Pg 289.]

     

    12th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier from his Camp Imamgarah writes to Meer Ali Moorad apprising him of the reasons for blowing of the fort. He ends the letter with following lines:
    “I had always considered the destruction of this fort to be matter essential to your security; and your Highness’ observation this morning confirmed my opinion. I have therefore resolved to destroy it, as a placed that can only be of used to rebels against your power”.
     
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 8]

     

    13th January, 1843

    Meer Ali Moorad writes to Sir Charles Napier approving his action to destroy the fort.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 8]

     

    13th January, 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that his brother Meer Ali Moorad Khan has send a message claiming that the country at this side and all the fortresses in the Dessert have been given to him by the British. He makes the Sir Charles Napier to believe that he has always been under submission to the British and never have done but pleased Sir Charles Napier. He requests for allowing time for writing to his son Muhammad Hussain and get an order from him as Meer Ali Moorad’s men can go and can take the position of the forts.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 8-9]

    14th January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier, from his Camp, Teejub writes to Meer Ali Moorad Khan informing him that
    the Governor-General has ordered him to support His Highness’ Meer Ali Moorad Khan as a lawful possessor of the Turban.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 9]

     

    15th January, 1843

     

    Sir Charles Napier from his Camp of Imamgarah writes Meer Rustom Khan acknowledging his letters and asking him to be perfectly tranquil and also assure him that he will be treated with all due to respect.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 9]

     

    15th January, 1843

     

    Napier writes to the Ameers of Upper and lower Sindh asking them to depute their envoys to attend meeting at Khyrpore, to be held on 20.1.1943 to settle the terms of the treaty. He warns them that “if any Vakeel shall declare that he has not (full) powers, I will exclude him from the meeting and consider that him from the meeting and consider that his master refuses to treat and I will enter the territories of such AMeer with the troops under my orders and take possession of them in the name of the British Govt.

    [Page/93“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    15th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Imamgarah, Sir Charles Napier of Imamgarah writes to Meer Ali Murad assuring him that he will be secured and protected from any attempt to put him down. Hence, he must not think that the British Government will allow him to be harassed by any petty rebellion as he seems to fear.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-10]

     

     

    17th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier suggesting him to send Brown to Meer Rustam Khan, to bring him to you on your arrival at Choonki. Major Outram is trying to minimize doubts of Charles Napier about Meer Rustam Khan. Hence, his letter is not only lengthy one, but full of arguments in favor of Meer Rustam Khan.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-11]

     

     

    17th January, 1843

     

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Meer Muhammad Hussain Khan, Meer Muhammad Khan and Meer Nasir Khan asking them to come personally to Khairpur; otherwise, send your Vakeels, intrusted with full powers to act, on your behalf, as matter relating to signing of proposed Treaty can be resolved accordingly.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-11]

     

    18th January, 1843

     

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier proposing some alterations in some Articles of initiated Treaty. He is of opinion that queen’s image on the coins of Sindh, will not be accepted by Meers.He also raise objection to the occupation of Thatta, also.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-12]

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     



    19th January, 1843

     

    Indian Secret letters [No.12] reveals that Sir Charles Napier informed Ellenborough that fort of Imamgarah was full of gunpowder and grain, when actually the 10,000 pounds of powder found were old and caked and the supply of grain was small
    [Lambrick: “Sir Charles Napier and Scinde”, Pg 112]

     

    20th January, 1843


    Napier orders for meeting between Outram and the envoys of all the Ameers of upper and lower Sindh to settle the terms of the treaty. He fixes 25th Jan 1843 as deadline for its conclusion.

    [Page/93“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    20th January, 1843

    From his Cam at Bookie, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outran approving his alteration in Treaty with special reference to the occupation of Theta. He also shares his doubts and hopes about Meer Rustam Khan and others.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-13]

     

     

     

     

    22nd January, 1843

     

    Outram reports to Napier that all envoys from lower Sindh were present in Khairpu meeting of 20.1.1843, but not those of upper sindh.

    [Page/98“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Outram writes further that “I am positively sick, and doubtless you are tired, of these petty intrigues, – brother against brother, and son against father,- and sorry that we should be in any way the instruments to be worked upon by such blackguards; for, in whatever way act, we must play into the hands of one party or the other, unless we take the whole country to ourselves”.

    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-14]

     

     

     

    23rd January, 1843

    From his camp at Pir Abu Bukkur, Sir Charles Napier writes letter to Major Outram that is full of his instructions and directives regarding dealing with Sindh Rulers and getting the Treaty signed.

    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.17-18]

     

     

     

     

     

     



     

     

     

    24th January, 1843


     Outram requests Napier that he may kindly be allowed to go to Hyderabad as he can arrange any settlement between Napier and the chief of Hyderabad more speedily and satisfaction ally. He is of opinion that by going to Hyderabad, he should afford one more chance to Meers and prevent those Hyderabadi chief blotting and so adding to blotting and to embarrassments.

    [Page/95“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

     The letter of Major Outram is lengthy and contains details of proposed distribution of Revenue income and territories amongst Meers. Keeping in view the policy and strategy about dealing with Talpurs, Outram forms opinion that “ They cannot, and will not, starve, and have nowhere else to go to; we afford no opening now in India, as far as their employment as foreign mercenaries; and Afghanistan and Baluchistan are now desolated; they may be forced by dread of our power to succumb for a time, but they never can become reconciled to the degradation and privation they suffer at our hands, and will only be deterred from any organized outbreak by the presence of a large body of troops; but will fall to preserve the country from the rapine and disorder which will arise from so many discontented character being let loose on the country, unchecked, as they will be, by such a Government as Ali Moorad’s, or as any native chief could establish.”
     [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.18-21]

     

     

    26th January, 1843

     

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier, doubting the integrity of Meer Ali Moorad in connection with avoiding meeting between Sir Charles Napier and Meer Rustom Khan.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.21]

     

    27th January, 1843

     

    From his Camp Ali-ka-Tandoo, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Sobdar Khan of Hyderabad. The text of the letter as under:
    It is with great pleasure, I hear of your loyal and true conduct to the British Government, in sending your vakeel to Major Outram. I am also well pleased to hear that the other Ameers of Hyderabad have refused to join the Ameers of Khyrpore. I wish those Ameers would act in the same wise manner.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.21]

     

     

    27th January, 1843

    Napier addresses a proclamation to the Ameers of upper sindh giving them until February 1st to send envoys to his headquarters. They shall be treated as friends until this date, but any Meer who shall not comply by the deadline would be treated as enemy. [Proclamation by Sir Charles Napier]

    28th January, 1843

     

    From Bellaree, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram informing him that he has ordered his circular to be sent to today to the Ameers.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.22]


    28th January, 1843

     

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ellenborough that the Khyrpore opposition to the treaty is based on the loss of territory to bhawalpur which they felt would bankrupt them. [Indian Secret Letters No.12, date 12.12.1843.encl. 35]

     

    Jhon Jacob, the commander of the Scinde Irregular Horse, is sent with a detachment of 500 men to reconnoiter the Khyrpore AMeer’s positon at Kunhera, less than fifty miles from Hyderabad. He reports that the camp containers no more than 1,300 to 1,400 people.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” No. 449]

    28th January, 1843

    Meer Muhammad deputy meets Sir Charles Napier and assures him that his master- Meer Mohomad was friend to and Meer has no interest, beyond friendship
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” No. 40]


    30th  January, 1843

    Emissionaries representing Nasir Khan, Meer Muhammad and Meer Shahdad Khan, fully empowered to sign the treaty, see Napier warns them that unless he has heard by the fifth of next that they have convinced the upper sindh Talpurs to meet outram at Hyderabad he will consider them his enemies. [Page/98“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan, Shahdad Khan.  The text of the letter as under:
    Ameers,
              I Am glad that you have at last send your deputies, because I was marching fast upon Hyderabad. Now, Iam your friend, and I have desired your deputies to return to Hyderabad, and I will order Major Outram to meet you there, that they the Treaty may be arranged quickly. I hope the Ameers of Khyrpore, Meer Rustom Khan, Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan, will go with your deputies to meet Major Outram at Hyderabad; if they do not, I will treat them as enemies.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 22]

     

    30th January, 1843

    From Beerja, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram.The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
                       I have seen the Hyderabad deputies. I have ordered them to meet you there on the 6th of February; and you are to tell me directly, whether or not, they have brought the deputies of Meer Rustom and the others, with the prescribed powers. If they have, I wait the result of negotiations. If not, I march against them, as an enemy, on the 6th. I by no means feel authorized in granting this delay, but Iam willing to do all I can to save the mischief that will fall upon these Ameers, if they will not meet you.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 22]

    31st January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier sends memorandum to the Vakeels of Hyderabad. The text of letter is as under:
    I have received the deputies of the Ameers of Hyderabad, and have desired them to meet Major Outram at Hyderabad on the 6th of February. They have promised to take with them the Ameers of Khyrpore, and I will not commit any act of hostility against those Ameers, till I hear from Major Khyrpore do not proceed to Hyderabad, where they must be on the 6th February; and if the Ameers of Khyrpore do not dismiss their dismiss their soldiers, I will attack them. This is an extension of the time given by the proclamation, vise, and the 1st day of February. If I do not receive a letter from the deputies of Hyderabad on the 5th of February, I will march against Meer Rustom on the 6th.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    From Khyrpore, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that he has been anxiously waiting for his order and presumes that Charles Napier will wish the horse escort to join him. He also informs him that he has received from Ameers, in answer to his last summons.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan wrote a letter to Major Outram that was received on the above-sited date. The text of the letter is as under:
    As it would be in your recollection that I had promised to meet you at Khyrpore, and I wished to do so; but on account of my sons being at Khoogara having obliged me to proceed towards them, for preventing them from raising any disturbances. I had various hopes from the British Government and yourself, and Iam sure that if you look at friendship, and whatever you will do, it will be all right, as it is very surprising that the chieftainship has granted to Meer Ali Moorad Khan( who is my younger brother), and I have great hopes in you.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    Meer Mohamod Khan wrote a letter to Major Outram that was received on the above-sited date, making complaint about the attitude and behavior of British officer as present in Sindh. He informs Major Outram that Sindh Government of the Meers is being deprived of territories and properties whereas we have remained faithful and discharged our duties to the British Government.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 24]

    2nd February 1843

    From Sukkur, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that we all came in here yesterday morning and will leave for Thatta in a few days. Hence there will be delay in our communication and contact.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp. 24-25]

    2nd February 1843

    Meer Muhammad sends his deputy to Sir Charles Napier to assure his sincere friendship with the British.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    4th February 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan arrives at Hyderabad accompanied by his nephews Nasir Khan and Muhammad Khan for negotiations on the treaty with outram.
    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    4th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram, showing his worries about the mis carriage of the mail and thinks that Meer Ali Moorad may have stopped it. He informs Outram that he will March to Moro on 16th instant. He also informs Major Outram that reports says that Meer Sobdar Khan has joined the others.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.25]

    4th February 1843

    Meer Muhammad Khan sends his deputy to Sir Charles Napier to reiterate his pledge about friendship with the British.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    5th February 1843

    From Noushera, Sir Charles Napier wirtes to Major Outram and the extract from the letter is as under:
    I shall march tomorrow from village named Moro towards Hyderabad. I can not delay; the hot weather will be upon me. If they do not disperse their troops, they must suffer for it ; I shall therefore continue my march, and hope to hear form you immediately. I fear we have made a mistake in removing the meeting ti Hyderabad; it will delay proceedings.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.26]

    5th February 1843

    From Noushera, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that Meer Rustom Khan’s party have gone to seek refuse with, and assistance from Sher Mohamad Meerpore; and it is likely they will assemble number of Balochi, and that the Meerpore man may join Rustom Khan, also some of the Hyderabad Ameers might do to so also.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.26]


    5th February 1843

    Charles Napier leaves Bhiria for Hyderabad
    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    6th February 1843

     

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram from Sudojee, 8 miles from Noushera, Asking him to inform the Ameers of two things: the one is that they must disperse their bands instantly; the other is, that if the Hyderabad Ameer allows these bands to be assembled in their territories I will treat them as enemies.

    In another letter he asks Major Outram to inform Ameers of Khyrpore that is I have received orders from the Governor-General to disperse their troops. He also asks Major Outrams to inform the Ameers of Hyderabad, that to receive the Ameers of Khyrpore personally as relatives, and with the view to their reconciliation with the British Government

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.27]

     

    7th February 1843

    From Sehwan, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier telling him that he has learn nothing authentic as to the proceeding of the Ameers, Shall report on arrival at Hyderabad.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.28]

     

    8th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram from Dowlutpore. The extract from is as under:
    I have had a letter from Lord Ellenborough, warning me about the more aware of the necessity that you and myself. He perfectly approves the of blowing up Emaum Ghur, and thinks it will save bloodshed. I have written to let me offer a detailed arrangement. I expect an answer every day. I hope he will concede this, and I shall make a hard fight for it. I have sent you the light company of the 22nd, as a guard of honor and safety, though I do not apprehend any danger.
     [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.28]

     

    8th February 1843

    Outram held conference with all the Ameers at Hyderabad negotiates on the treaty Ameers object continued advance by Napier on Hyderabad and replacement of Meer Rustom as Rais of Upper Sindh by Meer Ali Murad.

    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Outram does his best to make Napier halt. Therefore, today, he writes him that he expects no hostilities because the Ameer has apparently, not removed their woman from Hyderabad. He writes that he has promised that I will beg of you to halt Troops whenever this may meet you.

    [Page/100“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

    8th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing about his arrival at Hyderabad, and apprising him of his strategy regarding meeting with Meers and getting the Treaty signed.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.28-29]

     

     

    10th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about sending off Fitzgerald to Ameers. Moharem festival is ending today and Meers will be free to respond us accordingly, he also advices Sir Charles Napier that not to proceed very near to the capital, as it can cause instruct, and may make the Khairpur Ameers fly.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.30]

    10th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
                       I wrote you by cossid to-day and mentioned that, in anticipation of your wishes, I should send the “Satellite” up to Gopang (opposite Halla) and for the 22nd detachment. The detachment of the native infantry I of Her Majesty’s 40th in the “Syria”.
              My last from you is dated the 6th, eight miles on this side of Nowshera, which I answered to-day by cossid.
              Captain Miller, commanding the “Satellite” will dispatch this note to you from Gopang by cossid, should you not have arrived there (Halla).

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31]

    10th February 1843

    From Sukkurunda, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              Fitzgerald has just given me your letter; I have not lost a moment in sending off a cossid to say I will say I will halt to-morrow; tell the Ameers I do this at your request; I will not keep the cossid.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31]

    11th February 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan Talpur writes to Sir Charles Napier. It is without date but it is received on the date cited above.
    He makes the position of  his son Meer Muhammad Hussain clear and assure Sir Charles Napier that his son is not busy in collecting an army at Koonhera.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31-32]

    11th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram advising him to tell that Ameers that their plea of not being able to control their armed Baloochis, is sufficient cause to any other Governnment to overturn theirs. The return of the Turban to Mir Rustom Khan is, now out of the question, there should not be delay in signing the Treaty.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.32-33]

    11th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    No hostility has to my knowledge been committed by you. There is no mention of your name in the Treaty, nor is there any intention of dispossessing you of any of your land, or doing anything displeasing to uou. The British Government makes war on its enemies, but not on its friends. With regard to the tribute, be so good as to make it over to Mr. Brown, who is now at Hyderabad. I hope you will not allow any of the Ameers of Khyrpore to have any troops within your territories.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.33]

    11th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that the Ameers of Hyderabad has assured him that they have again sent orders for any armed bodies, that may remain united, to disperse to their homes. He blames Meer Ali Moorad for the false dealing and proposes that he should be assigned territory which belonged to the Meers of lower Sindh, in preference to throwing  open the door to further clashing and quarrelling with his brother of upper Sindh, by assigning any portion of their lands to him, even if they could afford the loss could not be seprated without endless difficulty.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.33-34]

    11th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier.The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
              Here is Meer Rustom’s explaination & of the people at Kohera, regarding which I wrote you this morning. It appears that the followers are only the usual attendants for the protection of the women and families of all the Ameers, and many of the Balooch chiefs who live upon them, who fled from Khyrpore, Emaum Ghur, &c. ; and I think that they could hardly trust with less, all that they prize on earth, i.e., their woman and property. No Oriental family of any rank would have fewer armed attendants in Hindostan.
              The vakeels from the upper sinde Ameers have just come to sign the Treaty, which I shall take Durbar for the Ameers’ seals to-morrow morning and then dispatch the treaties to you, unless I should, in the mean time, hear that you are coming here, in which case, it may be as well not to risk them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.34]

    12th February 1843

    From Sukkurunda, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              I received yours last night, and willingly give up the 11th to the Ameers. I had done so, not to hurry them, before I got your note. Iam exceedingly annoyed by two things that have happened : the one is, that a party of twenty-five Baloochees attempted to ride through Jacob’s camp, and he very properly made them prisoners ; but they refused either to give up their arms or to come to my camp ; I have therefore sent a squadron out to him to receive them, and am in hopes this large force will induce them not to resist. However, God knows. Two of the officers were also insulted by the armed Balochees of a village, and they are full of armed men; the Ameers must stop these things. I am going to imprison the Kardar, unless he gives me up the men who drew their swords upon the officers. If I hear to-morrow that the Ameers have all signed the Treaty, and acknowledged their obedience to the Turban, I will not approach nearer to Hyderabad than Sallara, as there I mean embark the troops for Kurachee in boats; but I can make no arrangements till the Ameers have signed the Treaty; I will not keep the cossid longer.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.35]

    12th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,}
              The twenty-five men I mentioned this morning struck their flag of defiance on seeing the squadron. They are all chiefs of the Murree tribes, headed by Hyat Khan Murree. The whole country is transvered by armed bodies, and the Ameers must put this right. The 2000 men at Koonhera are, I dare say, their attendants; to these alone I have no objection; but I have to the six guns, which, under existing circumstances, I insist upon their giving up to me. I will make a short march after to-morrow, but, of course, a good deal depends on what I hear from you. I think you may keep the original signed Treaty for a few days, lest any accident should happen; for the village are full of Baloochees armed; however, if you think it can be trusted, send it.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.35]

    12th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about his going to Durbar to receive acceptance of Treaties. He doubts that if you (Sir Charles Napier) come beyond Halla, he fear Ameers will be impelled by their fears to assemble their rabble, with a view to defend themselves and their families, in the idea that we are determined to destroy them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.35-36]



    12th February 1843

    Outram writes to Napier
    as under:
    These fools are in the utmost alarm in consequences of the continued progress of your troops towards Hyderabad, not withstanding their acceptance of the treaty which they hoped would have caused you to stop- If you come beyond Hala (if, so far) I fear that they will be impelled by their fears to assemble their rabble with a view to defend themselves and their families in the idea that we are determined to destroy them, not withstanding their submission.

    On the evening of the same day he again wrote:

    I wrote you this morning to say what to state of commotion they are in the city at your continued advance after the Ameers had subscribed to treaty ….I really wish I was empowered to tell them positively that you do not propose bringing the troops beyond Hala if so far-as it is I can only express to them my hope that you will not do so now that they have complied with all the terms …. I have great hope that you will have halted on receipt of my information that the Upper Scinde Ameers have also subscribed to the treaty.[outram Letters]

     

    12th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about subscribing of the Treaty. He expresses his anxiety about situation because of landing of the light company of the 22nd, and creating doubts amongst Ameers and chance of rendering themselves enemies, by assembling their followers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.36]

     

    12th February 1843

    Major Outram writes letter to Sir Charles Napier mentioning the seizure of twenty-five Mari men. This may Kindly be noted that these people were subjects of Meer Muhammad Khan who objected this action of Jacob.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

     

     

    13th February 1843

    Napier writes to Outram
    as under:
    I neither can nor will halt now. Their object is very clear and I will not be their dupe. I shall march to Hyderabad tomorrow and next to Halla and attack every body of armed men I meet…. If the treaty was not signed on 12th according to their promise of the 11th when the Ameers, knew that I had halted; there can remain no doubt of the fact that they have been using every trick to get over the Moharrun, as they have could no sooner collect their troops . . . If men die in consequence of my delay their blood must be justly charged to my account. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

     

    13th February 1843

    From Hyderabad Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier apprising him of the response of Ameers and worries of Meer Rustom Khan. He also reports that he and his stuff was under threat last night and it was plotted to murder him but it was prevented by the people escorting him.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.37-38]

     

    13th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram directing him to tell Meer Muhammad that he must not choose to play game with us. Otherwise, he shall make up mind to take the consequences.He informs Outram that he is marching to Saeedabad tomorrow, and next day to Halla, and will attack everybody of armed men I meet.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The extract of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
             
     The Ameers have Sent to say that the Baloochees have become quite controllable; have taken an oath on the Koran to have [term] Yageo, unless Rustom is righted; refuse to obey them in any way. They beg me to leave soon as possible, and give the advice from pure friendship, &c. Aim told that immense numbers are flocking to the city, and find that all the sheep and bullocks have been driven off from his neighborhood, whether by order to starve us off, or by the Baloochees, I know not; but I have told the officers of the steamer to send to the other side of the river for supplies, to enable us to hold the Agency, if the Baloochees do attempt to bully, which of course I shall not quit.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.41]

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier apprising him of the deliberation there took between him and Nawab Muhammad Khan and Munshi Choithram, regarding restoration of status of Meer Rustom Khan and restoration of lands which had been made over from the upper sindh Ameers to Meer Ali Murad.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.41-43]

     

    13th February 1843

    Munshi Mahadjee brings a message from Meers to Major Outram that Meer Rustom Khan’s territory, which has been given over to Meer Ali Murad Khan should be restored, otherwise,Baloochees will no longer obey British commands.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

     

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram to the Durbar, alluded to in the Notes of Conference on the 13th February apprising him of his reaction and response on the conditions-oriented message sent to him by Meers. He informs S.C Napier that he has warned the messenger that if he or his staff is attacked or injured, Meer will be personally responsible and answerable for that act.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

     

    14th February 1843

    From Syadabad Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              I have yours of the 13th. The “Satellite” is at Halla. I send off ammunition to put on board immediately. Your people have thirty days’ provisions, but you had better quit the Residency, and get on the steamer, blessing I shall be with you by 17th, or early the 18th; as I am hurrying off your cartridges to Halla, I have not time to say more, and we are literally smothered with dust.
     
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

     

    14th February 1843

    Outram writes lieutenant colonel Boileau, the commanding of the 41st Regiment, enroute to Karachi telling him to halt wherever he was, because the General Napier may have need of him. He also writes and warns the officer commanding in Karachi.
    Meer Shahdad Khan who offered to come and reside in British residency to insure Outram’s Safety, in sent letter by outram today that there is no need of to come and reside in British residency and if any of Meer Shahdad Khan’s men are found engaged in hostile action against the British , Meer Shahdad Khan will be held responsible
    Outram also writes to the Hyderabad Darbar urging Ameers that they should not engage in any hostile actions against to British, for if the Khyrpore Ameers were determined to court their own destruction, the Hyderabad Darbar Shah convince them to return to their territory and not aid them if Hyderabad Ameers will do this, no harm will be fall them.[Outrams Letters]

    At night time, the British Residency is attacked and is defended by Outram, E.J. Brown and other British officers. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 103]

     

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier sharing his opinion about the conduct of Meers. He writes: “I believe that Ameers had not the least intention actually to commence hostilities and merely hoped to get Rustom’s party benefited by making appearance of ferment amongst their Baloochees.”
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.43-44]

    14th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram to Lieutenant-Colonel Boileau, Commanding at Kurachee.
    Sir,
              I Have the honor to transmit the duplicate copy of a letter I have addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Booth, commanding Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment, which I request you will forward toTatta, should the regiment not yet have marched from thence to Kuarachee. In that event I would recommend the regiment being detained at Kurachee, until the orders of Major General Sir Charles Napier are received.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.44]

    14th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram to Lieutenant-Colonel Booth, commanding Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment.
    Sir,
              Hostilities being likely to occur, I have the honor to request you will halt Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment at Tatta, or if you have marched to Kurachee, to wait there until you receive Major-General Sir Charles Napier’s orders, or intimation form me that matters are amicably arranged.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.44]

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram to Hyderabad Ameers. The text of the letter is as under:
    From messages I have received from your Highness, it would appear that Upper Sinde Ameers are determined to rush on destruction. If they are so foolish, tell them to go their  own territory, that injury may not come upon you. If no hostility is shown to the British  troops within the Hyderabad confines, I pledge myself no injury shall befall the Ameers of Hyderabad territory, or the Upper Sinde Ameers are aided in such acts by subjects of your Highnesses, although beyond the Hyderabad frontiers, I am sure the army will advance to the capital.

     

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.44-45]

     

    14th February 1843

    Moonshee Mhandajee to Meer Sobadar’s Minister, Outrai. The text of letter is as under:
    Your note I received, and informed Major Outram of contents,i.e., that the fat man[meaning Meer Nusseer Khan], having assembled all the Belooch Sirdars in a garden, and sworn them on the Koran, that any one that does not join (Nusseer Khan) to oppose the English, will be imprisoned; and that your people, whom you had called in from Kohera, and elsewhere, that should not join the enemies of British, have accordingly turned against your master(Meer Sobdar), and will no longer obey him; and that the Meer himself, if he also does not move out, will be murdered; but that he will not go out, and that will do his utmost to serve the British; but that if he, the Meer, suffers in consequences, it will be on Sirkar’s head, &c. To this Major Outram has told me to reply, that this excuse will be of no avail; that whatever his people do the Meer  will be answerable for.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

     

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram to Meer Shahdad Khan. The text of the letter of is as under:

    Your Moonshee, Mhetaram, has brought your Highness’ message to this effect, “that you are the friend of the British, and, if it is my wish, will come personally to reside in the Agency for my protection ; and that your people shall not join in the approaching disturbance, and will not oppose the British, &c.” This I have understood, and this is my reply: That if your people behave as you say, no blame will fall upon your Highness; but, if a single follower of yours does join in hostilities against the English,  the penalty will be yours; and, if any of your people are implicated, it cannot be concealed from me, for, depend upon it, I will make thorough investigation.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

     

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
              As our communications are not very safe just now, I send duplicates of this morning letters. I hope you will approve of this last attempt I have made to save the Lower Sinde Ameers at least, should the others determine on following a desperate course; otherwise they will, perhaps, advance to meet you at the head of large numbers of Baloochees, who may find favorable positions for annoying your line of march on passing by shikargarhs, and thorough jungles, and may try to cut up followers and foragers, and harass your camp at night; but that will be the extent of their oppositions : I should suppose they are not likely to give you the opportunity of licking them in fair field.
              Be under no apprehension about us; we are now provisioned for a week, and , with our steam, could doubtless continue to supply ourselves, and we can hold our position here against any number of the enemy with 22nd light company, thorough another 100 men would render the communication with the steamer less harassing, should we be closely beleaguered.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

     

    15th February 1843


    From Halla,Sir Charles Napier writes to Major OUtram and extract from the letter is as under:
    I have this moment received yours of yesterday, as I reached this ground. Do not pledge yourself to anything whatever. I am in full march on Hyderabad, will make no peace with the Ameers. I will attack them instantly, whenever I come up to their troops. They need send no proposals. The time has passed, and I will not receive their messengers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.46]

    15th February 1843
    To avoid another attack on the Residency, British defenders escape with some difficulty on the steamers “Plant” and “Satellite” suffering casualties of three dead and ten wounded and bring with them the Agency Records and some private property.[Goldsmid : “Major-General Sir F.J. James Outram”,Part I, Pg 320-323]

    In spite of knowing the fact all the Ameers with the exception of Nasir Khan of Khyrpore have subscribed to treaty, yet he writes to outram
    as under:
    Do not pledge yourself to anything whatever. Iam in full march on Hyderabad and will make no peace with the Ameers. I will attack them instantly whenever I come up to their troops, they need send no proposals, the time has passed and I will not receive their messengers, there must be no pledge made on any account. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

     

    15th February 1843

     

    Sir Charles Napier defeats the combined forces of Hyderabad, Khyrpore and Meerpur.

     

    16th February 1843

     

    On the board the “Planet,” Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that Ameers are moving up to the Galiani and Meeani Shikargarhs. He doubts serious loss and proposes that to drop down in the steamers to fire both Shikargarhs, which can be done easily ftom the river under the steamers’ guns.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.46]

     

    17th February 1843

     

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of the letter is as under:
    You directed me to send Dr. Gibbon on board the flat, to take charge of the sick of the force, supposing, I conclude, that there was no one else available; I forgot at the the time to mention that there is a young assistant surgeon(Styles) with the 22nd company, and as I suppose you would, if you had known this, have wished one of the two to keep with the steamers, which may look out for casualties to-morrow, I have detained Mr. Styles for the until I receive further orders, which can be sent in good time for Dr. Gibbon to join the force before you march to-morrow morning, should you wish it.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.47]

     

    18th February 1843

     

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed .The text of the letter is as under:|
    Syud Imambree, your deputy, came to me with a message from you, that your Highness is the friend of the British, and you did not march with your army beyond your own territory in this fight; therefore, I approve of your Highness’ message. And now it is necessary that you should disperse your troops you have with you, and so keep no one with you, and so keep no one with you(in the shape of any army); and if I find that your Highness has any collected, I shall attack them. If you disperse your troops, and keep no one with you, I shall reckon you just the same as before, – friend and ally of the British.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.47]

    2nd March 1843

    Letter No. 263, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier, Commanding Sind and Baluchistan, regarding re-enforcement of troops in Sind; letter No. 283, dated 6th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier Commanding Sind, intimating that he had asked the Commander-in-Chief to send two regiments of infantry and one of artillery to Sukkur; letter No. 297, dated 8th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier informing that 9th and 55th regiments had been ordered to proceed to Sukkur from Ferozepur and that he had ordered for six steamers with flats for carriage of troops; letter No. 315, dated 13th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier expressing doubts of the ability of Bombay Government to send two regiments to Sind and intimating that Bombay Government had been requested to send coal, grapes, heavy guns, and mortars to Sind and asking him to call, if necessary on the Naval officers at Karachi to send guns with seamen to work there; letter No. 323, dated 15th March 1843, from Commanding Sind, informing that as a Native Regiment could not be sent from Bombay, 3 of Infantry and 4 Rissaldars would be sent to Sukkur from Ferozepur and making other arrangements for the dispatch of the army. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (1-2) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (5) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (7-8) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (11-12) &) Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (15-17) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamad Khan. The text of the letter is as under:
    You worte to me, and said you had not joined in battle against the English. I believed you, and told you to disperse your troops, and that you would be safe. Had you done so, you would have been in no danger; but, instead of this, you are rallying the defeated Belaochees; you have increased the number of your troops; and unless you come to my camp at Hyderabad, and prove your innocence, I will march against you, and inflict a signal punishment upon you.
     
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 284, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier approving of his plan of battle and stating that he had asked the Military Secretary to prepare an order relative to the course to be pursued by Prize Agents. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (65) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 285, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charless Napier relating to removal of obstructions to a portion of the waters of the Indus flower into sea near Lakhput. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (81-82) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th March 1843

     

    Letter No. 286, from Government-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to the retention of the territories on the Right Left Bank of the River Indus. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (209-210) &)

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 281, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to the preparation of the map showing in different colures the territories belonging to several Ameers. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (213-214) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Lord Ellenbrought to Sir Charless Napier congratulating him on his victory gained in a well fought battle.


    6th March 1843


    Letter No. 280, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for reasons stated therein to take upon himself the Government of the Province of Sind and to select such officers in whom he can confide. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (217) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    7th March 1843

    Letter No. 292, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier furnishing him with instructions regarding disposal of booty captured by army in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (77-78) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th March 1843

    Letter No. 301, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier relating to suppression of slave trade in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (243-44) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Jan Meheralli of Jockeya. The text of the letter is as under:
    I have great cause to approve of your conduct, and have reported it to the Governor-General. I am very happy to be of use to your family; the young ladies shall go where they please; and four men of their own, with arms, shall, if they please, accompany them. God forbid that any woman should suffer indignity from me, or from any one under my command, whether such woman belong to a friend or to an enemy. Woman are always to be respected in war. I do not know where your ladies are, so you must write to them.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    13th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to the Governor-General and extract of the letter is as under:

    I had no prejudice against the Ameers; I certainly held their conduct as rulers to be insufferable by any strong Government, but as indivisuals I felt pity for them, as weak princes, whose folly had brought them into difficulties. It was this feeling that made me restore to them their swords, for assuredly I was not insensible to the honor it would be to the family of a private gentleman to possess the swords of so many princes surrendered to him on the field of battle; and I believe by all the rules and customs of war their swords were mine. This was an undoubted proof of my feelings then. Since then I have seen their real character developed, and I do think that such thorough villains I never met with in my life. Meer Sobdar is even worse than the others. He had 5000 men in the action; I doubted this at first, as he was not there in person.

    Being now assured that your Lordship will occupy the country, I can act decidedly, and shall have cover for the troops very soon.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    14th March 1843

     

    Letter No. 320, forwarding a copy of the general orders, dated 13th March 1843, presenting to the Sind Horse the standard they from the enemy in battle of Meanee and informing that standards of the three colors of Military Ribbon of India inscribed with words “Hyderabad, 1843” in Persian, English and Hindi languages would be prepared for Sind Horse. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (9-10) &)

     

    15th March 1843

     

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Governor-General. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Had scarcely sent my letter of the 13th, when intelligence reached me that 30000 men had assembeled under Meer Shere Mohamed. This I cannot understand; he has not much money, he has not much water, he has not much ammunition, and how he can assemble 30,000 men, I know not. But as this army, suddenly springing up, puzzles my calculation a little, I will take the safe side, and write to Ferozepore for the two regiments of the Native Infantry and company of artillery. I did wish, if possible, to save this expense.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    18th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameers of Hyderabad. The text of the letter is as under:
    I have received your letter this day. You must recollect that your intrigues with Meers Shere Mahomed give me a great deal to do. I am also much surprised by the falsehood which you tell. I will no longer bear this conduct; and if you give me any more trouble, by stating gross falsehoods, as you have done in your two letters, I will cast you into prison as you deserve. You are prisoners, and though I will not kill you, as you ordered your people to do to the English, I will put you in iron on board a ship. You must learn,Princes, that if prisoners conspire against those who have conqured them, they will find themselves in danger. Be quiet, or you will suffer the consequences of folly. Your friend, Meer Shere Mahomed, has prevented the letter from the Governor-General, as to your fate, from reaching me; his soldiers intercept the dawks. He is a very weak man, and will soon cause himself to be destroyed, and so will you, unless you submit more quietly to the fate which your own rash folly has brought upon you. I will answer no more of your letters, which are only repetitions of gross falsehoods that I will not submit to.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    18th March 1843

    Letter No. 343, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding copies of his order, dated 15th March 1843, expressing satisfaction on the services rendered in the battle of Meanee by several officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (217) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed Khan of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I will make no terms with you, except unconditional surrender, and security for your person, as the other Ameers have received. We were at peace with you; we made no war with you; you have made unprovoked war upon us, and have cut off our dawks. If you do not surrender yourself a prisoner of war before the 23rd instant, I will march against you and give you battle

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    20th March 1843

    Letter No. 350, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier appointing Major-General Sampson, Second in Command to the Governor in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (153) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd March 1843

    From Camp, From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mahomed Khan of Meerpore.The text of the letter is as under:
    If the Ameer Meer Shere Mahomed chooses to meet me to-morrow, as I march to attack him at the head of the army; and if he will surrender himself a prisoner without any other conditions than that his life shall be safe, I will receive him. If Beloochee Cheifs choose to accompany him, I will receive them, on condition that they swear obedience to the Governor-General, and then they may return to their village with their followers, and all their rights and possessions shall be secured to them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.49-50]

    24th March 1843

    From Dubba,four miles from Hyderabad,Sir Charles Napier to the Governor-General informing him about the battle of Dubba and defeat flee of Meer Shere Mohamed.
    He also submits casuality roll of British army men killed and wounded in the action. He also inform Governor-General that the great promoter of the War,- Hosh Mohamed Seede is killed in this battle

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.50-52]

    26th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier defeats, Sher Muhammad of Meerpur, the only remaining chief.

    28th March 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Offer to you the same terms as before the battle; the same terms as those given to the other Ameers; what those terms will be I cannot tell you, because I have not yet received the orders of the Governor-General, but I am sure he will treat them generously; however, I promise to you your life, and that your family of women shallbe respected as those of the other Ameers. I advise you to surrender. There is no dishonor in being defeated in battle. To try and defend Omerkote is foolishness. I can batter it down in day, and destroy all within it.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    4th April 1843

    From Meerpore, Sir Charles Napier writes to Wallee Mohamed Khan, Chief of Chandia Tribe. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Honor you for your obedience to the Ameers of Hyderabad. But God has decreed that they are to rule Sinde no more. The British Government is now master, serve it faithfully as you have done the Ameers, and honor and respect will be shown to you. But mind what I say. Keep your own side of the river. Woe to the mountain tribes that cross the Indus into Sinde.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

     

    7th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed. The text of letter is as under:
    IF you will give back to Aga Khan the plunder you took from Jerruck, and come in make your salaam to me, I will pardon, and be your friend, and your jagheers shall be respected.

     

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    11th April 1843

    The Governor-General issues General orders declaring the defeat of Meer Shere Mohamed. He describes both the victories at Meenain and Dubba as an extra-ordinary achievements of the British army and directs the crops and permit them to bear the word “Hyderabad, 1843”, upon their appointments, standards, and colors.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.53]

     

    12th April 1843

    Letter No. 423, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier regarding arrangement for carriage of army and introduction of one uniform system for maintaining one commissariat for corps in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (85-87) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th April 1843
    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Jam of Jockeyas. The text of the letter is as under:
    You have received the money of the British for taking charge of the dawk; you have betrayed your trust, and stopped the dawks; and you have also and they were your troops. All this I forgive you, because the Ameers were here, and they were your old masters. But the Ameers are now gone from Sinde for over. They defied the British power, and have paid the penalty of so doing. I, as the Governor of Sinde, am now your immediate master. If you come in and make your salaam, and promise fidelity to the British Government, I will restore your lands and former privileges, and the superintendence of the dawks. If you refuse, I will wait till the hot weather is gone past, and then I will carry fire and sword into your territory, and drive you and all belonging to you into the mountains: and if I catch you, I will hang you as a rebel. You have now your choice; choose.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    15th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Mohamed Khan Talpoor. The text of the letter is as under:
    I never quarrel with a good soldier. Come and make your salaam, serve the British Government, and be faithful; your jagheer shall be safe.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    17th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Mohamed Khan of Khyrpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I advise you to go to Ali Moorad, and remain with him till the pleasure of the Governor-General be known. I recommended to you to join the other Ameers at Bombay; but, till I have the authority of the Governor-General, I can promise nothing but personal security.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

     

    17th April 1843

    Letter No. 443, from Lord Ellen rough to His Excellency Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a general order declaring that no demand would be made declaring that no demand world be made by British Government of any arrears of revenue due to the Ameers but that all revenue from that date would be payable British officers. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (25) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th April 1843

    Letter No. 456, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for preparation of a sketch of the last battle, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (229) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th April 1843

    Letter No. 645, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier giving instructions with regard to the accounts of receipts and desiring him to incorporate Sind accounts with those of Bengal from after 1st May 1843. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (209-216) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th April 1843

    Letter, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding disposal of bullion found in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (139) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Shere Mohamed Khan. The text of the letter is as under:
    In ten days I shall attack you with a larger army than I had on the 24th of March; troops will come upon you in all directions. I do not wish to kill either you or your people, and I advise you to submit in time to the will of the Governor-General; if not, take your fate. Your blood will be on your own hand.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    2nd May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Mohamed Khan Talpoor. The text of the letter is as under:

    Come and make your salaam, and you shall receive from the English Government all you held under the Ameers; I will place the sword which you have sent me, again in your hands, that you may fight as bravely for my nation as you did against us when you served the Ameers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    6th May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Shere Mohamed Khan. The text of the letter is as under:

    You never disbanded your army, as I desired you to do.
    You sent as most insolent letter to me by vakeels. You offered that if I would capitulate, you would let me quit the country; I gave your vakeels the only answer such a letter deserved, namely, that I would answer you with my canon. Soon after that, your brother sent to me a letter, offerings to assassinate you; I sent the letter to you. In my letter, I told you that you were a brave enemy, that I sent you the proposition of your brother, to put you on your guard. I did not say that “you were not an enemy.” If your Highness cannot read, you should get trusty people to read for you. Your Highness has broken treaties; you have made war without the slightest provovcation, and, before a fortnight passes, you shall be punished as you deserve. I will hunt you into the Desert, and into the mountains; if you wish to save yourself, you must surrender within five days.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp. 55-56]

    11th May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Chief Ahmed Khan Lugharee. The text of the letter is as under:
    I honor a brave soldier, but I have not authority to forgive you. You attacked the residency of a British Envoy, Outram. Your princes themselves accuse you. The Governor-General is in wrath at this insult offered to and yourself, prisoners. I must, therefore, appeal to the Governor-General, and will plead your cause with him. I hope to gain your pardon; but I will not pledge myself to anything which I may not be able to perform. If you come and reside here, I will receive you till his Lordship’s pleasure be known; and, if he refuses pardon, I will give you forty-eight hours to depart unmolested.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.56]

     

    11th May 1843

    Letter No. 544, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for transmission to Bombay of captured guns at Cabool. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (267-269) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th May 1843

    Letter No. 624, from Government of Bombay to Sir Charles Napier in connection with appointments of Deputy Collectors in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (283-285) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th May 1843

    Letter No. 621, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier giving instructions as to how the debts of the ex-Ameers should be paid by British Government. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (367-368) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     

    4th June 1843

    Letter No 655, from Governor-General  in Council to Sir Charles Napier relating to the re-opening of ancient connection between the Indus and Nara so as to make the latter flow to the District of Omerkote. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (359-360) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 670, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier informing that he asked the Commissary General to procure camels for the use of the army in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (95-96) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th June 1843

    Jacob wins the day in an all but beloved-less victory over Sher Muhammad at Shahdadpur.
     [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

    15th June 1843

    Letter No. 234, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier authorizing him to raise a camel corps necessary for establishing and securing tranquility in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (319-320) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th June 1843

     

    Letter No. 686, from Government of India to Governor of Sind intimating that his Lordship had decided that Meer Alimurad was to retain possession of all the lands before held in his own rights and to have all those attached to the “Turban” and communicating remarks on the subject of abolishing inland transit duties. Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (69)

     

    28th June 1843

     

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier, Governor of Sind, to Governor-General of India detailing principles he had laid down for the guidance of Captain Pope appointed to take charge of the conquered territory in the north of Sind; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (89-93)

     

     

     

    28th June 1843

     

    Letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India reporting the instructions he had issued to Captain Pope in regard to the lands appertaining Khan, as well as those belonging to to Meer Rustom Khan which he had remarking on the legality of the transfer made by Meer Rustom Khan to the latter Chief; letter No. 260, dated 23rd July 1843, from Government of India to Governor of Sind approving generally of the orders which had been given to Captain Pope and communicating His Lordship’s sentiments and instructions on the subject of the lands to which Meer Alimurad was entitled; letter, dated 24th July 1843, from Governor of Sind to Government of India enclosing a transcript of the will of Meer Sohrab Khan Talpur, and suggesting the formation of a commission to determine the limits of the lands to which Alimurad was entitled. Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (89-93) Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (95-103) Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (107-110)

     

    20th July 1843

    Letter No. 239, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier forwarding extract paragraph of a letter of 3ed June 1843, from the Secret Committee asking for supply of copies of certain documents relating to the abdication of Meer Rustom Khan, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (111) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd July 1843

    Letter No. 260, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier conveying the Governor General’s views and sentiments in regard to the lands to which Meer Alimurad was entitled. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (77-83) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd July 1843

     

    Letter No. 260, from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind making enquiries and asking for some papers required in connection with the alleged cession to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of lands held by Meer Rustomkhan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (95-103)

     

    25th June 1843

    Letter No. 701, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier congratulating him or success of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert at Sehwan and on capture of Meer Sher Mohammed Khan’s brother. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (351) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th July 1843

     

    Letter No. 258, from Government of India to Governor of Sind desiring him to furnish Government with a sketch of the country between Subzulkote and Rohri showing the several district possessions of ex-Ameers and their value and indicating also the several purgunahs, if any, belonging to Meer Alimurad and those attached to ‘Turbon’ so as to enable the Governor-General to decide at once what portions of the country intervening between those districts should be assigned to the Nawab of Bahawalpur; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (13)

     

    29th July 1843

    Letter No. 267, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier selecting Captain Young as Judge Advocate for Sind.

     

    6th August 1843

     

    Letter No. from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind requesting him to represent to His Highness for reversion of the three forts to the Rajah of Jessulmere.

    16. – Treaty between Honourable the Company and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (161-164)

    8th August 1843

    Letter No. 296, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a copy of the report from the Chemical Examiner on the specimen of Saltpeter manufactured in Lower Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (135-136) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    August 1843

    Letter No. 298, from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind forwarding his sentiments on his letters of 13th and 18th July relating to the transactions with the Ameers and Chiefs of Sind before and subsequent to the battle of Meanee. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (85-86) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1843

    Letter No. 305, from Lord Ellen borough to Sir Charles Napier relating to the appointment of Captain Baker and other officers in charge of survey operations in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (33-34) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th August 1843

     

    Letter from Governor of Sind to Governor-General of India forwarding copies of the correspondence on the subject and making remarks; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (138-143)

     

    16th August 1843

    Letter No. 316, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a copy of his letter No. 315 of even date to Governor-General’s Agent in Rajputana on subject of dispatch of a detachment or a portion of Jodhpur force to Omerkote. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (27) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th August 1843

     

     letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter of 23rd July and remarking on the transfer of the ‘Turban’ and the rights attached thereto by Meer Rustom Khan to Alimurad Khan; enclosing copy of Meer Rustom Khan’s enclosing copy of Meer Rustom Khan’s resignation of the ‘Turban’; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

     

    17th August 1843

     

    letter No. 317, from Government of India to Governor of Sind stating the inference which the Governor-General had drawn from wording of the will of the late Ameer and directing that Captain Pope or Captain French if he had joined, Sheikh Ali Hussain, should form the Commission proposed by His Excellency; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

     

    21st August 1843

     

     letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India in compliance with the requisition contained in their letter of 27th July 1843; forwarding copy of a report from Captain Pope of the country lying between Subzulkote and Rohri; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (73)

     

    26th August 1843

    Letter No. 334, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier, Governor of Sind, forwarding for information and guidance copy of a dispatch from Honorable the Secret Committee relating to Prize property at Hyderabad. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (75) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th August 1843

    Letter No. 574, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier conveying his remarks on the difference of opinion between the Commander-in-Chief and Governor on Sind respecting the mode of investing the conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely and others. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (193-197) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1843

    Letter No.328, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding measures to be taken for prevention of smuggling of opium through Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (171-172) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1843

    Letter No. 1224, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier relative to suppression of all native  mints in Sind as also to the prohibition of further coinage of Sind rupees. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I Page No (193-198) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st August 1843

     

    letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India in reply to their letter of 9th August 1843 stating that a copy of the writing in the Koran would be sent by Captain Pope; that enquiry was being made as to the rights of the Turban, and that Ameers assumed Jagheers at pleasure; also explaining how Meer Alimurad occupied all the lands in Northern Sind; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (80)

     

    3rd September 1843

    Letter No. 355, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding appointment of Captain Tait as Resident at Khyrpore. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (111-112) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1843

    Letter No. 356, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to adoption of Bombay Customs House Regulations at Karachi. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI. Page No (119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th September 1843

    Letter No. 359, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier informing him that one of the three guns captured after the battle of Meanee would be sent to England to be kept on the terrace at Windsor and the other two to be placed at the foot of the monument at Bombay and desiring him to send a fourth one which he would place in front of the Government House at Calcutta. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (379-380) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th September 1843

    Letter No. 343, from Government of India to Government of Bombay intimating that orders had been issued for the relief of the Bombay army by the Bengal army. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.Page No (51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th September 1843

     

     Letter No. 376, from Government of India to Governor of Sind, acknowledging receipt of the preceding dispatch and forwarding copy of translation by the Foreign Secretary of the Turban, &c., to Meer Alimurad Khan;

    Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

     

    13th September 1843

     

    Letter No. 376 from Government of India to Government of Sind forwarding papers by which Meer Rustomkhan ceded the turban and lands, &c , to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    15. There   forts   of   Guttoorah, Shahgarh and Gursia in the desert.

    Claims of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan over: – Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (144)

     

    16th September 1843

    Letter No. 137, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him copies of despatches from Political Commissioner, Gujrat, and others regarding surrender of Khosa Chiefs on the border of Cutch and Thar.

    18th September 1843

    Letter No. 381, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a list of the corps ordered to be sent relieve the Bombay troops, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoII. Page No (147) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th September 1843

     

     letter No. 384, from Government of India to Governor of Sind conveying the observations and instructions regarding the eventual division of the country between Subzulkote and Rohri, the portions to the allotted by the British Government to the Nawab of Bahawalpur and Meer Alimurad Khan, respectively; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (73)

     

    8th October 1843

     

     letter No.811, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Captain Pope, Collector of Sukkur, directing him to furnish Meer Alimurad Khan and Governor-General of India with the information he had on the question relating to his Highness’s claim to certain lands lying between Rohri and Subzalkote; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 206

     

    24th October 1843

     

     Letter No. 102, from Captain Pope to Government of India transmitting information on the above question. Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 206

     

    15th March 1845

    Letter No. 325, from Governor-General to His Excellency Sir Charles Napier giving him instructions to follow after the conquest. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (17-19) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th May 1845

     

    Letter No. 92, from Governor of Sind to Governor-General submitting draft of a proposed treaty between the British Government and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan Talpur; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (176-177)

     

    19th May 1845

     

    Letter No. 108, from Governor of Sind to Governor-General submitting copies of a translation of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan and of the Governor’s observations on it, in continuation of his letter, dated 4th May 1845, forwarding draft of a proposed treaty with Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (189)

     

    19th May 1845

     

    Letter No. 1206, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Government of India forwarding a draft of a treaty between Honorable the East India Company and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan a copy of His Highness’s letter with His Excellency’s observations thereon; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (189-191) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (179-188)

     

    20th May 1845

     

    Letter, No. 109, from Governor of Sind, to Government of India forwarding for submission to the Governor-General copy of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Governor-General relative to the proposed treaty; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (198)

     

     22nd May 1845

     

    Letter, No. 112,from Governor of Sind to Supreme Government enclosing translation of a letter from Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Governor-General and one from the same Chief to the address of the Governor of Sind soliciting certain modifications in the treaty proposed to be concluded with His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (200)

     

    24th October 1845

     

    Letter, No. 396, from Government of India to Governor of Sind in reply to above communicating the remarks and observations of the Governor-General on the subject. Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (206-218)

     

    3rd January 1846

    President Breton at Swally Marine writes to the East India Company that through we have been frustrated because of great quantities of indigo, but cloth of Sindh afforded much better encouragement.
    [Foster: “English Factories in India-1646-1650.” P.18]

     

    21st January 1846

    John Spiller reports to the Surat factors about the scarcity prevailing in the commercial and the trade community of Sindh.
    [Foster: “English Factories in India-1646-1650.” P.18]

     

    28th April 1846

     

    Letter No. 40, from the Resident at Khyrpore regarding; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (341)

     

    4th May 1846

     

    Letter No. 1066, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Resident at Khyrpore directing him to call upon Meer Mohamed Khan to prove his right over lands he held in the time of Ex-Ameers; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (349)

     

    5th May 1846

     

    Letter No. 652, from Collector of Shikarpur to Government of Sind on the subject of various claims preferred by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (341-342)

     

    19th May 1846

     

    Letter No.1218, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Shikarpur informing him that His Excellency was of opinion that all boundary questions be deferred until next cold season when the deputies would decide the questions on the spot; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (350)

     

    19th May 1846

     

    Letter, No59, from Governor of Sind to Government of India requesting for reasons mentioned therein written by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan, protesting against the terms of the proposed treaty of 1845 between the British Government and His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (203)

     

    13th July 1846

     

    Letter No. 1804, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Shikarpur directing that what was in Meer Mohomed Khan’s possession on 17th February 1843 should be restored to him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (351)

     

     

    24th August 1846

     

    Letter No. 2198, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Resident Khyrpore on the above subject; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (353-354)

     

    28th September 1846

     

    Letter, No. 136 from Governor of Sind to Government of India forwarding copy of a letter from the Resident of Khyrpore, bringing to notice the solicitude of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan respecting the treaty between the British Government and His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (204-205)

     

    24th October 1846

     

    Letter No. 396, from Government of India to Government of Sind making remarks on the above and asking for information on certain points before passing final orders on the question; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (193-198) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (206-218)

     

    18th January 1847

     

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier to Governor-General of India submitting his reply to the above reference and stating that for reasons given therein he was of opinion that all lands held by Meer Ali Murad Khannorth of Rohri belonged to him by gift and those in the south of Rohri were His Highness’s by right;memorandum, drawn up by Commissioner in Sind, of npoints on which Captain Hardinge was requested to obtain information from His Excellency Sir Charles Napier relative to the proposed treaty with His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (218-228) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (247-255)

     

    18 February 1847

     

    Letter No. 362, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Hyderabad, requesting him to wait upon the Ameer with a view to arranging with His Highness for an exchange of land adjoining Sadhuja in place of such scattered villages as may be inconveniently location in the Hyderabad Collectorate; Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 pages No (I)

     

    20th February 1847

     

    Letter No.122, from Collector of Hyderabad to Secretary to Government of Sind submitting his report on the above question and recommending for reasons stated therein that negotiations on the subject be dropped for the present and that the Ameer be informed that the terms proposed by him could not be accepted on the part of Government and that Government would be prepared to exchange land with him when on any other occasion His Highness felt inclined to re-open the question and offered more favorable terms. Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 page No (3-7)

     

    22nd February 1847

     

    Letter No. 420, from the Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Hyderabad informing that His Excellency would only exchange land on equal terms of produce, &c. Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 page No (9-10)

     

    6.  (A). – Boundary line between Hyderabad Collectorate and Khyrpore State-

    10th April 1847

     

    Memorandum, from His Excellency Sir Charles Napier to Resident at Khyrpore informing that he saw no reason to interfere with the affairs of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan whose subjects the petitioners were and for whose good conduct His Highness was responsible to British Government, *c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (453-456)

     

    26th August 1847

     

    Letter No. 768, from Collector of Hyderabad to Commissioner in Sind regarding- Year, 52… Department, Political … File No, 266 A

     

    27th January 1848

     

    Letter in Persian, from His Highness Meer of Khyrpore to the Resident, Khyrpore, informing that the establishment of a Cantonment at Kandhkot and abolition of a bazar at Ghulamma would be inconvenient and prove injurious to the people, his subjects of those places, and requesting to be informed of the reason for taking the above measures; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (155-157)

     

    27th January 1848

     

    Letter No. 7 from the Resident to Government of Sind transmitting the above for necessary action; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 292page No (153)

     

    9th February 1848

     

    Letter No.321, from Commissioner in Sind to Assistant Adjutant-General in Sind requesting to be informed when any modifications could be suggested in the above arrangements as the British Government could not occupy the posts without His Highness’s permission. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (59)

     

    14th February 1848

     

    Letter No. 181, from the Assistant Adjutant-General to Commissioner in Sind explaining the reason for opening the Cantonment, &c., and required him to induce the Ameer to grant the required permission. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (161-162)

     

    1st March 1848

     

    Letter No. 489, from Commissioner in Sind to Resident at Khairpoor transmitting copies of the letter from the Assistant Adjutant-General in Sind and requesting him to inform the Ameer that it was through oversight that he was not consulted and that the object in opening the post at Kandhkot was the maintenance of peace on the Frontier, an object in which both British Government and the Ameer were equally interested. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (171-172)

     

    28th May 1848

     

    (b) Boundaries. – Letter, No. 119, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind relating to boundaries of Meer Ali Murad Khan’s share in the District in Upper Sind; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (59-69)

     

    8th July 1848

     

    Letter, No. 166, from Collector of Shikarpur to Major Jacob, Commanding the Frontier, forwarding certain documents which would be useful to him in settling the question relating to boundaries of lands claimed by their Highnesses the Khan of Kelat and Khyrpore; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (115-118)

     

    12th July 1848

     

    Letter No. 167 to Commissioner in Sind on the above subject. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (120-122)

     

    (c) Boundaries. – Settlement of Captain Dansey, on Special duty, in respect of the clain preferred by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan on the northern boundary of the Hyderabad Collectorate, extending from Karie Bhit to Photah Durrah on the Jesulmere Frontier, 1857. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (1-120)

     

    (d) Boundaries. – Khyrpore State- Diary of proceedings of Capatain C.E. Dansey in arbitration of the claims of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan Talpur on the British possessions of deh Bolrah and Makkar Phool Wahan, held in Jagheer by Meer Mohomed Khan Talpoor. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (1-200)

     

     

     

    Record  and  definition by Captain Dansey on Special duty of the northern boundary of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s possessions. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (201-338)

     

    Record and definition of boundary claims preferred on behalf of the Khyrpore State by its accredited agent Diwan Mansing before Captain Dansey. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (339-378)

     

    Captain Dansey’s settlement of the claim made by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan on the southern boundary of deh Trimoh and Char held in Jagheer by Meer Ahmed Khan Talpoor, A.D. 1857. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (465-603)

     

    Record and definition by Captain Dansey on special duty of the boundaries of British isolated possessions of dehs Kingri, Badhshapur and Rahoojah in His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s possessions of purgunnah Laddah Gagun. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (465-603)

     

    7- Frontier Outposts.-

     

    26th July 1848

     

    Letter No. 95, from Resident, Khyrpore State to Commissioner in Sind forwarding a copy of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan showing how Meer Mohomed Khan’s Jagheers came into his possession &c; petition from Meer Mohomed Ali Khan and Meer Ali Mohomed Khan son of Meer Mubarak Khan Talpoors soliciting Government to make provision for their support. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (357-358) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (359-362) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (398)

     

    8th August 1848

     

     

    Letter No. 3237, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind forwarding the petition for report; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (397-398)

     

    25th November 1848

     

     

    Letter No. 3182, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of a memorandum recorded by His Excellency the late Governor on a similar petition made by the above individuals which would place the Governor in Council in possession of Sir Charles Napier’s view case. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (399-400)

     

    Memorandum of February 1847 by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan showing what estates be allowed to the sons of late Meer Rustom Khan and Bijar Khan, &c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290

     

    8th December 1848

     

    Letter No. 5116, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind acknowledging receipt of his letter of 25th ultimo and desiring him to favour Government with his opinion on the subject of the reference made to him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (413-414)

     

     

    29th January 1849

     

    Letter No. 1720, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind re-claim of Meer Ali Murad Khan, Ruler of Khyrpore, over lands near Janidera. Year, 1845… Department, Political … File No, 276 page No (221-222)

     

    8.Appointment of a Commission to investigate in the accusation against His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore of having made interpolations and additions in the treaty of Noornihar between Meers Rustom Khan and Nassr Khan and himself,&c.

     

    25th February 1849

     

    Letter No. 49 from Governor of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind informing that with regard to affairs of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan, Ruler of Khyrpore, Government would not agree with him in his suggestion that His Highness should at once be pronounced guilty of the charge of forgery and that therefore a Committee was appointed composed of (I) Commissioner in Sind, (2) Major Jacob, Political Superintendent, Upper Sind Frontier, and (3) Major Lang, Political Agent, Kathiawar, to investigate the matter; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (145-146)

     

    6th July 1849

     

    Letter No. 1422, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur requesting him to obtain information as to the approximate annual value of village of Dadloo and Purgunahs of Mathelo Meerpur, and Meherkee held by His Highness in right of cession made to him by Meer Naseer Khan, distinguishing in the case of Mathela, the revenue of the village from that of the Purgunah of that name; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (151)

     

    16th July 1849

     

    Letter No. 379, from Collector of Shikarpur supplying the above information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (153-154)

     

    24th July 1849

     

    Letter No. 1511, from Commissioner in Sind asking for further information in connection with Purgunahs of Meerpur and Meherkee; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, A page No (159)

     

    31st July 1849

     

    Letter No. 440, from the Collector supplying the information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (181-184)

     

    21st September 1849

     

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier showing  his  recollections on the question. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (255-260)

     

    17.- Memorandum by Captain Brown, Secretary to Government of Sind, on British entering Sind in 1838, and on Rulers of Upper-Sind, three brothers Meer Rustom Khan, Mubarak Khan and Ali Murad Khan.

    18. – Dispute between Meer Ali Murad Khan and Meers Rustom Khan and Nuseer Khan on certain villages. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (275-279)

     

    3rd October 1849

     

    Correspondence ending with letter No. 1905, from Commissioner in Sind to Governor of Bombay submitting a full report on the several points mentioned in the above letter and recommending for reasons stated that the petitioners be removed from the protection of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan and that an annual assignment of Rs. 20,000 would be sufficient for their maintenance and that the Khyrpore State be located in any part of Hyderabad district, &c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (419-427)

     

    30th October 1849

     

    Letter No. 330, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind asking for further information on the subject; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (457-459)

     

    8th November 1849

     

    Letter No, 2174, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay furnishing the information called for and showing how he noticed the deficiency in kindness and liberality in the general treatment accorded by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the sons of ex-Ameers; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (459-463)

     

    4th December 1849


    Letter No. 356, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind directing him to induce His Highness when he visited Khyrpore at the time of annual tour, to make up the income of the children of the ex-Ameers and should he fail to secure better treatment for them His Highness he should at once rep ort the result to Government to enable them to take suitable action in the matter. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (464-468)

     

    25th February 1850

     

    Letter No. 49, to the address of Commissioner in Sind; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (1-144)

     

    11th March 1850

     

    Letter No. 119, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind informing that  he was successful in persuading His Highness Meer Ali Murad in retaining a portion of the animal he presented to His excellency Governor-General and suggesting that the saddles and gear be sent to Karachi and sold; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (33-36)

     

    16th March 1850

     

    Letter No. 528, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur accepting the above suggestion and requesting him to forward the horse and the camel presented by His Highness to Collector of Hyderabad; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (37)

     

    16th March 1850

     

    Letter No. 531, forwarding copy of the above for information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68page No (39-40)

     

    8th April 1850

     

     

    Letter, from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan informing him that Government have appointed a Commission with the Commissioner as President to investigate the matter of certain interpolations made in the treaty of Noornihar by His Highness and requesting him to furnish explanation upon the subject as a preliminary to the further proceedings; Letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to Commissioner in Sind expressing his surprise and indignation at the charge preferred against him which he denied and enquiring whether arrangements made by Sir Charles Napier in the settlement of affairs would be continued and informing that on receipt of reply he would enter into further correspondence on the matter;  Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (181-184)

    15th April 1850

     

    Letter, from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness acquainting him of his arrival at Sukkur and stating that no other matter except the one mentioned in the Commissioner’s first letter would be enquired into and requesting him that he would appoint a day for commencing the proceedings, &c.; letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind informing that he would visit Sukkur in person but he would require a previous notice; correspondence ending with Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (185-188)

     

    19th April 1850

     

    Letter from Commissioner in Sind informing His Higness that the Commissioner would meet on 20th idem and that they would be ready to receive evidence of any witness His Highness wished to bring in his defence; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (199-200)

     

    Letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind informing that he had several witnesses of respectability whom he would bring on the appointed day proceedings of the Commission assembled at Sukkur agreeably to the instructions conveyed in Government. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (203)

     

    1st May 1850

     

    Letter, from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind forwarding a copy of a letter written by Meer Mohomed Hassan and Meer Naseer Khan to Meer Rustom Khan advising him not to proceed to Khyrpore; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (233-235)

     

    2nd May 1850

     

    Letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind complaining that Government should have thought fit to listen to his enemies, &c.; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (245)

     

    8th May 1850

     

    Letter No, 840, from Commissioner in Sind to Governor and President in Council, Bombay, transmitting the proceedings of the Commission with his opinion on the subject. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (245)

     

    9th May 1850

     

    Letter from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness informing him that the conduct of the relations of British Government with him had been entrusted to Collector of Shikarpur who would give every attention to any representation from His Highness and that his request for a Resident stationed at Khyrpore would be borne in mind when a suitable opportunity occurred.

    11- Compresentation for stolen property.

    Representation made to His Highness Meer Ali Murad in the matter of demand made upon British subjects for compensation for stolen property recovered by his officials;

     Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (344)

     

    6th June 1850

     

    Letter No. 378, from Collector of Hyderabad to Commissioner in Sind informing that he was able to dispose of the things for value of Rs.2975. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (43-44)

     

    9. – H. H. Meer Ali Murad Khan.

     

    His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s case: Commission of enquiry into alleged frauds commission by-in Naushahro treaty; Year, 1851-56… Department, Political … File No, 234

     

    20th November 1850

     

    Letter No. 498, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind submitting for instructions a copy of a letter from Lieutenant Younghusband complaining of a practice obtainable in the Khyrpore State where the State officials levied one fourth from the proprietor of the stolen property recovered;Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (1-2)

     

    26th November 1850

     

    Letter No. 1942, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur desising, for reason stated therein, that representation be made to His Highness inducing him to forego the demand of any compensation from the British subjects in such cases as to permit them to be adjudicated by British Officers.

     

    12. – His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore petitions to Commissionner in Sind by Shaikh Ali Hassan ex Minister making certain charges against-Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (7-8)

     

    1st September 1851

     

    Letter No. 1771, from  Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur asking him to call upon Shaikh Ali Hassan to explain what was the claim of British Government on His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan for an annual revenue of ten or twelve lakhs of rupees, &c; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (131-132)

    Letter No. 1772, of even date from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay transmitting copies of the above; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (133)

     

    27th September 1851

     

    Letter No. 674, and its accompaniments from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind submitting his reply; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (135-136)

     

    12th October 1851

     

    Letter No.2135, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting copies of the above and commenting on the right of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to more than his patrimonial share and the share appertaining to the Raisshipe and asking for orders of Government on the question. Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (201-204)

    13. – Revenue and charge of the Districts resumed from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

     

     

    26th December 1851

     

    Letter No. 79 from Government of India furnishing detailed instructions for enforcement of their orders degrading him from rank of rais and transferring all his lands and territories, excepting those hereditary possessions; which were allotted to him by his father, to British Empire in India. Year, 1851-56… Department, Political … File No, 234 page No (205-212)

     

    10. – Appointment of Political Resident.

     

    Letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore to Commissioner in Sind asking for appointment of one of the two officers (Mr. Inverarity and Captain Leister) as Resident at Khyrpore;Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (343-344)

     

    27th January 1853

     

    Letter No. 24, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind for supply of information relative to the amount of revenue derivable from-; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (1)

     

    5th February 1853

     

    Letter No. 261, of from Commissioner in Sind to all Collectors for supply of the above information; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (3)

     

    5th April 1853

     

    Letter No. 118, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting with remarks copies of returns received from District Officers; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (29-31)

     

    23rd May 1853

     

    Letter No. 2214, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind requesting him to furnish a statement showing annual revenue serived from the accession of the territories by recent transactions with His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (119)

     

    28th June 1853

     

    Letter No. 327, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay furnishing the above; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (175-178)

     

    15th September 1853

     

    Letter No. 4042, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind asking him to explain certain discrepancies in the figures supplied in the two references referred to above; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (179-181)

     

    14th January 1854

     

    Correspondence ending  with letter No. 12, from Commissioner  in Sind to Government of Bombay complying with Government request. Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (205-206)

    14. – State matters.

     

     

    20th November 1856

     

    Letter, from His Highness to the Chairman, Court of Directors, Honourable East India Company, stating that as suggested by him he had sent his wishes in writing and requesting that the differences which had arisen between him British Government be settled and justice done to him. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (242-243)

     

    7th January 1857

     

    Despatch No. 3, from the Court of Directors to Government of India directing that the measure by which His Highness Meer Ali Murad was deprived of the rank and of a judicial investigation in which he had opportunity of defending himself and that the decision so passed was final; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (241-242)

     

    16th February1857

     

    Letter, from Colonel Pope to Government of Bombay informing that the statement which appeared in an English paper of the circumstances under which he was deceived by His Highness who obtained possession of the Purgunnah of Mathelo in Upper Sind, was entirely erroneous so far he was concerned in the affair and that he asked for permission of Government to contradict it. But before doing so he requested that it should be ascertained from the records whether he did not, while Collector of Sukkur, collect and bring to account there revenues of the Purgunnah of Mathelo and whether any particular report from him on that subject was on the records. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (211-215)

     

     

    4th March 1857

     

    Letter No. 1031, from Government of India to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of the above and requesting for transmission of Government of India’s letter No. 1030 of even date to His Highness; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (241)

     

    21st March 1857

     

    Letter No. 1186, from Government of  Bombay to Commissioner in Sind forwarding copies of the above for record in his office. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (239-240)

     

    25th April 1857

     

    Letter No. 175, from Collector, Upper Sind, to Commissioner in Sind submitting copies of references addressed by Colonel Pope which might explain the views entertained by him on the claims advanced by His Highness; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (217-219)

     

    10th September 1857

     

    Secret letter No. 1847 from the Honourable the Secret Committee to His Excellency the Governor in Council transmitting (I) a copy of a telegram from His Majesty’s Minister at Vienna informing that Mr. Coffey, the conductor of His Highness the Meer, who was embarking at Trieste for India stated that the prince was angry at the neglect of his claim and that it was likely that he would join whichever side appeared to him strongest, (2) letter dated August 1857, from Court of Directors to the address of His Highness informing that the proper course for him was to return to his country and to manifest his zeal and fidelity in the service of British Government under the protection and guidance of Commissioner in Sind and that his case would be favorably considered when any such reports were received from the Commissioner. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (275-276)

     

    1st November 1857

     

    Letter from from His Highness the Meer of Khyrpore to Commissioner in Sind acknowledging receipt of his letter and expressing his loyalty for the British Government and desire to serve Government whenever required;letter No .421, 17th November 1857, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay transmitting copy of the above for information; letter No. 3080, dated 2nd December 1857, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind directing that His Highness might be informed that his letter expressing his fidelity to Government would be forwarded to the Honorable the Secret Committee. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (283-284)

     

    9. – Present made to and received from Chiefs.

     

    6th February 1858

     

    Letter No. 94, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting the information he succeeded in obtaining on the subject referred to-Visit of His Highness Meer Ali Murad to England and return of His Highness to Khyrpore. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (233-235)

    Result of- Petition of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Queen’s Most Excellent Majesty for the restoration of the rank of Rais and of a portion of his territory. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (242-243)

     

     

  • CHORONOLOGY OF THE COMMERCIAL & POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITISH AND SINDH(1612-1843)

    Dr. Dur Muhammad Pathan

    CHORONOLOGY OF THE COMMERCIAL & POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN BRITISH AND SINDH(1612-1843)

    Feb 1612
    Authony Starkey, the first Englisghman to come, arrives at Thatta in the ship “Dragon.” He is carrying important letters and document with him. He lands at Thatta with tow purposes:
    (1) to transverse the land route for England,
    (2) to find trade opportunities in Sindh. After a few days, he is poisoned by Portugueses there,

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May,1934, P.34]

    26th September, 1613
    Sir Robert Sherley, the ambassador for Persia, Walter Payton, Sir Thomas Powell and other members of the suite, about the fifteen in number for going to the kingdom of Persia, arrived Diul bander of Sindh.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.40]

    December, 1613
    Nicholas Withington the British factor reaches near to Thatta and his party is seized by a local chief and rob them of that they possess Withington and his party, however luckily escaped back to surrat with their lives.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.41]

    24 November,1615
    Sir Thomas Roe writes to the East India Company, that “accordingly to such relations as I have gotten, the River of Syndu(Sindhu) were most commodious of all others, to which from Lahor anything may pass by water, besides the country in more healthy and plentiful in Indigo and comodytyes fit for England.”

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” PP.75-76]

    March, 1616

    Sir Thomas Roe presents his Treaty of commerce at the Royal Court of Jehangir. The Second Article of his trade facilities in Sindh.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pg.134]

    26 April, 1616
    Sir Thomas Roe writes to the English factors at Surat, that an attempt should be made to open up trade with Lahore and Sindh.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pp146-148]

    1629
    Invitation is sent from Sindh, to English factors at Surat, for establishment of an English factory in Sindh country.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.41]

    April 1630
    English factor of Surat, who insisted for investigating possibilities of establishing factory in Sindh, apply for permission to the East India Company. Two bales of the Sindh Indigo and some sample of white cloth of Sindh are also sent to the East India Company.

    [Foster: “The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe,” Pg148]

    28 November, 1635
    English Ship- the “Discovery” anchores right against the river Indus’ mouth.

    23rd February, 1636

    William Fremelen and his party leave Thatta and embark for Surat in the Ship “Hopewell”.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.43]

    25th August, 1636

    John Drake, who obtained “Parwana” from the Royal Court of the Moghul Emperor, sends this “Parwana” to Surat factors, today.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII]

    3rd  December, 1636
     William Fermelen and his companions land at Lahri Bunder, at midnight. His team consists of John Spiller and Richard Moyle. After five days, this explaination left for Thatta.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.43]

    10th December, 1636

    William Fremelean’s party renches Thatta. This may kindly be noted that they remained at Thatta for nearly two months and a half and investigated in the commercial possibilities of Sindh.

    16th March, 1638

    The East India Company writes to their Surat factors that a factory in Sindh should be established and cherished.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII Pg.57]

    June 1640
    John Spiller is sent to Sindh as the chief factor. He visited sindh in 1633 as an Assistant to William Fermelen. John Spiller remains in Sindh upto 1642.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1637-1641” P VII Pg.53]

    1643
    Dara Shikoh, Shah Jehan’s eldest son, grants several “nishans” to the East India Company to facilitate English trade in Sindh.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X]

    April, 1644

    The establishment of the Englishmen for trade purpose is created and John Spiller, Danial Elder and Revett Walwyn are employed on salaries of the 138-6-8 Pound , 70 Pound and 18 pound per annum respectively. From May to September 1644 John Spiller toured in upper Sindh.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X, Pg.132]

    1650
    It is reported that Surat Factory servants in Sindh are being hindered by the obstructions, set by the native officials, at two places-Kandiaro and Nasarpur Richard Davidge placed this matter before Moghul Emperor and succeeded in obtaining a “Farman” ordering the governors not to interrupt the free course of trade.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1642-1645” P X, Pg.132]

    March, 1652

    Prior to this, only two Western nations, were competing for trade in Sindh, the Porteguese and the English, but now Dutch nation also starts trading in Sindh Pietor Bie is granted permission to establish factory.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.45]

    24th April, 1656

    English factors writes to the East India Company, informing that Moghul Governors of Thatta~Jaffar Khan retiring governor is putting traders to great inconvienience  by seizing all their boats. The wife of new Governor-Kabad Khan is taking away goods and not paying even half of the price for them.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pp. 58-78]

    5th June, 1656
    Souvenir – East India Company’s chief factor reports that “there is mad kind of government at present in Thatta. Governor-Kabad Khan’s masterful spouse is at liberty to ruin traders and commercial community.
    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.46]

    1658
    The East India Company sends a band of five Englishmen, namely Messrs Nicholas Souvenir,William Bell, Humphrey Fox, Thomas Atkins and John Widderington to Sindh to be factors there.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pg. 152]

    April, 1660

    The East India Company issues orders to its Sindh Agent that cease buying cotton goods, and to buy a stock of saltpeter instead.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1655-1660” Pg. 52]

    14th June, 1660
    Surat English trading authorities writes to their Thatta factors to be in readiness to depart, on receiving warning or indication from Surat. This may kindly be noted that at that time William Sorivener was the Chief factor in Sindh, assisted by Messrs William Bell, Valentine Nurse and John Cox.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 27]

    27th March, 1662

    William Bell is the chief factor in Sindh. He is directed by the East India Company that if a steady supply of saltpetre and calicoes at reasonable prices were not procured, the Sindh factory would be withdrawn.
    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 72]

    14th November,1662
    The Services of William Bell, the Chief factor in Sindh are withdrawn on corruption grounds with the departure of William Bell and other factors, the English factory in Sindh stood withdrawn.

    [Foster: “The English Factories in India, 1661-1664” Pg. 72]

    1699

    Captain Alexander Hamilton visited Thatta, and stayed for three months. He was made free of all customs duties and tax on goods that he had brought or should export from Sindh. He had brought with himself goods worth 10,000 pounds with intention of trading with the people of Sindh. Mughal Nawab allowed him the privilege of “ Imprisoning those people who failed to pay him for the goods brought from him, without goind to the Kazi for justice.”
    [A. B. Advani’s article “The Early British Traders in Sind”, published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society,” Karachi, Vol-I Part-I, May, 1934, P.48]

    8th May, 1748

    Edward Cooke, private merchant breaths his last. He was learned in many languages including Sindhi.
    [Cousens: “Antiquities of Sindh,” P. 123]


    2nd March, 1800

    Nathan Crow lands at Karachi and proceeds immediately to Hyderabad, where he is greeted in a friendly manner by Fatehali. The four ambers, despite their desire for British military support, at first suspects  the Company of interest in conquest rather than commerce, but Crow assures them that he desires only “the removal of discord” and the increase trade and wealth the factory would bring to Sind. [Page/2“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    7th May, 1800

    Nathan Crow writes to Duncan to inform him that he has assured Sindh that establishment of Factory will pave Way for increase trade and wealth of Sindh. [Page/2 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th August, 1800

    Meer Muhammad Ismail, on behalf of Rulers of Hyderabad, Sindh, informs Nathan Crow that the Company would probably allow a Hindn agent there in factory. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th August, 1800

    On behalf of Meer Fateh Ali Khan, Agha Abdul Hussain writes to Nathan Crow informing him that Meer is under pressure and has no any option expect to ask Crow to close the factory. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th August, 1800

    Meer Fateh Ali writes to Nathan Crow directing him that all importal would have to come through kukrala. [Page/3 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     28th October, 1800

    Fatehali orderes Crow to remove him and all the Company’s establishments from Sind immediately. The agent had no choice but to comply, and, factories and the setting of accounts, the East India Company lost Rs. 110,000 on the venture. [Page/4“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    19th November, 1800

    Jonathan Duncan while writing to Wellesley suggests that all Indian ports be closed to sindian ports and merchandise currently in Indian port be seized as compensation for Crow’s expulsion a resultant financial loss. [Page/4 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th January, 1805

    Abdul Hussain Bohanee in his letter to the East India Company writes that  Sind was afraid of the Afghan king and wants amicable relations with the British. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    17th January, 1808

    W.H.Smith  (Bushire) write to Edmonstone, Secretary to the central Government that negotiations has been originated with Sindh Agents to draw up a treaty with the Shah of Persia under terms of which the Persians were to aid the Sindians against the Afghans in return for aims cooperation with the design of Persian king upon kandhar. [Page/6“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    2nd March, 1808

    The British authorities orders the Governor-General of India to take measures to prevent a hostile army from crossing the India and cultivate to the utmost of power the favorable opinion and cooperation not on of all states and countries the eastward of the India but also of the Afghanistan Government even of the Tartar tribes to the Eastward of the Caspian. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th March, 1808

    Lord Minto, Government General of India dispatches from N.H. smith at Bushire telling us of the visit of the Sindh vakeels to Persia and the French overtures to Sindh have convinced the Government of expediency of reopening relations with Sindh. [Page/6 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th April, 1808

    Captain David Seton leaves Bombay accompanied by his chief Aide lieutenant Gridley an assistant Surgeon, and an affair in charge of sixty ranks of native infantry for Hyderabad to gain the confidence of the Ameers in order to promote the Company’s aims of setting a factory. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th May, 1808

    Seton arrived at Mandavi in Cutch on May 18, 1808 and remained there for about six weeks. This greatly distressed Duncan, who wanted him to arrive in Hyderabad before the Persian envoy, reached Hyderabad on June 4 and was received with the highest honors. Fateh Ali was reported to have offered Franco-Persian help to Sind in shaking off the shackles of Afghan overlordship in return for the use of Sindian ports and Facilities to supply French ships. [Page/7“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    15th June, 1808

    The dilatory Seton finally arrives in Hyderabad on June 15, 1808, and a week later had a conference with Ghulamali who, realizing the Strength of his position, declares that had the English not sent Seton “to cultivate his friendship, he would in despair of gaining their good will have closed with the offer of the French and the Persians.”

    [Page/8“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th July, 1808

    The Sindh Government of Hyderabadi Meers enters into an agreement With Captain David Seton.

    [ “The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”, article by A.B.Advani published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society/V.11, Part 111, December, 1936]

    24th July, 1808

    The Agreement consisting of 7 Articles is drawn up between the Government of Sindh and the East India Company Government. It is agreed that this shall remain forever and that the disaffected of one Government shall not be protected by the other. It is agreed that an Agent on the part of the Honorable Company, for the increase of friendship and goodwill, shall reside at the Court of the Meer of Sindh.

    [“The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”, article by A.B.Advani published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society/V.11, Part 111, December, 1936]

    8th August 1808

    Native intelligent agents report to the East India Company Government about imminence of French foothold in Sindh. [Page/6 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th August, 1808

    Captain David Seton writes to Duncan to Share with him important clauses of a treaty proposed by the Sindh Rulers: Permitting the British to reopen factories at Thatta and Hyderabad, neither govt should protect the enemies of the other, that the British should provide Meer Ghulam Ali with artillery for the capture of umerkot and British & Sindh divide between them the coastal province of cutch. [Page/8 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    21st August, 1808

    Captain David Seton, the ex-British Resident at Museat, Presently on Sindh visit, writes to General Malcolm to update him about Sindh policy. He writes that Meer Fatih Ali Khan have offered France Persian help to Sindh in shaking off the shaking  of Afghan over lordship in return for the use of Sindhian ports and facilities to supply French ships. [“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    24th September, 1808

    Secret and Political Department Diaries (No.248) of India reveals that Main Abdul Nabi is in aid Jodhpur to seek British aid in regaining his throne. [Page/9 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th October, 1808

    Minto, Governor-General Plamed to send Nicholas hanky Smith, the British, to Sindh as a representative of the central Government. [Page/9 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    28th November, 1808

    Neil B. Edmonstone, then secretary to the Central Government, sent Smith his instructions. He was to place British relations with Sind on the footing originally intended, which would necessitate his coming to an agreement with the Ameers to supersede Seton’s. The British could obviously enter into no agreement with Sind which would include military aid against Afghanistan. . [Page/10“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    22nd December, 1808

    Captain David Seton writes to Duncan that he agreed to terms of treaty proposed by Ameer of Sindh, with the exception of those referring to umarkot and cutch and has also dropped all company claims for reparations against Sindh with aim to reestablish relations with Russian, French and Persian influence at also costs. [Page/8 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th March, 1809

    East India company decides that relations should not be resumed (With Sindh) until the claim of Nathan Crow about compensation is settled.

    [Page/5 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th April, 1809

    To re-establish the proper relative rank of the British and Sindhian governments, the Mission under the leadership of Mr. Nicholas Hankey Smith leaves Bombay. This Mission consists of seven members namely N.H.Smith of the Bombay Civil Service as the Envoy, Henry Ellis of the Bengal Civil Service as the first Assistant, Lieutenant Robert Taylor of the Bombay Native Infantry and Lieutenant Henry Pottinger as the second and third assistants, Captain Charles Christie to command the escort, William Hall surgeon and Captain William Maxfield of the Bombay Marine to act as marine-surveyor.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.10]

    9th May, 1809

    The Mission headed by Mr. Nicholas Hankey Smith reaches Karachi and is received by the Governor of Karachi on next day. The head of the Mission has received pointed instructions from his Governor-General to repress any attempts on the part of the Meer to claim equality with the British Government and to claim from Sindh rulers the respect due to the British power in India.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

    10th June-1809

    The East India Company Government mission on way to Hyderabad, reaches at Thatta and takes up their quarter in the East India Company’s factory. This may kindly be noted that the Mission reached Karachi 9th May 1809, and leaving Karachi after stay of 1 month. A lot of material is available about activities of in this Mission in Karachi. The Governor of the Karachi did his level best to keep eye on the activities of these foreigner he also gave him tough time.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

    15th August, 1809

    The Mission reaches at Hyderabad. This may kindly be noted that the mission spent more than 1 month in Thatta and remained busy in getting their required information on political situation and geography of Sindh.The Mission got free hand and opportunity to study the surrounding area and for proceeding to Hyderabad, Mission was divided into two parties, one to travel by water and other by land-route, and both the parties avail opportunity to obtain information and data on land and water routes of Sindh.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936.]

    22nd August, 1809

    The treaty was signed in August, 1809, and its ratification assuaged British fears in regard to a possible French foothold on the subcontinent. The realization that Napoleon, enmeshed in dynastic intrigues and unable to extricate himself from the Iberian Peninsula, posed no further threat to India soon returned the affairs of Sind to their original obscurity. [Page/12“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Sindh Government deputes three official namely Wali Mohamad Khan, Akhund Baqa Khan, Mushtak Ram discuss the proposed treaty with Mr. Smith and his team and following treaty is concluded:
    Article 1:

    There shall be eternal friendship, between the British Government, namely Meer Gholam Ali, Meer Karam Ali and Meer Murad Ali.
    Article 2:

    Enmity shall never appear between the two States.

    Article 3:

    The mutual dispatch of the Vakeels of both Governments, namely the British Government and Sindhian Government, shall always continue.

    Article 4:

     The Government of Sindh will not allow the establishment of the tribe of French In Sind.
    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.11]

    4th September, 1809

     Political Department Diaries (No 3 to 10) of India reveals that the Maratha leader, Juswant Rao Holkar of Indore, was trying his level best to insist Sind to join him in alliance with French. [Page/12 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    1st October, 1809

    Nicholas Hankey Smith writes to Edmonstone informing him that in his meetings and deliberations with Sindh Ameers has formed opinion that the Ameers were not very cordial and of course objected to the abrogation of Seton’s treaty. [Page/11 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    9th November, 1809

    A mission consisting of Captain Sadlier, Mr. W. Simon, Dr. Hall and Major Wood House

    Discuss and conclude the Treaty with Meer Karam Ali Khan and Meer Moorad Ali Khan. The Treaty consists of four articles and it is signed by Ismail Shah on behalf of the Meer Government of Hyderabad.

    [A. B. Advani’s article “ The English Missions of 1808, 1809 & 1820 to Sindh”. Published in the Journal of Sindh Historical Society, V.11, Part 111, December, 1936. P.14]

    1826

    Ranjit Singh demandes the payment of tribute from the Ameers of Sind on the grounds of having inherited most of the disintegrated Afghan empire and hence a right to the tribute formerly paid by the Ameers to Kabul. [Page/33 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th November 1831

    Letter No. 256 from Political Superintendent, Cutch to Government of Bombay relating to the pursuit after free-booters (Soda Jagatsing of Nagar Parkar and Soda Poonjaji of Vera- veer) by Sindian troops under Nawab Ghulam Shah Laghari, Chief of Saimkote. (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (22-24)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th March, 1831

    Henry Potting, the British agent in Cutch, reported to Bombay that the Ameers, prompted by British threats to reopen the matter of the Khosa depredations, and a military demonstration on their border by Ranjit Singh’s general, Ventura, had agreed to let the mission pass. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    October, 1831

    Pottenger received his instructions from the Governor-General in October, 1831. He was to negotiate only with Murad Ali of Hyderabad and Rustam Khan of Khyrpore, and he should use the implied threat of Ranjit Singh on their northern border and the continued depredations of the Khosas as a means of achieving his ends if the Ameers were recalcitrant. He might also cite Vattel’s law under which straits could not be closed by the controlling power, although this would entail the necessity of defining the Indus as a strait between the sea and the British possessions in the Northwest, a rather strained usage at best. . [Page/23“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    24th November 1831

    Letter from Captain Sir C. Malcolm, Superintendent of Navy, to Earl of Clare, President and Governor in Council, informing him as to the time the Sind Mission, under Colonel Pottenger would take to reach Mandvi  ; letter from Mr.  C.  Morris, Chief Secretary to Government of Bombay to Captain Sir C. Malcolm in reply to the above letter; letter No. 1789, dated 28th November 1831, from Government of Bombay to Envoy in Sind informing him that an advance of Rs.15,000 had been made in his favour on account of the mission to Sind; (Year, 1832 Department. Political… File No, 300 Page (1-3) &) (Year 1832 Department Political… 300 Page (5)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Governor in Council to His Highness Nawab Bahawalkhan, Daood Potra, Chief of Bahawalpur, making a Present of certain valuable articles to him for showing kind attentions and hospitality to Lieutenant Burns while on his journey to Lahore; (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (9-10)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     December 1831

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a   copy of a letter written under order of Governor-General to Political Assistant at Ludhiana, and of one to the address of Maharajah Ranjeetsing, Ruler of Lahore, relating to Colonel Potenger’s Mission to the courts of Ameers in Sind in connection with improvement of means of intercourse between His Highness’s territories and those of British Government by the route of Indus; (Year, 1832 …Department, Political …File No, 300 Page (47-54) )//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     9th January 1832

    Letter No. 43, dated 9th January 1832, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of his Progress report relating to the mission to the Ameers of Sind and sanctioning grant of Presents to the Agent of His Highness Meer Murad Ali Khan of Sind; (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300 (71-72))//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     12th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of the emissary of Meer Naseer Khan and of the course proposed to be followed in continuing his journey to Hyderabad ;( Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300 (73-83)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th January 1832

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing how he was received by the ‘Mahenandaes’ of Meer Murad Ali Khan, that his baggage was detained at the mouth of Indus and that he remonstrated with the ‘Mahemandars’ of Meer Alimurad Khan against the unfriendly act on the part of the Meer; (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (26-35))//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st January 1832

    Letter No. 2, from Government of Bombay directing Colonel Pottenger to act in accordance with sentiments expressed in extract paragraphs 5 to 8 of the dispatch from the Governor-General. (Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (87-89)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     25th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger stating that the accounts of the Sind Mission will ultimately be passed by Supreme Government, but as the Bombay Government were connected with the Mission it would be convenient that they should pass in the first instance through that Government;(Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 300(93-94) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     26th January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of his letter of 8th idem and expressing-

    (i)           His Lordship’s approval of the instructions issued to Dr. Del Hoste to avail himself of the opportunities afforded by the Mission to extend acquaintance with the Geography of Sind;

    (ii)         Enjoining great caution to avoid incurring any imputation of converting the Mission into an expedition for the purpose of exploring the routes and military resources of the country.(Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(95-96) &)

    (iii)        Letter No. 40, dated 21st January 1832, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India stating that Syed Zainuddin discussed with him the claims of several rival candidates to the musnud of Sind Government after to the death of Meer Muradali Khan; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (41-51) &)

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of a letter and it translation from Meer Murad Ali Khan expressing His Highness’s friendly wishes and intentions towards His Lordship;(Year, 1832 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (41-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     31st January 1832

    Letter No. 43, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the following proceedings with the Government of Sind with effect from the date of his arrival in Sind :-

    (a)  Suspicions raised in the mind of Meer Muradali owing to the deputation of Colonel Pottenger to Khyrpore and obstruction put by the Ameer in the Colonel Pottenger’s design to proceed to Khyrpore;

    (b) Reception of Colonel Pottenger and his associates by Meer Muradali Khan;

    (c)  Interview of Colonel Pottenger with the Ameer.

    Draft treaty consisting of nine articles-Discussions of-with Munshi Khushiram. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (52-103) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd February, 1832

    Pottenger submitted to Murad Ali his draft of the proposed treaty, which essentially provided for the opening of the Indus to the merchants and traders of India.But before the conclusion of the treaty with Hyderabad Pottinger proceeded to Khyrpore to draw up a treaty with Meer Rustam Khan, although Murad Ali claimed that Khyrpore was subordinate to Hyderabad and hence covered by any treaty signed by him. [Page/23“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    3rd February 1832 and 5th February 1832

    Letters No. 46 and 46-B of, respectively, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Meer Muradali had permitted him to proceed to Khyrpore had permitted him to proceed to Khyrpore and that before leaving Hyderabad he had sent an outline of treaty to Meer Muradali to calm his suspicions and asking for further instructions;( Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (147-175) (178-190) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th February 1832

    Letter No. 53, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing:-

    (a)  That Meer Muradali accepted the Presents sent by His Lordship;

    (b) That he had  another interview with Meer Muradali Khan;

    That owing to certain disturbances at Khyrpore his departure had been postponed to that place at the expressed desire of the Meer; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (190-215) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th February 1832

    Letter,  from Government of India in reply to Colonel Pottenger’s letter No. 38, dated 21st January 1832, expressing approval of his conduct in the intercourse he had with Mehmandars; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(117-118) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     17th February 1832

    Letter, from Government of India in reply to Colonel Pottenger’s letter No. 40, dated 21st January 1832, approving of the manner in which he discussed the question of succession and the caution maintained by him, and giving future instructions in connection with the matter; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (119-120) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd February 1832

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the following further proceedings at the Court of Meer Muradali:-

    (I)         Message from Meer Muradali Khan desiring Colonel Pottenger to quit Hyderabad at once and proceed to Khyrpore;

    (2)        Memorandum from Colonel Potenger to Meer Muradali stating that he was ready to act agreeably to his advice and that he was waiting for reply from Meer Rustomkhan;

     (3)       Deputation of Ahmedkhan and Bakshali to accompany Colonel Pottenger and his party to Khyrpore;

    (4) March of Kharaksing to Dera Gazikhan and preparations made by Ameers of Hyderabad to meet him on the Sind Frontier;

    (5)         Message from Meer Muradalikhan desiring Colonel Pottenger to return to Cutch if such a contingency arose and informing that he would write a letter to His Highness Governor-General explaining him the reason for dismissing the Mission;

    (6) Memorandum from Colonel Potenger to the Meer making some suggestions for establishing certain degree of political influence, without which no treaty would be found effectual.

    (7) Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Murad Ali Khan informing that he had decided to send one of the gentlemen of his suite (Dr. Delhoste) to Khyrpore ;unfriendly attitude adopted by the officers and difficulties thrown in the way of Colonel Pottenger’s access to Khyrpore by the Meer and Colonel Pottenger’s protest. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(249-290) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th February 1832, and 2nd March 1832

    Letters, from Dr. Delhoste, attached to the Mission to Colonel Pottenger, relating to his reception at the Khyrpore Durbar. ; (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(167-181)//”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter, dated from February 1832, from Government of India forwarding, for information, to Colonel Pottenger copies of-

    (I)           A letter from Maharajah Ranjeetsing respecting the navigation of the River Indus and by him in explanation;

    (2)       A letter from Maharajah Ranjistsing in reply;

    (3)         Letter from Government of India in reply to the above. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301 (201-207) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    February 1832 and 31st January 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of Colonel Pottenger’s letter of approving of his conduct in the difficult and troublesome discussions with Ruler of Hyderabad and his officers;(Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(161-163) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 56 of Colonel Pottenger appointing Dr. Delhoste to proceed to Khyrpore and giving him instructions for guidance. ;( Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(249-290) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th March 1832

    Letter, from Government of India (I) approving, with certain modifications of the draft treaty negotiated with Meer Muradali and giving further instructions; (2) forwarding a letter to the address of Meer Muradali Khan, assuring His Highness that British Government had no desire to covet his possessions (i.e. Shikarpur) and that integrity of Sind dominions will ever be respected. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(209-211) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th March 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger, conveying His Excellency the Governor General’s approbation of the prudent and conciliatory course of proceedings which he (Colonel-Pottenger) adhered throughout the course of his negotiations and furnishing further instructions. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(213-218) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th March 1832

    Letter No.59, from Acting Resident at Bhooj forwarding copies of correspondence relating to complaint of one Sador Rahbaree of Palanpur against an outrage committed by certain Khosas of Islamkote and (2) of a letter to the address of Ameers of Sind for redress of grievances. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(268-270) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    March 1832

    Letter No. 71 from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger reporting depredations committed by the Free-booter Pittoojee Waghela and requesting that it should be brought to the notice of the Ameers, if so desired. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(188) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th April, 1832,

    The treaty, signed on April 4, 1832, provided for continuing friendly relations between Khyrpore and the British. The merchants of Hindustan were granted use of the river and roads of Khyrpore on whatever terms might be settled with “the Government of Hyderabad, namely Meer Murad Ali Khan Talpoor” and the Government of Khyrpore promised to provide the British with a statement of just and reasonable tolls to be levied and not to hinder the traders in any way. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    Toward the end of June Bentinck retuned the ratified treatise with Khyrpore and Hyderabad to Pottenger, who now, in addition to his duties as residend in Cutch, was to have charge of Sind affairs. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Nonetheless the agreement of Rangit Singh and Bahawal Khan open the Indus to commerce. Write the conclusion of the treaties an experimental cargo was sent up the river, and in 1833 a group of merchants sailed boats down the Indus from Ludhiana to Shikapur; but results were disappointing. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th April 1832

    Letter No. 69, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing-

    (I)           That negotiation with Khyrpore State has taken a turn which would appear equally inexplicable and unexpected to His Lordship.

    (2)        That several alterations  were suggested in the treaty by the officers of Khaipur    State, which in his opinion, were absolutely useless and that he informed the Vazir that he would take care to bring to the notice of Governor-General that such useless stuff had not proceeded from him;

    That he had a further interview with Meer Rustomkhan on 5th April 1832 but he had to return to his tents without being able to discover the cause of the visit having proved abortive. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(349-385) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th April 1832

    Letter No, 71, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting-

    (I)           That Meer Rustomkhan suggested certain modifications to be made in the treaty which he refused point blank and at his request he omitted paragraph 5 of the treaty altogether;

    (2)        That he had a last interview with Meer Rustom khan, Mubarak Khan and Alimurad Khan when the treaty was exchanged between the parties; Meer Rustomkhan thereafter dismissed the Mission in kindest manner possible.

    (3)      Meer Rustomkhan sent to Colonel Pottenger certain presents worth Rs. 1,000 in all;

    (4)      Visit of sons of Meer Rustomkhan and Mubarak Khan to Colonel Pottenger as a token of respect for him;

    (5)     His departure from Khyrpore on 11th April 1832;

    (6)   Pointing out certain inconsistencies displayed by Meer Rustomkhan, his relations and ministers and at the same time assuring that the Meer was really disposed to form close alliance with British Government but he was restrained by his brother and Meer Muradali Khan of whom he could not be said to be independent;

    (7)     That the question relating to succession to supreme authority at Khyrpore on demise of Meer Rustomkhan was unsettled as that of Hyderabad;

    (8)     That Meer Alimurad Khan made certain overtures in an underhand way and he desired to enter into a separate treaty, granting favorable terms, which he refused. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(406-443) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th April 1832

    Letter No. 68, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding them a copy of a letter, dated 28th March 1832, from Lethal, Native Agent at Hyderabad, relating to-

    (I)           Plundering of Larkana Purgunnah by the Thanedat of Mehrabkhan Brohee and deportation of Ahmedkhan son of Nawab Wali Mohomed for committing reprisals;

     (2)       Interview of Captain Wade with Maharajah Ranjeetsing for permission to open a factory at Mithankot. Meer Muradali Khan hearing of this desired that if a factory was opened at Mithankote there was no necessity of opening another in Sind. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(342-349) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd April 1832

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Meer Muradali Khan of Hyderabad had agreed to hand over British Government some of the chiefs of Parkar and traitor Ismailkhan and requesting that Captain Robert might be directed to proceed to Lukhput to receive the prisoners; letter of 17th May 1832 from Government of Bombay approving of the above proceedings. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(450-452) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd April 1832

    Letter from acting Resident regarding plunder of Rahim ka-Bazar in Thar Parkar by Pittoojee Waghela and requesting that the Sind Government be moved to exert them to apprehend the free-booter. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(269-270) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th April 1832

    Letter No.64, from Colonel Pottenger to Governor-General of India reporting the arrival of Mission at Khyrpore and their proceedings at the Court of that Ameer as under:-

    (I)           Letter from Meer Rustomkhan inviting Colonel Potenger to his Court and informing that officers would be dispatched to meet him on the Frontier;

    (2)      Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Muradalikhan informing him of his departure to Khyrpore and requesting that orders be issued to the boatmen to accompany him; Message Zulfukarkhan to Colonel Pottenger requesting him not to write anything to his Excellency Governor-General that would create displeasure towards him and desiring that Government of India would allow him (Colonel Pottenger) to remain at Cutch as no one would understand the way to preserve and add to friendly feelings between two Governments; reply from Colonel Potenger to the above stating that he was grateful to His Highness’s good opinion about him and that he was sure that Governor-General  and Governor of Bombay would replace him in Cutch or place some other capable officer there;

    (3)          Colonel Pottenger’s present of one hundred Gola (venetians) to Syed Zulfukarkhan; Meer Muradali’s letter to Colonel Pottenger stating that it was contrary to the custom of his Government to receive such gifts; Colonel Pottenger’s suitable reply to the above;

    (4)         Departure of Colonel Pottenger from Hyderabad on 27th February 1832, and his arrival on 10th March 1832 at Mithiani the first village in Meer Rustomkhan’s territories where he was met by Dewajikhan, Diwan Lakhmichand and others.

    (5)         Letter from Dr. Delhoste regarding his good reception at Khyrpore, enclosing a letter from the Meer expressing his friendship with British Government and cordially inviting Colonel Pottenger to his court;

    (6)        Arrival of Colonel Pottenger at Khyrpore on 21st March 1832; Wazir Fatehkhan Ghori met him at the town of kot Laloo and informed him that Meer Rustomkhan was anxious to meet him; hearty welcome accorded and munificient hospitality shown to Colonel Pottenger; 23rd March was fixed for public reception of the Mission; Colonel Pottenger sent a draft treaty to Meer Rustom Khan and requested him to add to or alter it any way he considered necessary; Further interview granted to Colonel Pottenger; draft treaty discussed with Meer Mubarak Khan and the Vazir ; the terms were seffled and copied fair. (Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(297-327) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st May 1832

    Letter No. 80, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting:-

    (I)           Return of mission from Khyrpore and their arrival at Hyderabad on 16th April 1832.

    (2)         That a memorandum was received from Meer Muradali Khan asking him for information on several points in connection with the Mission at Khyrpore and his reply there to;

    (3)        That had an interview with His Highness Meer Muradali and other Ameers and the former spoken about the treaty which he (Colonel   Pottenger) promised to send to him on the next day; the terms of the treaty were discussed with Munshi Khushiram who took a copy of it to Meer Muradali;

    (4)         That on evening of 20th Meer Bakar and Diwan Baharmal brought a statement of customs and other duties livable on goods and vessels passing up the Indus which were very high; he remonstrated with Diwan and explained to him the position His Lordship the Governor-General would take if His Highness insisted to adopt the above tariff schedule; that in the afternoon of 21st Munshi Khushiram with others returned with the statement of customs schedule and said that Meer Muradali desired that they should be definitely fixed before he (Colonel Potenger) quitted Hyderabad ; the deputation was assured that the question would be fairly considered and discussed by British Government and that the matter would be referred to His Highness Meer Muradali’s final approbation and confirmation;

     (5) Final interview with His Highness Meer Muradali on 22nd April when the treaty was given to him. The Ameer introduced Bahadoor Khan Khokhur, the Chief, to whom he proposed to entrust the duty of extirpating the robbers who committed depredations on the requested that speedy arrangements be made with Rajah of Jessulmere for dispatch of army against the plunderers.

    (6) Meer Muradali Khan granted permission to the Mission to return to India and sent several presents for Colonel Pottenger.

    (7) That a supplementary treaty was signed and handed over to Colonel Pottenger.

    (8) Departure of Mission from Hyderabad on 28th April 1832.

    (9) Forwarding a copy of the revised treaty with His Highness Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and discussing suitability or otherwise of the proposed rates of custom duties. &c.

     2nd May 1832

    Letter from Government of India forwarding for information a copy of the report of Captain Wade on the commerce of Punjab. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(452-502) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    7th May 1832

    Letter No. 82, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Khosas and other Banditti, among who was one Pettajee Waghela, had committed depredations in eastern districts of Sind and had repulsed the detachment sent against them by Meer Alimurad of Meerpur.

    Visit of Bahadurkhan Khokhar to Colonel Pottenger and his desire to carry operations against the free-booters during the rains;(Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (518-525) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 83 of 7th idem from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay dispatching the above for transmission to Government of India and requesting for co-operation of Rajahs of Jessulmere in routing with British and Sind Government in routing the Khosas and other murderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (526-530) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th May 1832

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger acknowledging receipt of several letters received from him and expressing regret at the sudden turn which negotiations at Khyrpore had taken and trusting that authorities at Khyrpore would not impede the attainments of the principal object of the Mission, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (317-318) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th May 1832

    Letter No. 84, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India asking for orders on the disposal of presents and informing that the accounts of the mission would be sent after two months. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (530-536) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th May 1832

    Letter No. 93, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting three original treaties concluded by him with the Ameer of Khyrpore and Hyderabad. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (561-563) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th May 1832

    Letter No. 87, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Naseer khan of Meerpur made overtures for a separate treaty on favourable terms but he refused to do anything with him without orders of-General. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (541-546) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th May 1832

    Letter No.67, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger approving of measures suggested for extirpation of Parkar free-booters and arrangements made with the Ameers of Hyderabad for the purpose. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (327-329) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    May 1832

    C.E. Trevelyan, a deputy secretary to the Government in Calcutta, drew up a paper on the Indus tariff at the Governor-General’s request. He pointed out that transportation by water was much cheaper than by land and that the duty levied by the Ameers should be on the value of the cargo rather than on weight. Cargo should be taxed only once on the trip, and the proceeds should be divided among Sind, Bahawalpur, Lahore, and British India; while the collection of the toll should be under the superintendence of a British political agency. [Page/26“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    11th june1832

    Letter No. 104, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India.

    (I)           Submitting with his remarks copies and translations of statements of duties furnished by chiefs of Hyderabad and Khyrpore in virtue of treaties concluded with them;

       (2)      Informing that Duties on goods carried by land were quite high; commerce in                 Sind was therefore at a standstill and that this fact appeared to have given to the Ameers the smallest concern and that on several occasion His Highness Meer Muradali expressed that he and his family would deeply regret the revival of trade by Indus, whatever fiscal advantages he might reap. This was because it interfered with his shikargahs or preserves for game with which the whole course of Indus from Thatta to Sehwas was lined, &c.

    (3) Giving a vivid description of river Indus and bringing to notice the deplorable condition of its banks and suggesting several improvements for its proper navigation;

    (4)   Drawing attention to the Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of London for 1830-31, Page 227, in which the exports and imports were fully stated;

    (5) Stating that at the time of invasion of Nadirshah there were forty thousand weavers of loongis and Calico at Tatta but in 1832 it was not even one-tenth of the size it was in 1809. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (564-575) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th June 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Government of Bombay intimating that the Governor-General had full confidence in the discretion of Governor in Council exercised in connection with joint operations contemplated against the freebooters and that Governor-General’s Agent at Ajmere would procure effective co-operation of Jodhpur and Jessulmere Durbars in the action against the plunderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (423-424) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th June 1832

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay requesting that arrangements might be made for manufacture of 6 sword blades and 6 highly furnished right hand guns, &c, in England for Meer Muradali Khan and suggesting that the cost of these articles be met from public funds; . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (593-594) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th June, 1832

    Bentinck, the Governor-General favors the negotiation of a new treaty with the Ameers which would give the British greater influence in Sind. He wrote: “I could wish that it may be the accomplished without the employment of direct force, but by the effect of other and milder influence.” (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    19th June 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger in reply to several of his letters:-

    (I)           Requesting transmission of ratified treaties, signed and sealed by Governor-General to their respective destinations;

    (2)      Advising consideration of several details before the proposed Customs Tariff                schedule was drawn up and accepted by the Ameers;

    (3)      Making further enquiries relating to the possessions of Meer Naseerkhan;

    (4)      Enquiring as to the best place which may be fixed and at which customs dues would be collected;

    (5)      Discussing the provisions of 4th article of the treaty relating to issue of passports to persons proceeding to Sind for purposes of trade and appointing persons and fixing places where they should be issued;

    (6)      Approving of line of conduct proposed to be adopted towards Meer Naseerkhan;

    (7)      Expressing satisfaction on the result of what passed Colonel Potttenger and Ameer of Sind on the subject of combined operations against Khosas and other plunderers and giving further instructions on the matter. . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (349-359) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd June 1832

    Letter No. 110, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay in connection with dispatch of troops under command of Captain Robert for punishment and suppression of Khosa and other marauders. . (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (595-606) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Muradali for making arrangement for dispatch of Sind forces for the purpose and return of Jagatsing and Poonjaji, Parkar chiefs, alleged to have been implicated with the Plunderers.

    2nd July 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding to him copy of a letter from Envoy of Persia on the subject of proposed alliance between a son of Meer Muradalikhan of Hyderabad and a daughter of the king of Persia and other matters connected with affairs of North West Frontier. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (606-612) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th July 1832

    Letter No. 126, , from Government of Bombay intimating that a letter had been addressed to Honorable Court for execution of articles required by Meer Muradali; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (393) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd July 1832

    Letter No. 154 from Government of Bombay approving of the suggestions made by Colonel Pottenger with regard to the assemblage of the army for routing out the tree-booters. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (413-414) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th July 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger forwarding to him a copy of their letter to Government other services of Colonel Pottenger and for reasons mentioned therein appointing him as Agent for affairs of Sind; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (425-432) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st July 1832

    Letter No. 159,from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Government of India had issued orders to Agent at Ajmere to open a communication with Rajah of Jodhpur for co-operation with British Government against Parkar plunderers and for adopting the measures preventing them from finding an asylum in his territories. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (437-439) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1832

    Letter No. 164, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield, Commanding Sind Force-

    (I)           Furnishing him with suggestion to be useful to him in the expedition against the Parkar free booters.

        (2)      Acquainting him with cause which led to the necessity for the expedition and for co-operation of certain Native powers with the British;

         (3)     Informing him that the strength of the enemy was estimated at 2000 fighting men and the Khosas, a tribe of Baluchees who composed the majority Rulers of Sind, and they refused every advance made to them by the Talpoors and formed themselves into a nucleolus for the disaffected and turbulent of the circumjacent regions:

    (3)  That Means, which formed the most infamous body of Parkar robbers lived in wands. Or temporary villages along the Northern edge of Parkar. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (672-702) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st August 1832

    Letter No. 162, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger (I) intimating him of appointment of Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield to the command of the expedition against Parkar and (2) Vesting him (Colonel Pottenger) with general of expedition and the measures consequent on its termination, (3) directing that Lieutenant William Pottenger should accompany the expedition in civil capacity and afford to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield advantage of his experience and knowledge of Sind Auxiliaries, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (445-449) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th August 1832

    Letter No. 120, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a map with a memoir on the Province of Sind prepared by Lieutenant Delhoste and Pottenger; (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (623-624) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 123, dated 7th August. 1832, from Colonel Pottenger to Adjutant-General of the Army, Bombay, making suggestions for assemblage of forces to act against the plunderers. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (625-630) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th August 1832

         Letter No. 127 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India:-

    (I)             Describing the limits of the territory in possession of Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore;

    (II)         Informing that the latter had agreed to his suggestion for levy of duties at one place and that Meer Muradali should be asked to make a similar arrangement in his own country so far the vessports were concerned and that system of farming may be continued with regard to local trade;

    (III)        That the Bombay army would move across thrive to put down the plunderers of Parkar as soon as he heard from Colonel Lackete about the march of Jodhpur and Jussulmere forces;

    That Meer Muradali intimated that his army was awaiting orders from him. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (630-642) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th August 1832

    Letter No. 128, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay submitting account of the presents purchased on account of Sind Mission. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (643-645) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1832

    Letter No. 140, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copies of letters received from Native Agent from Sind to the effect:-

    (I)           That Meer Muradali desired that he would recover the losses incurred by the people from the Parkar chiefs and that he was prepared to hand them over to Colonel Pottenger on his assurance that they would be kept for two months and they would not be sent to any place from Bhooj:

    (2)    That news had been received from Hakim of Shikarpur that Kirpalsing with four thousand men joined General Ventura at Dero Gazikhan and that Ameers of Hyderabad sent trustworthy spies to find out the object and direction of their intended movements;

    (3)    That Meer Muradali and his sons sent presents to Sardar Dost Muhomed of Colonel though Nizamuldin Peerzada. The object of the Mission was to persuade the Sardar to make a demonstration against Sikh territories at any time Raja Ranjeetsing directed his attention towards Shikarpur.

    (4)      That His Royal Highness Abbas Meerza of Persia arrived at Meshed and Prince Kamran of Heart opened a friendly correspondence with him the object of placing himself under his protection. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (646-651) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 157 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of letters received from:-

    (I)           Meer Muradali and observing that reports had been received that Meers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore had entered into agreement with Shah Shujaool Mulk, king of Cabool, to help him in recovering his part in event of his success agreed to the Ameers and to acknowledge independence of Sind and to give a final release for payment of tribute; that Meer Muradali had sent Munshi Khushiram to Khyrpore to consult him on the subject and that His Highness Meer Rustomkhan consented to the plan on certain conditions.

    (2)     That the boxes containing the treaties were received and he delivered those for Meer Muradali in public Durbar, and the other he forwarded to Khyrpore.

    (3)     That Meer Muradali said that he having consulted his sons Mohomed Bakarshah to Bhooj in charge of the Parkar chiefs;

    (4)  That some Kassids came from Khyrpore who reported that Meer Alimurad Khan had fled to Bujrika Goth where he had collected a strong garrison and Meer Rustomskhan had sent troops for taking the place. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (655-659) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th August 1832,

    Letter No. 127 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India:-

    (I)           Describing the limits of the territory in possession of Meer Muradali of Hyderabad and Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore;

         (2)     Informing that the latter had agreed to his suggestion for levy of duties at

                  One place and that it would be desirable that Meer Muradali should be asked                   to make a similar arrangement in his own country and that system of farming may be continued with regard to local trade;

         (3)     That the Bombay army would move across the river to put down the plunderers of Parkar as soon as he heard from Colonel Lackete about the march of Jodhpur and Jessulmere forces;

       

    (5)  That Meer Muradali intimated that his army was awaiting orders from him. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (630-642) &)

     15th September 1832

    Letter No. 241, from Government of Bombay on the same subject and signifying the Governor’s concurrence with opinion expressed by Governor-General of his conduct in the Late Sind Mission, &c. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.300 Page No (561-562) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th September 1832

    Letter No. 189, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from the Native Agent in Sind reporting:-

    That there was a considerable chance of a civil war in Khyrpore State between Alimurad and his two elder brothers;

    (2)    That the cause of the war was refusal on the part of Meer Rustomkhan and Mubarak khan to restore Meer Alimurad some Purgunnahs which he had given to them; that Meer Muradali Khan of Hyderabad’s effort to reconcile the brothers proved ineffective. (Year 1832-33 Department Political …File No.301 Page No (708-709) &)

    September 1832

    Pottenger writes a minute in which he expresses the opinion that the Ameers are taxing trade out of existence and that Murad Ali is trying to make the recent treaty a dead letter by means of excessive duties. He thought a toll based on the size of each boat should be levied:  [Page/27“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    5th October 1832

    Letter, from Meer Muradali of Hyderabad dispatching Parkar prisoners under charge of one Ghulam Hyder Mujranee and requesting that they might be sent back made and him after necessary enquiries had been made and their guilt disproved; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(719-722) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the

    6th October 1832

    Letter, from Agent to Governor-General, Rajputana to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Jodhpur and Jessulmere with British Government in capturing the Parkar robbers and to send their forces for the purpose; Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(611-616) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th October 1832

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of his instructions to the officer appointed to the command of the force against Khosas and others of Parkar. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(623-624) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October 1832

    Letter No. 215, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Meer Muradali had sent some petty Blooch Sardars in place of Jagatsing and other Parkar Chiefs. He sent them back as he found them old hopeless men and of the lowest station in life. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(716-719) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October 1832

    Letter No. 242, from Political Superintendent, Palanpore, to James William, Pol. Commr., Guzarat, forwarding a copy of letter addressed by Meer Mohomed Khan Abbas, Chief of Kalhora family to Lieutenant Presscot asking for assistance from British Government in securing Sind (their territory) from the Talpooes. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(643-644) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th October 1832

    Letter No. 290, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger approving of his proposal to appoint Lieutenant Delhoste to examine part of the country, left of river Indus. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(647) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th October 1832

    Letter No. 237, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Roberts, Commanding Poona Auxiliary Force, informing of his appointment as officer in charge Intelligence Department with Parkar Expeditionary Force; that he had informed Meer Muradali that Government had appointed him to be medium of communications between the Officer Commanding the Forces and Meers Sardars; that he had appointed a Munshi Syed Rahmatullah who with his acquaintance with knowledge of Sindhi and Gujarati will knowledge of Sindhi and Gujarati will prove efficient person; that as Head of the Intelligence Department he was required to perform certain duties as detailed in paragraphs 9-12 of his letter. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(737-746) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th October 1832

    Letter No. 234, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Litchfield, Officer in charge Expedition Force, against Parkar free-booters giving him further assistance for guidance. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 301(733-736) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1832

    Letter, from Agent to Governor-General, Rajputana, to Colonel Pottenger informing that communications had been received from certain Chiefs who it appeared were greatly alarmed at the approach of British army expressing their willingness to relinquish their predatory calling if any arranges could be made for their support, &c.

    (2)      Making certain suggestions to this end. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 300(741-745) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October, 1833

    The Governor-General agrees with the advisability of replacing the duty with a toll but with a toll but cautions pottinger that in conducting negotiations he should give the Ameers every assurance that the internal trade of their own country will not be interfered with. The moment goods are landed at Tatta, Hyderabad or anywhere else in their dominions they will become subject to the local duties levied by the Ameers in their own country. (IOR, Bengal Secret Letters)

    October, 1833

    Murad Ali dies and is succeeded by his eldest son, Nur Mahomed, as the principal chief of Lower Sind. He firmly refuses to allow the creation of a British Residency in Sind. Pottinger is at a loss about what to do as his instructions forbade him to “demand anything or to use coercion.”[Page/27“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    16th December 1833

    Letter, from Native agent at Hyderabad to Colonel Pottenger, Political Resident, Cutch, informing of death of Meer Muradali and stating that Meer Nur Mohomed Khan and Meer Mohomed-khan determined to send presents to Bombay Government, &c.; letter from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Nur Mohomed Khan condoling with him on the death of his father; letter dated March 1834 from Meer Nur Mohomedkhan of Hyderabad to Colonel Pottenger in reply to the above. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302Page No (1-7) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (9-12) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (53) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand desiring him to inform the Ameers (Nur Mohomed, Sobdarkhan and Naseerkhan) of his appointment as Agent to Governor-General in Sind and of appointment of Captain Melwill as his Assistant in Sind and his headquarters being fixed at Hyderabad. As that gentleman did not accept the appointment on account of delicate health, he had intended to proceed to Sind requesting that arrangements be made to meet him at Badin. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (31-35) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th August 1834

    Letter, from Munshi Jethanand to Colonel Pottenger reporting that he had he had sent a letter and a hundi for Rs. 500 to Bahawalkhan, who expressed thanks to the Governor and said that the Colonel Pottenger should be assured that the friendship between him and British Government would continue from generation to generation; that a cassid had arrived from Cabool who gave an account of the unsuccessful attempt of Dost Mohomad to attack the fort of Candhar; that Ameers of Sind had received letters from the Chiefs of Candhar giving account of their victory and route of the King. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (43-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th August, 1834

    Pottinger writes to Macnaghten that the Ameers continued steadfastly to refuse their permission for the creation of the Residency and evinces no enthusiasm about signing any new treaty. Unless we mean to abandon the great Design of opening the Indus to traffic, we must, in the event I am contemplating, change our Requests to Demands and support those demands, by increasing Force in Kutch and blockading the ports of Sinde till everything we wish is fully acceded to. (“IRO, Bengal Secret and Political Consultations”. Sept 5, 1834, No-1.)

    18th August 1834

    Letter from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger informing that there was some disagreement between Meer Nur Mohomedkhan and Meer Sobdarkhan on question of division of the State on the demise of late Meer Muradalikhan; that he had reminded Meer Nur Mohomedkhan to return the treaty where in it was provided that a Native of India would be placed in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302page No (43-51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th January 1835

    Letter No. I, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Robert, Assistant Political Agent, Bhooj, directing him to be strictly neutral with regard to the application from Meer Mohomed for assistance of British troops in collecting the tribute from the district of That Parkar, &c; letters Nos. 2 and 3 of even dates from Colonel Pottenger forwarding to Government of India Bombay a copy of the above for information. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (1) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (2) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th January 1835

    Letter No. 4, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that news had been received from Native Agent at Hyderabad that His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Kelat with two hundred retinue and so closely followed by Khoodadad Khan of Candhar that he was obliged to take refuge within the country of Khan of Kelat who acceded to the unfortunate monarch the protection and hospitality he sought for; that the Ameers of Sind hearing that information had taken steps to strengthen the garrison at Shikarpur; that it was clear it was clear that the king would not remain for a long time and he would not remain for a long time and he would proceed to Bombay via Sonmeanee, if the Ameers did not permits him a passage through their territory; in the other case he would pass through Sind to Bhooj and Bombay; requesting that he was anxious to know the terms on which the King was to be received and treated; letter No. 5 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to the above and asking for instruction on the above Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (3-4) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (5) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st January 1835

    Letter No.6, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India stating that the Native Agent informed that His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Bhag in Cutch Gandava and that the son and the nephew of Meer Rustomkhan had arrived at Hyderabad for persuading Meer Nur Mohomedkhan not to allow the Emperor to enter Sind. Meer Nur Mohomed had promised that he would not allow the king to remain anywhere for more than a day and that he would not only grant him a free passage but would treat him with all respect and honour due to him; letter No. 7 of even date forwarding a copy of the above to Government of Bombay. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (6) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (7) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th February 1835

    Letter No. 9, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting as under:-

    (I)           That His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had arrived at Larkana on his way to Hyderabad;

         (2)          That one Mr. Semon who was once in Sindhia’s service has returned from Peshawar and has entered the service of Meer Alimurad of Meerpur;

         (3)         That Syed Ismail shah and Said Zynooldin were appointed Governors of Larkana and Shikarpur. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (8-10) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th February 1835

    Letter No. 10, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of instruction prepared for guidance of Native Agent and desiring that Lieutenant Mackeson should always address the Ameers of Sind through Munshi Jethanand to avoid delays and subterfuges on the part to the Ameers; That he had moved the Government of Bombay to publish the Indus Toll Treaty in Bombay Government Gazette in English, Persian and Gujarati (vide letter No. 12. Of even date); letter No. 14, dated 18th February 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson forwarding him copies of the above with enclosures for instructions. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (10-11) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (21) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th February 1835

     Letter No. 17,from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of the letter from the Native Agent reporting as under:-

    That Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk arrived at Hyderabad on 14th February and on the following day all the Ameers with relation and children paid their respect to His Majesty who requested Meer Nur Mohomed to permit him to stay at Shikarpur till he could collect a force. Meer Nur Mohomed declined to accede to his request but he agreed to assist him when he returned with his army from Ludhiana. A treaty to that effect was entered into by His Majesty who in return gave Shikarpur as a free gift to the Ameers and abandoned all claim to tribute from the Sind Ameers. Meer Nur Mohomed and other Ameers gave presents, etc. to His Majesty; That Dost Mohomedkhan of Cabool had assumed the title of Ameer and had khutba read in his name and that he was collecting troops to drive Sikhs from Peshawar. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (23) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th February 1835

    Letter No. 20, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copies of correspondence between him and Meer Nur Mohomed relating to suppression of Khosas under Paroo Jamadar and other predatory tribes on the border of Cutch and protest of Meer Nur Mohomed against attack of British Commander at balmere. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (26-27) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th March 1835

    Letter No. 23, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from Native Agent, Hyderabad, reporting:-

    (a)  Peeru Khoso’s son complained to Meer Nur Mohomed of the treatment received by his father from Officer Commanding the Forces at Blameer. Meer Nur Mohomed gave him a disappointing reply;

    (b) That Rajah Ranjeetsing had sent one Chunilal as a Vakil to Cabool for transmitting any news from that quarter;

    (c)  Meerza Mohomed Bakarshah who was deputed by Meer Nur Mohomed to establish a treaty with Meer Mehrabkhan of Kelat, returned;

    Salamatrai Munshi and Vakil of Rajah of Jessulmere arrived with some presents for Meer Nur Mohomed and Meer Naseerkhan. Year, 1832-33 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (32) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th March 1835

    Letter, from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger informing that Bharra and other Khosas appeared before Meer Nur Mohomed and the latter reprimanded them for their conduct and ordered them to leave Thar and reside in Sind; That reports had been received that Dost Mohomed Khan had determined to give battle to the Sikhs and that he was collecting men and money for the purpose. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (38-40) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th March 1835

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of a letter from Native Agent to the following effect:-

    That the Ameer Nur Mohommed sent for Bhara Khosa and others of the same tribe and warned them to abstain from their predatory habits and recommended them to leave Thul and take up their abode within the precincts of Sind; Khan had determined on giving battle to the Sikh army and everyday people were flocking from Khorasan to Dost Muhammad’s standard. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (38-40) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th April 1835

    Letter, from Native Agent to Colonel Pottenger reporting that Meer Nur- Mohomed was taking vigorous steps against the Khosas. Year, 1835, Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (41) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th April 1835

    Letter No. 29. From Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that he had received a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad for permission to go to Bhooj as a bearer of certain secret and important messages from Sind Ameers.

    23rd April 1835

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that object of the Ameers in sending the Native Agent with messages to Bhooj was to remonstrate against British Government’s intentions to build the fortress in Bahawal Khan’s country. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (52-53) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th April 1835

    Letter No. 30, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Nur Mohommed Khan had given orders for half treasures being brought from various places. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (42-43) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th May 1835

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay acknowledging receipt of a copy of their letter to Mohomed Rahim Shirazi relating to opening the trade by the Indus and informing was in end of February, March and April as the southerly winds blew regularly then; letter No. 31 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Government of India for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (56-57) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    May 1835,

    Pottinger sends his assistant, Alexander Burnes, to Hyderabad at the aMeer’s request. The Ameers hope to conclude an offensive-defensive alliance with the British directed against Ranjit Singh whose pretensions to Shikarpur, jointly owned with the Ameers of Upper Sind and some forty miles northwest of Khyrpore; they had good cause to fear. [Page/30 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    13th June 1835

    Letter No. 40, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that the Ameers of Hyderabad refused to restore to Rai of Cutch a vessel which had stranded near one of the months of river Indus and that he had made a further reference to the Meer on the subject and should he still refuse to comply with the request, he should be forced to restore the property and should be forced to restore the property and abandon the barbarous custom of confiscating the stranded vessels and requesting that the survey of the months of river Indus should be set about early; Letter No. 47, dated 14th June 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that Meer Nur Mohomed had in consequence of remonstrance restored the vessel and the property; That His Highness had forced the Khosas to move to the Eastern Frontier and that he had given a civil and encouraging reply to a Persian merchant who had gone to make enquiries respecting the trade by Indus. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (58-59) &)Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (67-68) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th August 1835

    Letter No. 50, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson, British Agent for Navigation of the Indus, pointing out the disadvantages of applying to Sind Government on each occasion of the boats for special order as a beaten road for travelers. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (69-72) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     26th August 1835

    Letter No. 51, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of the above for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (72) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th August 1835

    Letter No. 54, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay asking for permission to set the Ranna of Parkar (a state prisoner at Bhooj at liberty on condition that he would either live in Cutch or Sind; Informing that in anticipation of Government orders he had acceded to the request of Meer Nur Mohomed and released eight of the relations and followers of Rana Jagatsing of Parkar placed in confinement by the Sind Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (73-75) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    30th August 1835

    Letter No.58, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that the Ameer had consented to restore the boat and other property seized by the Sind officers; That the practice of condemning stranded vessels might be considered to have been finally abandoned; asking for instructions before he brought the question of a survey of the Indus to Meer Nur Mohomed ; Forwarding copy of the above for making remarks on the question of the survey of river Indus. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (79-81) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th September 1835

    Letter No. 63, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting substance of two letters from Meer Nur Mohomed and from the Native Agent. In the one the Meer asked for permission to be granted to Native Agent to proceed to Bhooj with certain confidential messages and asking for a medical officer to be sent to Hyderabad; In the other the Native Agent reporting that Meer Nur Mohomed promised that no molestation would be offered to the merchants trading by Indus; That the Ameers were in great tribulation about Ranjeetsing attacking Shikarpur; Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (94-97) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th September 1835

    Letter No. 67, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India relating to Mission sent under Diwan Lakhmichand by Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore; letter No. 70, dated 3rd October 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Meer Rustom’s Vakeel who arrived at Bhooj, some days ago, paid him visits and brought presents from his master for Government of India and for him; expressed feelings of friendship and devotion to British Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (99) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th September 1835

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Sir Charles Metcalfe Governor-General of India for promotion. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (100-104) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd October 1835

    Letter No. 70, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the nature of the secret messages brought by the British Native Agent from Ameers of Sind and the reply he intended to give and intimating his intention of deputing Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad as the medium of certain communications which appeared to him to be urgently called for. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (106-111) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

     10th October 1835

    Letter No. 73, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Mackeson, British Agent for the Navy of Indus, informing that the Ameers of Sind were aware of his appointment and the duties he was required to perform; That he was sending Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad, in connection with certain explanatory messages to the Ameers and that the necessity for their directing their local officers to attend to his requisitions had formed a part of Lieutenant Burn’s instruction. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (114-115) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th October 1835

    Letter No. 77, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting (I) some secret communications made by the Vakeel from Khyrpore relating to determination of Meer Rustomkhan’s position with respect to Hyderabad Government, (2) requesting instructions. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (117-119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October 1835

    Letter No. 78, and from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns furnishing him with detailed instructions as to how he should move with Ameers while on deputation at Hyderabad; letters Nos. 79 and 80 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Government of India and Government of Bombay for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (120-130) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (130-131) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1835

    Letter No. 81, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns informing him of the deputation of Dr. Heddle to Sind for negotiating with the Ameers in connection with the survey of river Indus and desiring him to confine himself to what he contemplated in his letter of 22nd October; letter No. 82 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India intimating that the deputation of Dr. Heddle by Government of Bombay without his consultation had put him and Lieutenant Burns in a difficult position; letter No. 84, dated 3rd November 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Dr. Heddle informing him of the appointment on deputation of Lieutenant Burns to Hyderabad, stating that he had strictly prohibited Lieutenant Burns from interfering with the objects to proceed with his business without reference to his presence; letters Nos. 85 and 86 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay and Government of India forwarding a copy of the above for information. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (131-132) &) Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (132-135) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (136-137) &) Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (137) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th November 1835

    Letter No. 88, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India intimating that Nihalsing with a considerable force had arrived at Multan and he halted there for orders to advance; that Dost Mohommed Khan of Colonel had proposed to Ameers of Sind to join with him in the great struggle against the consternation and were making active arrangement to oppose the Sheikhs. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (138-139) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th November 1835

    Letter No. 92, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Wade, Political Agent, and Ludhiana, regarding detention on Indus of boats coming from Ludhiana and the grounds for calling on the Ameers to pay demurrage. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (140-142) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th December 1835

    Letter Nos. 98 and 99 from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns expressing his approbation of his proceedings with Ameers of Sind and directing him to remain at Hyderabad if Meer Nur Mohommed proposed him to do so. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (146-147) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th December 1835

    Letter No. 106, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay explaining in detail the motives which had induced him to direct Lieutenant Burns to take no share in Dr. Heddle’s negotiations with the Ameers of Sind for the survey of Indus; letter No. 107, dated 18th December 1835, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of the above for information. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (152-161) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (161-162) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd December 1835

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter on the subject of Lieutenant Burns deputation and offering some further explanation of the motives which induced him to take that step without previous reference and expressing his hope that the result of the deputation would appear satisfactory to Government.  Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (162-165) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd December 1835

    Letter No. 109, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above and informing that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had consented to a survey and examination of the river Indus and requesting that necessary order be issued for commencing the work. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (166) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th December 1835

    Letter No. 116, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding copy of Lieutenant Burns’ dispatch containing overtures from Ameers of Sind for establishing intimate connection with the Province including the residence of British Agent in Sind and recommending that proposals be accepted. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (170-175) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    32nd December 1835

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter on the subject of Lieutenant Burns’ deputation and offering some further explanation step without previous reference and expressing his hope that the result of the deputation would appear satisfactory to Government. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (162-165) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd January 1836

    Letter No. 5, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting a copy of a letter received from Government of Bombay commenting on his measures regarding Dr. Heddle’s mission to Sind and trusting that his conduct would be viewed by Governor-General with due allowance for the delicate situation in which he was placed. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (190-191) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th January 1836

    Letter No. 9, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting a copy of a letter from Dr. Heddle complaining of the incivility he experienced in Sind and offering some palliative circumstances in the Ameers demeanor. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (193-211) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th February 1836

    Letter No. 11, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he had Jearnt that Assistant Surgeon Hathorn Had been recalled from Sind under orders of Government of Bombay and offering his opinion as to the light in which Meer Noor Mohomed Khan might view this measure. Year, 1835… Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (213-216) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th February 1836

    Letter No. 13, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Burns regarding a flat-bottomed boat that was to be sent from Bombay to the Commander of East India Company’s Sloop “War Amherst” to deliver in charge of Petamber, the Bunder Master at Mandvi, the above boat; letter No. 17, dated 8th March 1836, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Carless asking him to return to Mandvi as the season had far advanced and it was not possible to proceed with the survey work and informing that he had asked Lieutenant Wood of Indian Navy to remain on the Indus and watch the progress of the Indus; Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (217-218) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (219-220) &) Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (220-221) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    March 1839

    The treaty is ratified by the Governor-General and Karachi is provided for in a separate agreement drawn up at the time of its capture between Rear AdMeeral Frederick Lewis Maitland and Brigadier T. Valiant on the part of the British and Hassal Ben Butcha, the commandant of Manora Fort, and Khyer Mahomed, the Governor of Karachi, on behalf of Nur Mahomed. The first article is the most significant; it said simply “that the full possession of the fort and town of Kurrachee shall be this day given up by the aforesaid Governor to the British forces”. [Page/54“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    5th March 1836

    Colonel Pottenger writes to Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore informing that friendship and good will of British Government towards Khyrpore will remain forever. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (221-223) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th March 1836

    Letter,from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand informing him that merchants going from Bombay had been disturbed on the way while passing through Indus and that he had written to Meer Noor Mohomed to issue orders to his men not to interfere with the boats. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (223-224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th March 1836

    Letter No. 22, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding for information a copy of his letter to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan discussing the terms of a new treaty he made with him. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (225-228) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th March, 1836

    Letter No. 18, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Wood forwarding a copy of the above and intimating that he had informed Meer Noor Mohomed of the above arrangements and that he had requested the Meer to afford him every facility in carrying out his duties. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (221-223) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th March, 1836

    Letter No. from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting copies of instructions issued to officers of India Navy employed in surveying and examining the Indus and stating his opinion with regard to the river being examined annually. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th April 1836

    Letter No. 34, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding translation of a letter from Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and of a letter from his agents complaining of the incivility with which his highness’s emissaries had been treated at Bombay; letter No 39, dated 17th May 1836 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting receipt of a second letter from Meer Nur Muhammad Khan regarding the treatment meted out to his Vakeels at Bombay. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (251-253) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st April 1836

    Letter No. 36, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding translation of a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad containing the observations made by Meer Noor Muhammad Khan on the reply sent to him regarding a European being permanently stationed in sind. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (245-249) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th May 1836

    Letter No. 41, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India informing that treaty made by Meerza Bakarshah (who was sent to Baluchistan) with Mehrabkhan of Kelat to make a simultaneous attack on the plunderers who infested the borders of both the States. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (254-255) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th June 1836

    Letter No. 46, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting translation of a letter from Native Agent, Hyderabad, containing the defence of His Highness as to his conduct towards Dr. Heddle and explaining his motives for having kept the above letter for long. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (259-265) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th June 1836

    Letter No. 48, from Colonel Pottenger of India forwarding a translation of the letters from Native Agent at Hyderabad reporting that he waited on Meer Noor Mohammad Khan in connection with the question relating to establishment of a British Agent in Sind; communicating further news. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (266-267) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th June 1836

    Letter No. 50, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting the substance of the letters received from Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore and asking for permission to send presents to him and his brother. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (269-271) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st June 1836

    Letter Nos. 55 and 56 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay and Government of India forwarding-

    (I)           A copy of the letter from Assistant Surgeon Hathorn for allowances during the period he was in Sind.

          (2)       Medical case of His Highness Meer Noor Mohomad Khan of Hyderabad. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (276) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th June 1836

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of a letter from the Honorable the Court Directors regarding mode to be adopted for trial of British subjects when delivered over to Native states and reporting that he had no occasion to hold any trial since the receipt of the Circular of October 1834. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (277-279) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1836

    Letter No. 59 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding Extracts of a letter from Native Agent at Hyderabad reporting on the following points:-

    (I)           The alarm of the Ameers at the intimation received from Rajah Ranjeetsing of his intention of calling on them to restore Shikarpur town;

    (2)        Further application for pecuniary aid from Dost Mohomad

    (3)        Failure of Hyderabad Ameers in mediating between Meer Nusseerkhan of Hyderabad Meer Alimurad Khan of Meerpur with regard to some disputed land.

    (4)       The quantity of opium passed through Sind and the bad faith of Ameers in their promises to the merchants; letter No. 60 of even date from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above with his comments on the opium question. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (281-83) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th July 1836

    Letter No. 62, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting receipt of a kind letter from Meer Noor Mohomad Khan accompanied by five camel loads of mangoes and the purport of his reply he addressed to him. Year, 1835 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (286-287) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th August, 1836

    Despite the pessimistic reports Auckland sends an experimental steamer up the Indus and asks the Court to send two or three more steam vessels. He writes to Sir James Carnac, Governor of Bombay, that the authorities at Bombay are needlessly discouraged by the report of Carless and Wood; and he hopes to encourage trade on the river by the establishment of annual fair on its banks. With a view to these objects and that of obtaining general information he proposes to send Captain Alexander Burnes on a mission to Lahore and Kabul. (Auckland Papers No.37689)

    29th August, 1836

    Auckland Observes that “I am unwilling to give the alarming color of political speculation to a mission, the main object of which is commercial, but it is impossible to divest of political interest any observation of the Countries on the Indus and to the West of the river. It is difficult to see without some anxiety the exertions made on every occasion by the ruler of the Punjab to extend his power; all information from that quarter must be valuable, and it may not be useless ostensibly to mark that nothing which is their passing is viewed with indifference by the Brithsh Government or escapes its notice.(Minute on Commerce and navigation on the Indus. By Auckland)

    August, 1836

    The Sikh troops were once more on the march toward Sind. Divan Sanwanmal again captured Rojhan and carried by assault a small Sindian fort near Shikarpur. To equip his troops Ranjit Singh asked the British for “50,000 stand of arms,” but they were refused him. The Governor-General was seriously worried by the Sikh advance. [Page/35 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    September, 1836

    Wade is in Lahore to discuss with Ranjit Singh and use every means short of actual threats to keep Ranjit Sing at Lahore and prevent the further advancement of his army towards Sindh. [Page/36 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    September 1836

    The Governor-General entertains the conviction that the Government of India is bound by the strongest considerations of political interest to prevent the extension of the Sikh power along the whole course of the Indus. It cannot also view with indifference any disturbance of the existing relations of peace between the several states occupying the banks of the river. [Page/35 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    18th November, 1836

    Pottinger is in empowered to receive overtures from the Ameers for the complete dependence of Sind on Britain, which would require a permanent detachment of British troops in Sind but would guarantee the Ameers protection against all enemies. (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    November 1836

    Pottinger arrives in Hyderabad and reports to the Central Government that he had entered into a provisional agreement with Nur Mahomed providing for the residency of a British agent in Shikarpur. [Page/37 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th December 1836

    Letter No. 124, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting as under:-

    (I)           That on his arrival at Vikkur he was met by Governors of Tatta and Mugerbin, and servants of Meers Noor Mohomed and Meer mohomed, respectively At Tatta he was met by Meerza Bakar, Meer Noor Mohomed’s principal treasurer, Secretary and bosom friend,  who brought a message from his master desiring him to keep secret the fact of his visit to Sind on invitation by him (the Meer);

    (2)        That on evening of 22nd Meerza Bakar saw him and enquired whether he wanted to pay visit to the Meer and said that the Meer wanted to know the object of his Mission. He was replied that he had two communications to make (one regarding opening of the Indus and the other of a purely political nature) Meerza Bakar desired that there were still cogent reasons which rendered secrecy and precaution advisable for some time This conversation afforded him a perfect insight into domestic dissensions of the ruling family;

    (4)      His visit to the Meer on 23rd with Meerza Bakar and Baluch Khans who formed his escort;

    (5)    That on the next day he paid another visit to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and when he met him in his room Meer Noor Mohomed Khan whispered him not to say anything in public as Mohomed Usif and Mohomed Khan Talpoor, servants of Meer Mohomed Khan, were sitting as spies;

    (6)    That on the morning of 25th he sent his commercial memorandum to Meer Noor Mohomed through his agents who expressed his agreement to all proposals contained therein. Meerza Bakar’s conversation with him on the politics and propects of Sind, the relations of all the Ameers with one another and the un-compromising attitude of Meer Sobdarkhan towards the British and his object of going out on hunting on the day of Colonel Pottenger’s arrival; 

    (7)     On 28th he devoted that day to receiving visits from one Mohammed Tahir, Agent of Agha Rahim Shirazee of Bombay, and from several well him on the trade of Sind. The latter complained that on account of the dread of Shikhs, Shikarpur which was once known for its flourishing trade with Khorasan had been Deserted and that the whole World anxiously looked to the British to interfere and thereby restore prosperity not only of Shikarpur but of all countries bordering on their dominions;

    (8)      That in the afternoon he sent his secret memorandum to Meer Noor Mohomed through Syed Azamoodin.

    (9)      Visit of Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and on his return he was accompanied by Meerza Bakar who consulted him on two points:-

    (a)    That Meer Noor Mohomed had an intention to call out the whole army and proceed against Maharajah Ranjeetsing;

    (b)    That it was possible Meer Sobdarkhan might refuse to allow commercial treaty to be carried into effect.

    (10)   On the 1st November Meerza Bakar brought the commercial treaty signed and sealed by the three Ameers;

    (11)   That on 1st December he had an interview from Syed Ali, Agent of Ali Mohomed Khan Shustry a merchant of Bombay, who desired Colonel Pottenger to recommend him to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan’s protection. This he accordingly did. In the evening Colonel Pottenger saw the ex-Rana of Parkar who resided at Hyderabad and received his stipends from the Native Agent. He expressed his thankfulness to Meer Noor Mohomed for his kind treatment;

    (12)   That heoffered presents to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan which were appreciated by him;

    (13)   That he learnt from Munshi Jethanand that Sobdar regretted his refusal to sign the treaty and that he wished to open communication with British Government through him. Colonel Potternger refused to see him without obtaining permission from Meer Noor Mohomed;

    (14)   That he sent the commercial treaty in English and Persian duly sealed and signed to Meer Noor Mohomed He went to the Durbar where Meer Noor Mohomed told him that he would religiously abide by stipulations made in it;

    (15)   That on the morning of 5th he rode down and embarked on board the “Jhampti”. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 303 page No (279-333) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Private letters from Azamuddin Hassan to Colonel Pottenger informing that he had forwarded papers to him; one relating to the local trade of Vikkur and the other to the general system of revenue in Sind, character of the people, their mode of life; private letter, dated 15th April 1837, from Azamuddin Hassan to Colonel Pottenger reporting that on 14th Meerza Bakar Khan came from Meer Noor Mohomed to welcome him and presented him with a purse of Rs. 200 which he accepted. He entered into discussion on several points relating to treaty and had assurance from him that the Governor-General will not interfere into the private and family disputes of the Ameers. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (103-109) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (149-161) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th October, 1836

    “Pottinger write to prinsep that our Paramountcy not only entitles, but calls on [us] to stand forward to save the country of Sinde from the aggressions of Ranject Singh, and further, that we must establish a decided Political ascendency . . . [and] that the Maharaja should be distinctly warned off.” (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    2nd January, 1837

    Secret Committee writes to Governor-General, Auckland that “Your Honourable Committee will perceive that our negotiation is now narrowed to two objects-the improvement of our relations with the Ameers of Sinde by stationing a British agent at their capital, and the adjustment, with the consent of both parties of the present difference of the Ameers and the Ranjeet Singh-Should these objects be attained, of which there is every possibility, the preservation of tranquility along the whole course of the Indus will be the natural consequence”. (IOR, Indian Secret Letters)

    11th May 1837

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Syed Azamuddin Hassan informing him that His Lordship made a direct and precise offer of mediating between the Governments of Sind and Lahore on the understanding that the Sind Government of a Resident in their territory; and asking him to return to Bhooj after taking leave from the Ameer. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (171-173) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munsho Jethanand informing that it was understood that one Ali Muhammed Khan who was going from Hindoostan to the Court of Mohomed Shah of Persia and that Ameers of Sind had given “Ureezee” (petition) for him and that it was important that he should find out how far it was true. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (219-224) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th September, 1837

    Burnes arrived in Kabul and was received by Dost Mahomed “with most gratifying demonstrations of respect and civility.” But he soon reported to Auckland that the Afghan ruler showed a marked predilection for the Russians and Persians. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th December, 1837

    While Writing to Macnaghtem, Potinger objects appointment of Wades assistant Lieutenant Mackeson to arbitrate between Ameers and the Sikhs on Mazari territory question, because, he feels that Mackeson may be prejudiced in favour of Ranjit Singh. [Page/38 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    27th February 1838

    Government of India writes to Colonel Pottenger approving of the tenor of Communications made to Meur Sobdarkhan and concurring with Colonel Pottenger in his opinion that his visit to Sind should be dependent on the final appointment of a Resident in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (369-370) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd March 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Government of India were surprised and concerned to hear that Ameers of Sind had submitted themselves to the Court of Persia and desiring him to apprise the Ameere of the views of British Government the matter. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (377-378) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th April 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of his intention of going to Sind in company with the Resident in Sind when that officer was finally appointed after the formal ratification of the agreement tendered to the Ameers. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (385-386) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    20th April 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger appointing him as Resident in Sind in addition to his duties as Resident at Cutch and appointing Caption Melwill as Assistant to the Resident in Sind and British Agent for navigation of the British ships on Indus; and desiring him to proceed to Hyderabad with Captain Melwill and to return to Cutch as soon as he had placed matters on a satisfactory footing; leaving Captain Melwill at Hyderabad to be the channel of all communications between him and the Ameers; letter, dated 20th April 1838, from Government of India to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan informing him of appointments of Colonel Pottenger and Captain Melwill as Agents and Assistant Agent for Sind; informing that in deference to the wishes of junior Ameers he had signed separate agreements for Ameers Sobadarkhan, Meer Mohomedkhan and Nuseerkhan and that he would not separate treaties with them, should any occasion arise in the future. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (393-395) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd April 1838

        Colonel Pottenger writes to Munshi Jethanand asking him to enquire from Meer Sher Mohomed Khan of Meerpur whether he liked to have a separate treaty signed by His Lordship. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (225-227) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    April 23, 1838,

    Auckland reported to the Secret to the Secret Committee that an agreement had been signed with the Ameers of Hyderabad whereby a British resident was to be stationed at   Hyderabad, the British were to use their good offices for the settlement of Sikh-Sind conflict, and all intercourse between the Sikhs and Lahore was in future to be conducted through the medium of the British Government. Separate documents were granted to the junior Ameers, but Nur Mahomed in association with his brother, Nasir Khan, was recognized as the chief with whom alone the British would deal. Colonel Pottinger was appointed resident and Captain P. M. Melvill, of the 7th Regiment of the Bombay Native Infantry, was named his assistant and British agent for the navigation of the lower course of the Indus. [Page/42 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    2nd May 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed informing him that Dhoolaji brother of Jagatsing of Nagar Parkar had been seized and would be sent to Hyderabad if His Highness so desired. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (233-235) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd June 1838

    Letter No. 57, from Colonel Pottenger to A. C. Gordon on deputation to Hyderabad informing him that some of the Punjab boats were plundered in Khyrpore country and statig the steps he had taken in the matters; letter, dated 25th June 1838, from A. C. Gordon, Assistant Surgeon on special duty to Colonel Pottenger reporting an outrage committed by sepoys of Meer Murad  Ali on the boatmen; letters Nos. 81 and 107, dated 7th July 1838 and 11th September 1838, respectively, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India transmitting copies of letters received from Dr. Gordon regarding exactions made from the return boats on the Indus ; letters, dated 11th October 1838, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger approving of the action taken by him on the matter and with reference to Moulvi Nasruddin and his followers ; letter, dated 13th December 1838, from Government of India forwarding for information and guidance an extract from the dispatch from the Honourable Court the Court of Directors relating to the system under which Native Chiefs were held responsible with respect to property plundered while crossing their territories. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (55-66) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (69-72) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (73-84) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (85) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (153-155)

    2. Dispute between Meer Alimurad Khan and Naseerkhan of Khyrpore relating to right of possession over five villages-Decision of Mr.Ross Bell, Polotical Agent, in case of-; several agreements entered into by Meer Rustom Khan to Major Outram for restoration of the five villages given to Meer Alimurad Khan by Mr. Ross Bell or for permission to settle the question with Meer Alimurad Khan without intererferance of British Government; Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (295-300)

    2nd May, 1838

    Governor-General, Auckland forms opinion that “The Ameers of Sinde though all professing friendship have some of them been corresponding in terms of submission… with the Persians, and would thereby justify any course which we may think it expedient to adopt towards them.” “The Ameers spoke fairly but acted foully.” [Page/46“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    24th May 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan sending him treaties of articles ratified by Governor-General; informing that he had been appointed as Resident in Sind and that as Captain Mellwill, his assistant, was on account of his delicate health unable to proceed to Hyderabad he had determined to come there as soon as arrangements were made for him; that Governor-General had sent some presents for would bring them when he next visited Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (243-246) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd June 1838

     

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Noor Mohomed Khan informing that some boats coming from Punjab had been stopped and plundered at a place called ‘Bakee Puttung’ by sepoys of Meer Ali Murad son of late Meer Sobdarkhan and requesting that as that act was a direct breach of treaty it was in the interests of both the Governments that measures should be taken without delay for the punishment of the culprits; that as the outrage was committed in the country of Meer Rustomkhan he was sending him a copy of the above letter for necessary action; letter from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand on the above subjects, directing him to call on Meer Nur Mohomed and request him to send trustworthy officers to investigate the matter and to punish the people of Alimurad at fault. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (255-258) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Munshi Jethanand informing that he was surprised to hear that His Highness Meer Noor Muhomed Khan should have objected to his showing the letter to Meer Sobder Khan and that he had told him several times that the British Government wished to be on friendly terms with all the Ameers of Sind and it was his duty to cultivate friendship as much as possible. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (265-268) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Meer Rustomkhan informing him that Government of India will not make any application to Maharajah Ranjeetsing for restoration of Muzaree district and Rojan until Moulvi Naseerdin was seized and his followers driven out of Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (269-271) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th June 1838

    Letter No. 65, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting arrival of Dr. Gordon and of the Dewan in service of Maharajah Ranjeetsing from Bombay en route to Ludhiana; visit of Dewan to Colonel Pottenger and delivery of a letter with some presents to him from Maharajah; that Meer Sher Mohomed Khan of Meerpurkhas visited  Meer Noor Muohomed and a treaty composing the difference between the Ameers was drawn up and when it was sent to Meer Sobdarkhan he refused to affix his seal; that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had no fear of Persian Army taking heart and recommended them to send troops for his assistance; that he had written a letter to Meer Rustomkhan of Khyrpore requesting him to take adequate steps for punishing Nasroodin; letter dated 12th June 1838 from Government of India approving of the manner the Dewan was received by him and authorizing him to charge in his accounts the disbursements made by him to the Dewan, &c; letter No. 82, dated 13th July 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he had received letters from Meer Sobdarkhan and Meer Sher Mohomed Khan acknowledging the ratified treaties and expressing the gratification at his appointment as Resident; giving an account of the alleged Persian Prince who had arrived at Hyderabad.

    June 1838

    Auckland, influenced by a misguided Macnaghten and a misleading Bures, determined to persevere. To achieve the replacement of Dost Mahomed to with Shah Shuja it was necessary to gain the cooperation of Ranjit Singh and to acquire the right of transit through Sind as well as certain further concessions from the Ameers. It was decided that to defray some of the expenses of the expedition and to assure funds to reward Ranjit Singh for his cooperation, the fiction of a tribute payable to Shah Shuja as suzerain of the Ameers of Sind would be revived; and a treaty to this effect was signed by the British, Shah Shuja, and Ranjit Singh without the Ameers even being a party to it. This tripartite treaty set up the machinery for the invasion of Afghanistain. The sixteenth article provided that Shah Shuja would relinquish all claims on the Ameers of Sind for a sum to be determined by the British, and it was anticipated that the amount would be in excess of twenty lakhs. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    3rd August 1838

    Government of India writes approving of the tenor of his letter to the address of Meer Rustomkhan desiring him to write to the Meer to put the frantic Nasroodin in confinement and to hold him responsible for further mischief committed by him. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (407-408) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1838

    Letter No. 85, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India submitting translation of a petition by Meer Noor Mohomed to Shah of Persia, &c. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (461-446) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August, 1838

    Pottinger wrote to Macnaghten that the principal Ameers of Hyderabad had written a letter to the Shah of Persia. Pottinger himself did not attach mush importance to this as all Ameers except Sobdar were Shias and hence considered the Shah their ecclesiastical superior. [Page/46 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    13th August, 1838

    Auckland decided to replace Dost Mahomed with a ruler friendlier to British designs in Central Asia. The candidate of his choice was the oft defeated but ever hopeful former monarch, Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk, whose aspirations the British had previously often spurned. Auckland wrote:

    As to the justice of the course about to be pursued there cannot exist a reasonable doubt. We owe it to our safety to assist the lawful sovereign of Afghanistan in the East requires of his throne. The welfare of our possessions in the East requires that we should in the present crisis of affairs have a decidedly friendly power on our frontier and that we should have an ally who is interested in resisting aggression and establishing tranquility in place of a Chief seeking to identify himself with those whose schemes of aggrandizement and conquest are not to be disguised. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th August 1838

    Letter No. 89, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting substance of a letter from Native Agent of Hyderabad and explaining the natu e of fued alluded to therein between the Talpoors and Lagharees. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (465-469) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th August 1838

    Government of India writes to Colonel Pottenger desiring him to approach the Meer of Khyrpore to allow British Government to occupy Bukkur to enable them to keep open the passage of the river for troops proceeding to Candhar and to maintain their communications. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (429-430) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August, 1838

    The Ameers of Hyderabad are meanwhile mulcted of twenty lakhs of rupees for the payment of Shah Shuja, ten of which were paid at the time of the acceptance of the draft treaty. The final from of the treaty as sent from Calcutta by Auckland consistes of 14 articles and is more stringent than Pottinger’s draft of 23 articles. It provides for a British force to be stationed in Sind, at Tatta or such other place westward of the Indus as the Governor-General might select. The strength of this force would also be determined by the Governor-General but would not exceed 5,000 men. Meers Nur Mahomed Khan, Nasir Mahomed Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan are to pay one lakh of annum for support of the British force. Meer Sobdar is exempt from any payment. [Page/53“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th August 1838

    Letter No. 143, from Government of Bombay requesting Colonel Pottenger to keep them informed of the progress of his negotiations with Ameers of Sind; best mode of transmitting troops to Sind should such a contingency arose; what extent of transport would be obtained either at mouth of Indus or at Tatta? Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (423-425) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd August 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger requesting him to take measures for purchase of grain crops at Larkana from the Ameers of Sind and other dealers at that place; Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (435-436) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1838

    Colonel Pottenger writes (letter no. 94) to Government of India reporting his intention of resuming his journey in a few days to Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (475-478) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th August 1838

    Letter No. 100, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India acknowledging receipt of instructions of 26th July 1838, and assigning reasons for calling on Government of Bombay to prepare a force for eventual service in Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (493-496) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th September 1838

    Letter No. 102, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk had sent a letter to the Ameers of Sind for help and the Ameers had sent a reply to him. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (505-509) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th September 1838

    Government of India writes to Captain Burns appointing him in charge of Mission at Cabool, giving him further instructions for his guidance. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (511-515) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th September 1838

    Letter, from Government of India acknowledging receipt of Colonel Pottenger’s letters of 25th and 27th August and informing that in view of “deep duplicity displayed by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan, his unjustifiable conduct in other respects, and owing to feelings of unwarrantable eneimity and jealousy with which he appeared to be regarded by some of the Chiefs, it was essential that a British force of 5000 men should advance without delay for occupation of Shikarpur or any other place deemed Indus; informing that Captain Burns had been deputed to visit Khyrpore and if necessary to enter into a new treaty with the Meer guaranteeing his independence and assuring him protection of British Government against all external enemies. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (499-503) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th September 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing him that he would reach Bukkur by end of the month and requesting that before he proceeded to Khyrpore he might be informed of the decision arrived at by him regarding affairs of Sind; from Colonel Pottenger in reply informing him that arrangements had been made by his agents for purchase of corn, &c., as directed by Governor-General; letter No. 116, dated 8th October 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns furnishing information on the points referred to in his letter; informing him how he was insulted when he returned from the Durbar of Meer Noor Mohomed and in the circumstances it was hopeless on his part to succeed to get the fort of Bukkur on loan; letter dated October 1838, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger reporting his arrival at Bukkur.

    16th September 1838

    Letter from Government of India acknowledging receipt of copies of communications from Meer Noor Mohomed to the Shah of Persia relating to his allegiance to him and informing him that the duplicity on the part of Meer Noor Mohomed in making professions of submission to Persia and of close alliance with British Government had forfeited for him (Nur Mohomed) all confidence and friendly consideration on part of Governor-General; directing him to proclaim as soon as a force arrived from Bombay that if an act of hostility and bad faith had been committed towards British Government the share of the Government of Sind held by any party should be transferred to the most faithful members of the family and that as security for the future, a British subsidiary force should be maintained in Sind, and giving further instructions for future guidance. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (523-524) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (601-607) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (601-607) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th September 1838

    Letter No. 108, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that Ameers had sent their reply to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk refusing to allow His Majesty a passage through Sind; that if British Government had to send troops to Sind the Indus would be the proper channel and if advisable a detachment might proceed to occupy Karachi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (527-529) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th September, 1838”

    Pottinger is ordered to take the strongest action against Nur Mahomed “for his duplicity in making at the same moment profession of submission to Persia and of close alliance with the British Government.” [Page/46“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    29th September 1838

    Letter, from Government of Bombay to acting Assistant in charge of Residency at Bhooj asking him to report whether tonnage could be obtained at Port of Mandvi for conveyance of Regiment of Cavalry destined for service in Sind.

    29th September 1838

    Government of Bombay writes to Superintendent of India Navy for assistance in transporting a force to Karachi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (565) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th September 1838

    Letter No.283, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger asking him for information regarding the route by which he would recommend the force should march from Bombay and the probability of their being opposed; whether it would be expedient either by force or with consent of the Ameers to occupy the Fort of Karachi with a detachment of British troops; whether it would be expedient to make any demonstration on Hyderabad either from Cutch or Deesa; and assuring Colonel Pottenger that Government of Bombay would on all occasions be prepared to comply with his wishes and requisitions with utmost cordiality. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (575-578) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd October 1838

    Letter No. 114, from Colonel Pottenger to agent to Governor-General of India, Ajmeer and Deesa, informing Khan’s opening a correspondence with Rajah Mansing was to invite him to join a combination of the States westward of India against British Government and that he had detected Meer Noor Mohomed and others in a treacherous correspondence with Mohomed Shah of Persia and that he had reported to government of India of the arrival of a self-led Persian Prince at Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (595-596) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th October 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that from the papers received the suspicions felt by Governor-General of the unfriendly disposition of principal Ameers of Sind to British Government had been amply justified and if the Ameers showed a different disposition he should give immediate effect to the instructions with which he that a separate engagement be made with the Ameer at Khyrpore on the basis of recognizing his in dependence provided he maintained the same friendly attitude towards the British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (519-521) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th October 1838

    Letter No. 118, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that on his visit to Meer Sobdarkhan he was insulted on the way by the people; that Meer Noor Mohomed sent a deputation under his son Meer Shahdad Khan to apologies for the insult offered to him and to assure him that Meer Noor Mohomed had taken adequate steps to punish the culprits; that question of money payment by the Ameers of Sind to Shuja-ul-Moolk was perplexing on account of the two releases written in Kurans and sealed and signed by His Majesty which the Ameers produced; discussing the policy to be perused discussing the policy to be pursued by British Government towards the Ameers; letter No.124, dated 13th October 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting some fresh instances of the unfriendly, suspicious and despicable conduct of Meer Noor Mahomed. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (617-621) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (623-625) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th October, 1838

    Charless Metcalfe writes that under the treaty of 1809 the British had no right to interfere with Ranjit’s advance on Sind. A war with Lahore might end in the defeat of the British, and even if it resulted in victory for the Company, it would remove a useful buffer between India and Russia. He felt that the Sikhs would be good neighbors and that if it ever became desirable to seize the whole of the Indus river system, the British would have to defeat only one rather than two opponents. (Auckland Papers No. 37689)

    16th October 1838

    Letter No. 129, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing him that Viccur would be the best point for disembarkation of the troops; that he did not imagine that Ameers had any fixed resulation of opposing the British Government and that their fears will deter them from proceeding to open hostilities; that there was no fort at Karachi except a small squre outwork of no strength which could be of use for the purpose stated; that he had learnt from his Agent at Karachi that he was able to secure 500 camels for the army, &c. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (627-631) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th October 1838

    Letter No. 2, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that in view of the feeling evinced at Hyderabad it was hopeless to do anything satisfactory to supply the army and thing satisfactory to supply the army and unless a charge is effected in the minds of the Ameers there was great probability of Colonel Pottenger’s quitting Sind. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (651-652) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger discussing the feasibility of moving the Khyrpore Meers for occupying the Fort at Bukkur; reporting that proceedings of Khyrpore Chief deserved rewards for the reason that he not only refused to received that imposter Haji Husain Ali Khan, the self-styled Persian Prince, but openly expressed that he had nothing to do with enemies of British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (643-646) &)

    18th October 1838

    Letter No. 132, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting that he was making arrangements for provision of carriages and river boats for Bombay troops.

    18th October 1838

    Letter No. 133 of from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay desiring that should any part of the Bombay Army be sent to Karachi, it should bring forage with it and be prepared to march to nearest point of the Indus; letter No.134 of the same date Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns informing him that he would sent him the purwanas as soon as he got them from Meer Noor Mahomed Khan. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (635-640) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that he arrived at Khyrpore on the morning of 18th and delivered to Meer Rustom Khan the letters from Governor-General and Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk; that he paid a visit to the Ameer and explained to him the object of Government in restoring Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk to his indignation at the treatment accorded to Colonel Pottenger and desired to send some one of his men to convey his sentiments to Meer Noor Mohomed; letter No.2, dated 21st October 1838, from Captain Burns to Government of India reporting that a deputation from the Meer waited on him and they entered into a long to the share of the tribute which Meer Rustom Khan was called upon to pay to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (657-659) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (661-666) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th November, 1838

    Auckland decides to station a subsidiary force in Sind and if necessary not only to elevate Sobdar to the chieftainship but to guarantee each aMeer in his separate possession in return for payment of a share of the subsidy which the Governor-General intendes to charge for the maintenance of the British troops in Sind. [Page/47“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th October 1838

    Letter No. 339 from Government of India informing Colonel Pottenger that arrangements were being made to dispatch all the troops to Karachi by sea and that orders would be issued from Military Department for sending Lieutenant Treshire and Ramsay in “S.S Polinurus” for purpose of enquiry into resources of the country on the spot under his instructions. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (669-670) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd October 1838

    Letter No. 138 from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns informing that all the communications he had with Meer Noor Mohomed had not an hour passed without obtaining additional proofs of inimical feelings.

    23rd October1838

    Letter No.141 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of  Bombay informing that should Meer Noor Mohomed order him to quit Sind he would proceed to Viccur or embark for Mandvi. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (673-675) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1838

    Letter No. 147, rom Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to the date:

    (I)           That information had been received from the Chief of Candhar that he had made arrangements for assistance from Russia through Shah of Persia and that he advised Meer Noor Mohomed to do the same. Meer Noor Mohomed sent a reply saying that all the Ameers were ready to follow his advice,

    (2)        That Meer Noor Mohomed said to his brother Meer Mohomed that it was useless to rely on British Government and the best course was to send Colonel Pottenger away and declare allegiance to Persia. Meer Meer Mohomed refused to be a partner to such a measure. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (693-750) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing that a deputation under the Minister and Agent from all the Ameers of Khyrpore waited on him and expressed the earnest desire on the part of their principals to enter into a separate treaty with them and adding that they wanted to place themselves under British protection and pronounced to do nothing without consent and advice of British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (743-747) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th October 1838

    Letter No. 359 from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger informing him that the Bombay army was proceeding to Sind under the command of General Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief of Bombay.

    26th October 1838

    Captain Burns writes to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a copy of a letter written by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore exhibiting his faithlessness and disposition towards the British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (707-709) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing that from the treatment openly show to the self-styled Prince at Hyderabad, the insulting letter written by the Ameers to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk afforded conclusive proof of their design to favour the enemies of British Government and that Governor-General had determined to establish a British subsidiary force there in lower Sind at the earliest possible moment; and directing that he should not enter into any negotiations with the Ameers until his authority was supported by the actual presence of the  British forces. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (729-737) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter No. 152, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns replying to his several letters and offering remarks for not confirming the treaty he had sent to him and stating the terms on which he was prepared to grant a new one to the Chiefs of Khyrpore and expressing great doubts of their sincerity. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (771-777) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29th October 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger forwarding him a copy of a letter of 29th October 1838, from Government of India showing him the desirability of tendering to Meer Rustom Khan a treaty guaranteeing his to enter into negotiations with him on the terms similar to those which had been entered into by Nawab of Bahawalpur; informing that military and commercial position of Khyrpore being of far greater importance than Bahawalpur, stipulations should be added for temporary occupation of Rohri and Bukkur and that the Meers should co-operate with other powers in extending or facilitating commerce or navigation of Indus. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (783-787) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1838

    Letter from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger pointing out the unfriendly attitude of Meer Mubarak Khan to British Government and his warning to him conveyed through the Minister; discussing whether Shikarpur formed part of Sind or was a separate district. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (789-792) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st October 1838

    Letter No. 158 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding for information a copy of his letter No. 157 of the same date to Captain Burns informing him of the unfriendly and impertinent remarks of one Lala Ladhanand, an Every of Meer Rustom Khan, who had come to see him at Hyderabad. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (793) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd November 1838

    Letter No. 160 from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns acknowledging receipt of his letter of 28th October 1838, and intimating that it had made no change in his opinion as regards the insincerity on the part of Chiefs of Khyrpore and suggesting his proceedings while on his Mision; letter No. 161 of 2nd November 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of the above, expressing his regret at having to dissent from that officer’s opinion and offering remarks as regards settlement in Sind.

    Steam communication between Bombay and mouth of Indus and opening of a depot at Tatta-

    Letter No, 472, dated 2nd November 1838, from Government of Bombay to Resident in Sind relating to—

    Letter No. 472, dated 2nd November 1838, from Government of Bombay to Resident in Sind relating to – Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (203-206) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th November 1838

    Letter, from John Ramsay, Assistant Quarter Master-General, to Colonel Pottenger informing that Lieutent Trashier, Assistant Commanding-General, and he himself had, under orders, left for Ghorabari where they would wait for further instructions. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (853-854) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th November 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Colonel Pottenger informing that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan had written a letter to Meer Rustom Khan asking him to be guided by the Ameers of Hyderabad and that the English and that Khyrpore Meers should drive them. The latter replied to him in the negative, and he assured him (Captain Burns) that he was firm in adhering to British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (863-864) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    12th November 1838

    Letter, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings at the Court of Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and the result of an important conference held with deputation sent to him by Meer Noor Mohomed Khan. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (867-882) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    14th November 1838

    Captain Burns writes to Government of India reporting his action taken in connection with supply of grain and other necessaries for the army.

    15th November 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Captain Burns stating that measures taken by him for an alliance with the Meer of Khyrpore are judicious and expedient and that the commutations addressed to him would show him the nature of the treaty whereby it was proposed that alliance should be concluded; that as regards Bukkur it would be required as a depot for treasure, &c.; that the Meer of Khyrpore should not be called up to contribute any sum for maintenance of subsidiary force; letter, dated 17th November 1838, from Captain Burns to Government of India forwarding them a copy of his letter of even date to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore relating to the treaty and the terms on which it would be entered into and applauding his professions of friendship and devotion to British Government. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (799-801) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (803-805) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (823-824) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    17 November 1838

    Letter No. 190, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns forwarding him the Purwanas as required under the seals of Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and Naseer Khan; letter No. 191, dated 17th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Melwille acknowledging receipt of seven hoondis for Hyderabad for rupees thirty thousand; letter No. 192, dated 17th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger to Captain Burns giving him instructions relating to purchase of corn, &c., near Bukkur. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (889-893) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th November 1838

    Letter No. 196 from Colonel Pottenger to the Officer in charge of British troops informing him that he should consider himself in a friendly country and that he should at first land at Viccur until the whole force was assembled; letter No. 197 from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant East wick giving him instructions to be followed on the occasion of his deputation to meet the troops coming from Bomaby. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (901-A) &) Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (903-905) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th November 1838

    Letter from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that Governor-General received with painful feeling the reports of the continued treachery and enmity of the principal Ameers of Sind and that his Lordship was not prepared to take measures against their machinations; that should Meer Noor Mohomed’s future conduct make amends for his past and should he evince a disposition to meet the just and necessary views of British Government the Governor-General would be unwilling to proceed to extremities; that should the negotiations not end in a ready submission to allow the just demands of British Government or in elevation of Meer Sobdar Khan to supremacy of Lower Sind, he was authorized to guarantee to each member of the family his separate possessions upon their agreeing to pay such quota of a fair and reasonable subsidy as might be deemed proper; that Governor- General refrained from recording his Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk was said to have executed. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (925-929) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter No. 204, from Colonel Pottenger to the Agent to Messrs. Firth & Co., Bombay, advising him not to bring his goods into the interior of Sind and informing him that his attempt to proceed to Shikarpur would expose him to the risk of being insulted, if not plundered. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (174-175) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter No, 205, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Charles, Commanding the H’ble Count’s Surveying Brigade, requesting him to hand over the treasure consigned to him to Lieutenant East wick and desiring him not to leave the coast of Sind until the arrival of the troops as his intimate acquaintance with the locality of the whole of delta of Indus would be valuable to His Excellency; letter No. 221 of 26th November 1838, from Colonel Pottenger forwarding copy of the above letter to Government of Bombay. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (175-178) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (195) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    22nd November 1838

    Letter, from Lieutenant Burns, submitting his report with regard to the other preparations made in Sind to receive the army. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (939-942) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd November 1838

    Letter No. 209 from Colonel Pottinger to Government of Bombay offering his opinion relating to subsidiary force to be established in Lower Sind and its composition and strength; letter No. 214 of 23rd November 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to that and his observations regarding the strength of subsidiary force and the cession of a portion of the country to meet the cost on account of the subsidiary force; letter of 13th December 1838 from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger informing him that His Lordship was not disposed to entertain any position having reference to territorial acquisitions in Sind as at all advisable, &c. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (955-957) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th November 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns to Government of India recommending for several reasons mentioned therein (I) fixing of a subsidiary force, (2) that Meer Noor Mohomed Khan, if permitted to reign, should send his son to apologise for all his misdemeanor to Governor-General. Year, 1833-39 … Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (839-845) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th November 1838

    Letter No. 223, from Colonel Pottenger to Major-General Wiltshire, Commanding British Troops in Sind, congratulating him on his arrival in Sind and offering his opinion on several points connected with the disembarkation of the force. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (965-966) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th November 1838

    Letter No. 230 from Colonel Pottenger to Mr. Pestanjee Framji, Agent to Messrs. Firth & Co., informing him that he considered it unsafe for him to proceed to the interior of the Province and that as he had no authority to grant by the river route (via Viccur) and then advance up the river as soon as the army moved. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (209-210) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th November 1838

    Letter No. 233-A. from Caption Eastwick to Captain Melwille, Assistant Resident in Cutch, requesting him to supply him with one thousand camels or even more to enable the force to proceed into the interior as it was useless to depend on the Ameers of Sind for any assistance as they, in spite of their professions, were hostile to the advance of the British army and would be delighted to throw obstacles in their way. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (218-220) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st December 1838

    Letter No. 239-A., from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Sir Alexander Burns relating to dispatch of treasure by the ships bringing the troops, &c.; letter No. 256 of 12th December 1838 from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding copy of the above for information and making suggestions for sale of bullion at Hyderabad to get coin necessary to meet expenses incurred by the troops; that the greatest difficulty he found and the one in which he was unable to see his way out was want of money and in spite of having 25 lakhs of bullion he was unable raise one thousand rupees at Hyderabad or at Tatta, &c.; that he had instructed Lieutenant Leckie to remain at Hyderabad as long as he was not threatened or insulted by the rabble or he saw no cause to apprehend that he and other gentlemen of the Residency were in sort of personal danger, &c. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (228-231) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (260-264) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st December 1838

    Letter No. 271, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India forwarding a copy of his letter No. 267 of 20th December 1838 to Government of Bombay calling for subsidiary force to Sind without delay and informing that he agreed with Colinel Burns in his opinion that the presence of His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk in Sind would be advantageous and that he trusted that His Majesty would march to Shikarpur without delay. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (318-323) &) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (312-317) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd December 1838

    Letter No. 241, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings up to 1st December 1838, as under:-

    That Meer Noor Mouhammed Khan expressed his willingness to pay his share and for other Meers of the tribute of Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk, but he was informed that he (Colonel Pottenger) had been prohibited by His Lordship from interfering into the affair; that on the morning of 27th he received a letter from Lieutenant Eastwick regarding arrival of the troops at the mounth of Indus and and reporting that Ghulam Shah, who had been sent off by Meer Noor Mohomed a month ago, had not only collected grain but he refused to sell provisions on a large scale to the Army; that before the news of the arrival of the troops reached Hyderabad Meer Noor Mohomed khan called all the Baluchees to Hyderabad and brought all his guns from the bank of the river to an enclosure near Colonel Pottenger’s camp; that Meer Noor Mohomed informed the Native Agent that he meant to oppose the British army but if Colonel Pottenger gave him assurance of the safety of the country he would issue orders for their dispersal; that he was prepared to pay the tribute to Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk and if he was not able to raise the money he would put him (Colonel Pottenger) in possession of Larkana or Shikarpur till he was able to liquidate the loan. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (979-983) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd December 1838

    Letter No. 242, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Burns informing him that he felt doubtful whether he would be able to get ‘Puewanas’ from the Ameers for purchase of corn for the troops. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (241-242) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd December 1838

    Letter, from Captain Burns, Envoy at Kelat, to Colonel Pottenger relating to the supplies to be procured in Lower Sind for the Bombay Armay under the command of Sir John Keane; letter, dated 8th April 1839, from Government of India to the senior officer in command of the troops at Shikarpur, directing him to co-operate with the Political Agent in all matters regarding advance, protection and comfort of the army;

    4th December, 1838

    The Secret Committee approved of Auckland’s action, but assumed that you have not had certain proofs that those chieftains were irretrievably committed to a policy hostile to British interests-but, also, that you had the full persuasion that the restoration of Shah Shujah would be acceptable to the great body of Afghans, and moreover that he might be maintained upon the throne more by his own influence and the justice of his sway than by the continued manifest interference of the British government. [Page/44 “British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th December 1838

    Letter No. 255, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay informing that he concurred with Commander-in-Chief regarding proposed communication with the Indus by means of a steamer and advisability of the plan and that he would make proper arrangements to receive all stores, &c., for the force. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (257-258) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th December 1838

    Letter No. 260, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India reporting his proceedings as under:-

    That he had an interview with Meer Noor Mohomed Khan and other Meers in the afternoon of 3rd of December; that information had been received from Seth Naomal of Karachi, that he had collected eight hundred camels for the army but the owners of the animals could not proceed to Viccur without the express permission of the Government of Karachi; that he sent a message to Meer Noor Mohomed telling him that if the camels were not speedily produced he would suggest the Commander-in-Chief to take possession of Karachi; that he proceeded to Viccur and met Commander-in-Chief on 8th when a messenger arrived with a letter from Meer Noor Mohomed stating that he had failed to keep his promise about the camels and that he had issued orders for dispatch of several thousand camels to Viccur, &c.; that all the Ameers had given orders for guns to be removed to Lakhat, a place near Sehwan, with a view to defend Hyderabad; that one ‘ Jam located near Karachi, sent a message through his brother offering his services to British Government and proposed to meet him (Colonel Pottenger) at night through Seth Naomal but his offer was declined. Year, 1837-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1015-1025) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (63-65) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th December 1838

    Letter No. 262, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Pottenger Burns informing him that for reasons stated therein he would be unable to render him any help in collecting supplies and obtaining carriage for the army of the Indus, &c. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (299-302) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th December 1838

    Letter No. 264, from Colonel Pottenger to Lieutenant Colonel Burns informing him that disclosure of His Lordship’s plans regarding Lower Sindh will be ill-advised and premature and that it would enable the Ameer to Make preparations for best resistence in their power to the British Army, &c.; that Honorable Company’s steamer “Semeranis” would be dispatched on 28th with cooli laborers’ together with treasure and sepoys. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 307 page No (306-310) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd December 1838

    Letter No. 589, from Government of Bombay to Comisary-General and letter No. 2067, of 26th December 1838 from the latter to the Government of Bombay in connection with entertainment of a body of coolies required by Political Resident for service in Sind. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 pages No (1089-1090) &) Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1095-1097) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th December, 1838

    The treaty drawn up between Burnes and Rustam provides for perpetual friendship between Meer Rustam, his heirs and successors, and the British Government. The British for their part engages to protect the principality and territory of Khyrpore. Meer Rustam and his heir acknowledge the supremacy of the British Government and bound themselves to work in subordinate cooperation with it and to have no connection with any other chief or state. [Page/55“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    26th December 1838

    Letter No. 633, from Government of Bombay to Colonel Pottenger enquiring whether it was necessary that whole of the force should arrive atonce at Karachi. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1061-1064) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th December, 1838

    A British resident with an appropriate escort is to be stationed in Khyrpore. A separate article provides that the Company could occupy the island of Bukkur in time of war. Rustam is also excused from paying anything in support of the Company troops, but the British intendes to force Rustam’s brother Meer Mubarak Khan to pay a subsidy, as he had been the chief opponent of the British in Khyrpore. [Page/55“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    31st December 1838

    Letter, from Government of India to Colonel Pottenger relating to character of the measures taken by the Ameers towards the British Government; warning to the Ameers that their proceedings during the expedition would regulate the future them and that His Lordship was unwilling to entertain any propositions of territorial acquisition. Year, 1838… Department, Political … File No, 287page No (90-95) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Steam Communication between Bombay and mouth of  Indus and openeing of a depot at Tatta.

    31th December, 1838

    When the Ameers refused Shuja’s demand for passage through their territories, the Governor-General writes: “The treachery of the Ameers is fully established by a variety of concurrent circumstances, of their having written a slavish areeza to the Shah of Persia … by the treatment openly shown to a self-styled Persian Prince at Hyderabad and their insulting letter to Shah Shoojah ool Moolk coupled with the distinct announcement … regarding opposition to the Shah.”  He further writes “Those who are not our friends on the day of trial will be considered our enemies,” And unhappily it is amongst those that Nur Mahomed has apparently chosen to rank himself.” [Page/47“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    January, 1839

    Eastwick, accompanied by Captain Outram and Lieutenant Leckie, arrives in Hyderabad in. He carries with him a draft of the proposed new treaty of twenty-three articles. The deputation soon has an audience with the Ameers.

    26th January, 1839

    Nur Mahomed strongly opposes some articles of the treaty .He produces a box from which he takes, one by one, all the past treaties with the British. He then asks:

    “What is to become of all these? Since the day that Sind has been connected with the English there has always been some-thing new; your government is never satisfied; we are anxious for your friendship but we cannot be continually persecuted. We have given a road to your troops through our territories and now you wish to remain. This the Baloochees will never suffer. But still we might arrange this matter, were we certain that we should not be harassed with other demands.”He asks about the subsidy to Shuja, which matter had been left in abeyance for more than four months. “Is this a proof of friendship?” he wants to know. “We have failed in nothing; we have furnished camels, boats, grains; we have distressed ourselves to supply your wants.” “Nur Mahomed further observes that “Our Hunting preserves will be destroyed, our enjoyments curtailed; you tell us that money will find its way into our treasury, it does not appear so, our contractors write to us, that they are bankrupt, they have no means of fulfilling their contracts; boats, camels, are all absorbed by the English troops, trade is at a stand; pestilence has fallen on the land. [Page/50“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    14th February 1839

    Letter No. 559, from Commisary-General to Government of Bombay, pointing out the difficulty experienced in proceeding carriage for advance of Sind army; letter No. 1125, dated 4th March 1839, from Government of Bombay to Commisary-General, authorizing him to purchase camels for the army. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (265-266) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (266-267) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th February 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Government of Bombay conveying the approbation of His Lordship of the prompt measure adopted by His Excellency the Naval Commander for reducing Karachi. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (307-308) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th February 1839

    Letter, from Lieutenant Eastwick, Assistant Resident in Sind, to His Excellency Sir John Keane, Commander-in-Chief of the army of the Indus reporting that the army under his command had been plundered and that the prices of commodities had been kept so high that the camp followers with their limited means were unable to purchase sufficient grain. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211page No (215-221) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    30th March 1839

    Letter No. 366, from Colonel Pottenger to Officer Commanding Tatta in connection with the preservation of Shikargahs of the Ameers of Sind while passing the army through their territory. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (301-302) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd April 1839

    Letter No. 2, from T.D. Lecki, Assistant Resident, Sind, to Colonel Pottenger informing him that he passed on the communications to Meers Noor Mohomed, Naseer Khan, Meer Mohomed and Sobdar all the Ameers seemed dissatisfied with the amended treaty, but they were distinctly told that the orders of Governor-General were final and no alterations could possibly be made in it. It had however come to his notice that the Ameers, one and all, had no intention to accept the amended treaty. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1105-1109) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th April 1839

    Letter No 3, from T.D. Leckie, Assistant to Lieutenant Eastwick on the subject of “Dak” runners for transmission of post from Tatta to Hyderabad and to Bukkur. Year, 1833-39… Department, Political … File No, 302 page No (1110) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th April 1839

    Letter No. 23, from Lieutenant Leckie to Colonel Spiller, Commanding at Tatta, informing him that he would get permits from the Ameers for cutting timber required for hutting the troops and that he should send them on to him early. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (685-686) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th May 1839

    Letter No. 40, from Lieutenant Leckie to Colonel Pottenger reporting that the fleet had been detained at Sehwan under the orders of Ameers. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (581-584) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    21st May, 1839

    Despite his policy toward Afghanistan the development of trade on the Indus is perhaps Auckland’s chief goal. He writes: “If I can open channels of commerce to Central Asia and if I can make the Indus the throughfare for navigation, that gold and silver road (as the Burmese would call it) which it ought to be, I shall not care for much else.” He informed Hobhouse that he planned to start a monthly boat service between Bukkur and Tatta, and Bukkur and Ferozepur, as soon as events would allow it. He is determined “that five boats of 300 maunds [about 12 ½ tons] each shall start from Ferozepore for Bukkur, every fortnight, from the first of June, with passengers and goods.” The Governor-General awaited with great interest the first experiment with steam on the Indus. “I look upon the Indus,” he writes, “As the high road from London to Delhi and it requires but good arrangements to make the travelling easy.” [Page/59“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    10th May 1839

    Letter No. 607, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding meteorological Register for July in reply to their letter on the subject of climate of Tatta and Karachi. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (625-630) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd May 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Political Agent, Shikarpur, forwarding for information extracts from Mr. McNaughton’s letter, dated 26th April 1839, conveying good news of triumphant occupation of Kandhar by His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (473-474) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1839

    Letter, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell expressing approval of the arrangements for conveyance of dak between Shikarpur and Dadur and informing that no arrangements had been made for ‘dak’ between Dadur and Quetta &c. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (419-420) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    1st July 1839

    Government of India writes to Mr.Ross Bell approving his plan for enlistment, organization and employment of Baluch crops. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (423) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th July 1839

    Letter, No. 532, Colonel  Pottenger to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of a letter from Military Board on the question of wages and rates of hire prevailing in Sind. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (525-531) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    8th July, 1839

    Secret Committee criticizes Auckland’s Sind policy and put on record that “The virtual establishment of British authority throughout Sinde may have been justified by the conduct of the Ameers and by the paramount necessity of securing the line of the Indus for purposes of defence of commercial enterprise. But it is not to be denied that by reducing the Ameers of Sinde to the condition of Tributary and Protected Princes of Hindoostan you have in fact extended the limits of the Empire and may give countenance to the charge of having departed from the resolution proclaimed in your declaration of 1st October, not to attempt any territorial aggrandizement. [Page/57“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th July, 1839

    Pottinger raises objection to the seizure of Karachi. He feels that the British should be allowed free access to the port but that it should be returned to the Ameers. He also thinks that the Governor-General should obtain a release for Shikarpur from Shuja to show the Ameers “that we do not lose sight of their interests. [Page/52“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th August 1839

    Governor-General recards minutes on the army of the Indus and political prospects and arrangements in Afghanistan. Year, 1839-41… Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (271-316) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th August 1839

    letter, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell, Political Agent, Shikarpur, forwarding to him for transmission to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore, a copy of the proclamation of His Majesty Shah Shuja-ul-Moolk regarding his entry into Cabool; letter, dated 14th October 1839, from Government of India to Mr. Ross Bell forwaeding him copies of correspondence with Political Agent at Ludhiana on the subject of proposed proclamation by Sikh Government encouraging the general trade Government encouraging the general trade between Sind and the Punjab. Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (63-65) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (117-120) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (133) &) Year, 1838-41… Department, Political … File No, 308 page No (153) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st August 1839

    Letter No. 635-A, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India regarding concentration of troops at Sukkur and informing that he agreed with Mr. Ross Bell in his suggestions made on the subject. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (611-612) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    August 1839

    Colonel Pottenger writes (letter No. 591) to Lieutenant Leckie, Assistant Resident at Hyderabad, regarding fuel depots on the Indus. Year, 1839…Miscellaneous. Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (647-652) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1839

    Government of India writes to Sir H. MacNaughton, Envoy and Minister at Cabool, directing him to communicate to the officers of trust and responsibility the orders of Government prohibiting them from sending copies of correspondence to their friends in England relative to the duties on which they were employed. Year, 1839-41… Miscellaneous. Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (69-71) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    5th October 1839

    Letter, from Lieutenant Leckie to Lieutenant White Lock at Tatta, informing that he was unable to hire boats for conveying grain with the army as the boatmen refused to accept reduced pay. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (79-80) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th October 1839

    Letter No. 707, from Colonel Pottenger to Government of India expressing his views regarding the seaport of Karachi and mentioning facts illustrative of the difficulty of introducing policy of British Government in Sind and submitting for information of His Lordship an English version of a memo. To address of the Ameers of  Sind for subsidy to be paid by the Ameers towards the maintenance of the British Army in Sind. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (115-119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    29-11-1839

    Pottinger has written Eastwick on that no customs duties are to be levied on any goods (no matter who the owners are) going or coming by the Indus.”

    29th October 1839

    Letter, to Colonel Pottenger reporting theft of camels, from the Kafila under Surwarkhan Lohana; letter, dated 6th November 1839, to Captain Eastwisk, Assistant Political Agent, Upper Sind, informing that he had brought the above to the notice of the Ameers of Hyderabad and the latter had directed Takkee Shah, Governor of Shikarpur, to investigate the matters and bring the parties at fault to book; letter, dated 7th November 1839, to Colonel Pottenger informing that he brought the above facts to the notice of Meer Nur-Mohomed Khan who gave an enasive reply to him. Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (539-540) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (541) &) Year, 1839… Department, Political … File No, 211 page No (543) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    January 1840

    Colonel Henry Pottinger, troubled by ill health, and mortified by the rapid rise of his erstwhile subordinate Alexander Burnes and the reliance placed on him by the Governor-General, resignes and is replaced by Captain James Outram. Ross Bell, a Bengal civilian, is placed at the head of the new Upper Sind political agency. [Page/57“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th February 1840

    Letter No. 351, from Government of Bombay to Government of India for orders on the letter from Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane reporting the arrangement made by him for breaking of the part of the army of Indus under the command of Major-General Wiltshire and  distribution of the troops to remain in Upper Sind and Lower Sind; and requesting that as the junction of the two forces at that moment was premature both from a political and military point of view orders be issued for the command at Karachi to stand as it did, previous to the change ordered by His Excellency Lord Keane; letter, dated 2nd March 1840, from Government of India sanctioning the arrangements reported by Lord Keane and approving of the staff appointed for Sind Brigade under command of Brigadier Stevenson, &c.

    Proposal of Lord Keane for establishing a permanent Cantonment for European troops at Karachi (vide letter of 20th February 1840) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (141-144) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd March 1840

    Letter, from Government of India to Government of Bombay informing that Governor-general agreed with the above proposal of Lord Keane and at the same time approved of the resolutions of Governor in Council that be held distinct, each by a Brigadier of second class, &c. Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (177-180) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th April 1840

    Letter No. 166, from Major Outram and Political Agent, Sind, to Government of India relating to issue of permits for goods passing free of transit duty into British Cantonments in Sind. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (227-230) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th May 1840

    Letter, from Major Outram, Political Agent, Lower Sind, to Government of India discussing the propriety of a toll- tax being levied by the Ameers on boats plying in the Indus, &c.; letter No 386, dated 22nd June 1840, Government of India to Political Agent, Lower Sind, in reply furnishing instructions.

    25th May 1840

    Letter, From Government of India to Captain Outram approving of his arrangements made in connection with the establishment of packet boats between Karachi and Sukkur.

    17th August 1840

    Letter, No. 562, from Government of India to Political Agent, Sind, informing him that the precautions taken by him in his letter quoted above to prevent the Ameers from being defrauded of their just dues were highly necessary. Year, 1838-40… Department, Political … File No, 287 page No (239-241) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th March 1841

    Letter No. 346, from Government of Bombay to Envoy and Minister at Cabool  informing that Governor in Council being apprised of the unsettled state of affairs at Heart and candhar had issued orders to Military Board directing them to send to Karachi the Ordinance and Military stores and to place them at the disposal of Political Agent, Lower Sind; letter No. 347 of even date forwarding copy of the above to Major Outram requesting him to receive charge of the above and supply them to the Envoy and Minister at Cabool when 1841, from Military Board to Government of Bombay reporting compliance of their order of 4th March 1841; letter, dated 19th April 1841 from Government of India to Government of Bombay informing that the advance season of the year had rendered it impracticable to convey heavy artillery through Bolan Pass and it was desirable that all siege Ordnance be stored at Sukkur till the arrival of proper season for transporting them; letter No. 480 of 19th April 1841, from Government of India to Major Outram forwarding him copy of the above for information. Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (257-258) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (259-260) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (261-262) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (275-276) &) Year, 1839-46… Department, Political … File No, 224 page No (279) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    July 1841

    An agreement is signed with Sher Mahomed of Meerpur after the settlement of the long-standing land dispute between the Meerpur and Hyderabad families. The treaty is similar to the one drawn up with Rustam Khan provides for the freedom of navigation in the Meerpur section of the Indus. Sher Mahomed had hoped to avoid the payment of a subsidy, but the British made Rs. 50,000 annually the price for guaranteeing him in his possessions. [Page/56“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    December 1841

    Nur Mahomed of Hyderabad has died, and his heirs, Nasir Khan and Hussein Ali, are willing to give up their share of Shikarpur on certain specific terms: Shikarpur is still to be part of Sind, and the British are to govern it on behalf of the Ameers.  February 14, 1842, and they are to remit a part of the subsidy equal to one-fifth more than the amount realized from the revenue, which is estimated by the Ameers  to be Rs. 200,000 and by Captain Postans, who had surveyed the financial possibilities of the areas, as Rs. 117,000 annually. The British are to deduct two lakhs as tribute and given any excess to the Ameers. Both parties are to coin money without the other’s permission and the treaty is to be concluded between the two parties when a figure acceptable to both is determined as to the annual revenue of Shikarpur. [Page/65“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    21st Fabuary, 1842

    Outram reports to the Governor-General that AMeer Nasir Khan of Hyderabad had been discovered in “treasonable” correspondence with Divan Sanwanmal, the Sikh governor of Multan. The letter, worded ambiguously, vaguely implied some previous understanding for joint action against the British. [Page/72“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th April 1842

    Letter, from Meer Rustom Khan to Major Outram for restoration of the five villages given to Meer Alimurad Khan by Mr. Ross Bell or for permission to settle the question with Meer Alimurad Khan without interference of British Government; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (323-325)

    Letter, dated 26th April 1842, from Major Outram to Government of India transmitting papers relating to the above dispute; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (55-66)

    5th October, 1842

    Napier writes from Sukkar that “these Princes do not appear to be acting loyally” and claimes that the Ameers were violating the fifth article of the treaty of 1832 by taxing not only their own subjects but those of Bahawalpur. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th May 1842

    Letter of from Captain Kennedy to Major Outram, regarding the above dispute; Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (353-358)

    Letter No. 127, dated 10th May 1842, from Government of India to Major Outram, declining to interfere with decision arrived at by Mr. Ross Bell, &c.; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (397-399)

    4th June, 1842

    The Governor-General wishes to be informed, whether the territories under Meer Roostum Khan be in such a position as to make it easy to annex a portion thereof to the dominions of the Khan of Bhawulpore, whose dominions his Lordship is desirous of increasing, in reward for his uniform fidelity, and that of his ancestors. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    26th June, 1842

    Outram writes Ellenborough that the district of Sabzalkot in the extreme northeast of Sind had been seized from Bahawalpur by the first generation of Talpurs, and that it now belonges not to a Khyrpore aMeer but to Nasir Khan of Hyderabad, the aMeer most guilty of behavior unfriendly to the British. The district is three hundred miles from Hyderabad; it is badly governed, and its transfer to Bahawalpur would punish Nasir Khan and put a welcome end to his pretensions to be raise. Outram also suggestes a scheme whereby the British could remit the tribute due to the Company in return for the cession of Karachi, Sukkur, Bukkur, and two adjacent islands. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    4th July 1842

    Letter No. 16, from Captain Brown, Assistant Political Agent, Sind and Baluchistan, to Major Outram forwarding for transmission to Governor-General Copy of the plan of Bukkur together with a report thereon. Year, 1839-41… Department, Political Miscellaneous. … File No, 203 page No (79-87) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th July 1842

    Letter, from Meer Rustom Khan to Lieutenant Brown, Assistant Political Agent informing him that Meer Ali murad Khan would not listen to his troops with hostile intent near Khyrpore to molest Meer Naseerkhan who is sick; Year, 1839 … Department, Political … File No, 306  page No (409-412)

    Letter from Mr. Brown to Meer Alimurad Khan advising to remain quiet and assuring him that the case would be decided according to its merits; letter, dated 19th July 1842, from Meer Alimurad Khan to Lieutenant Brown requesting that his case be taken up by British Government and he would be willing to abide by their decision. Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (413-415) Year, 1838 … Department, Political … File No, 306 page No (429-432)

    1st August 1842

    Letter No. 2072, from Lieutenant Brown to Government of India reporting the death of Mr. Ross Bell; letter No. 2106, dated 3rd August 1842, to Government of India informing that a will had been found among the effects of Mr. Ross Bell and that Lieutenant Brown had been selected one of the six executors of his will. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 Vol.I. Page No (87) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I.  Page No (91) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th August, 1842

    Nasir Khan of Hyderabad writes to his deputy at Shikarpur when ordering him not to allow boats from Bahawalpur, Mithankot, Shikarpur, and Sabzalkot to pass: You are well aware that revenues of Sinde depend chiefly upon the grain crops, and if it be allowed to be imported from all quarters, there will be no fixed price, and price will be uncommonly low, and from the cheapness of grain there will be a deficit in the revenue. [Page/74“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    9th September 1842

    Letter from Meer Ali Murad Khan to Captain Brown, British Agent, complaining of Meer Naseer Khan’s conduct towards him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (325-326)

    11th September, 1842

    Ellenborough, reversing his previous stand, decides to open the question of a new treaty with the Ameers of Sind. The justification for this course is the assumption that the Ameers were guilty of the various accusations against them. He orders Outram to place before Napier with “judicial accuracy” a statement of the instances when the Ameers had violated the terms of the treaties with the British, for he intended to punish any aMeer who had “evinced hostile designs” during the Afghan war. But, he adds, he “would not proceed on this course without ample and convincing evidence of the guilt of the person accused.” The Ameers, said Ellenborough, would have to make restitution for any infringements on the Indus and for any duties levied in the British cantonment at Karachi. He authorizes Napier to inform the Ameers that he is empowered to use force, if necessary, and that the Governor-General was willing to negotiate a new agreement, under the terms of which all tribute would be relinquished in return for the cession of certain areas. [Page/75“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    15th September 1842

    Letter from Meer Naseer Khan to Captain Brown explaining his conduct; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (326-327)

    17th September 1842

    Letter from Meer Naseer Khan to Captain Brown informing that Meer Ali Murad Khan made an attack on their army without any provocation, &c., Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (327-328)

    18th September 1842

    Letter from Meer Rustom Khan to Captain Brown on the same subject, Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (328-329)

    18th September 1842

     Letter, from Meer Ali Murad to Captain Brown explaining the circumstances he was obliged to oppose Meers Naseer Khan and Rustom Khan.

    19. – Jagheers of Meers Mohomed Khan and Ghulam Mustafa- Correspondence relating to- Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (330-332)

    25th September 1842

    The Ameers’ troubles were just beginning. Napier arrives at Hyderabad for the first time and is handsomely received. Ominously he notes that “possibly this may be the last independent reception they may give as princes to a British general”. [Page/73“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    28th September 1842

    The Governor-General of India writes Sir Charles Napier.(Extract )of the letter is as under:

    Your first political duty will be, to hear all that Major Outram, and the other Political Agents may have to allege against the Ameers of Hyderabad and Khyrpore, tending to prove the intention, on the part of any of them, to act hostilely against the British. Army.
              That they may have had Hostile feelings there can be no doubt. It would be impossible to believe that they could entertain friendly feelings; but we should not be justified in inflicting punishment upon the thoughts.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 1]

    8th  October, 1842

    The Governor-General of India writes Sir Charles Napier.(Extract )of the letter is as under:

    IT appears that the assembling of men by Khyrpore Ameers was only for the settlement of a quarrel amongst themselves, and had nothing in it of hostility to us. The Sikh government acts in the most friendly manner, we have hitherto received from it.

              There is,therefore, no longer any necessity for holding a considerable force together at Sukkur.The army marches from Cabool to-day, and the last column of Major-General England’s Troop will probably arrive to-day at Dadur.

              Under these cirmcumtances, unless events should have occurred before you receive this letter, which lead you to suppose that a continued assemblage of a considerable body of troops will be required at Sukkur, beyond the force which it may be advisable to leave, for the present, for the occupation of that town and of the Island of Bukkur, I request that you will direct the 19th Bengal Native Infantry to return to Ferozepore.
     [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 1]

    8th  October, 1842

    Meer Ali Moorad Khan of Khyrpore writes to Sir Charles Napier text of letter is as under:

    I was very much pleased when I heard of your arrival in this country ; God has been great in his kindness to such a wise and just man here as to you but I heard that a Lord arrived with you, and I did not know to whom I ought to write. Yesterday I sent my vakeel to sukkur, to inquire who come manded in Sinde ; he was returned, and given me the intelligence required, and now I write. Iam very much grieved that I should have delayed writing. So long; I have heard that you are always to remain in this country, at which Iam much pleased; I will always obey strictly the orders of Government, and trust you will always have cause to be pleased with me. I send Ali inform you how anxious Iam to meet you.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    8th  October, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier replies to Meer Ali Moorad. The text of the letter is as under:
    Iam much pleased to receive your Highness’ letter. Iam comer here to live in this country, and to take care that all the English people observe the Treaty between the Governor-General and their Highness the Ameers of Sinde, whom God prosper and make happy; and I am ordered by the Governor General to take especial care that all people do exactly observe the Treaty of Sinde and Beloochistan, that the friendship between the Governor-General and their Highness, because I know that you are a friend to my nation, and that we should know each other.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    14th  October, 1842

    Outram prepared for Napier’s use his compilation of complaints against the Ameers of Upper and Lower Sind as requested by Ellenborough. He urges that a unified government once more be established in Lower Sind. But he points out that the Khyrpore Ameers had never relinquished their right to tax the commerce of their own subjects on the Indus. Outram once more advises the acquisition of Shikarpur as a defensive bastion and trade center. He suggested that the parts of Shikarpur belonging to the two Nasir khans and to Meer Rustom could justifiably be forfeited for their recent intrigues and that the remaining sharers who not implicated could be compensated. [Page/75“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    12th November, 1842

    Outram intercepts a letter from Meer Rustam Khan to Maharajah Sher Singh of Lahore which intimates a similarly undeveloped plan. The matter did not rest here, for Nasir Khan of Hyderabad was charged with having written Bibarak Bugti, a semi-independent chief of Upper Sind, asking him for aid against the British; and Fateh Mahomed Ghori, Meer Rustam’s chief minister, is accused of helping a state prisoner, Mahomed Sharif, to escape to Baluchistan in order to raise an insurrection. [Page/72“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    22nd December, 1842

    Inteligence from clibborn informs Napier that the Upper Sindh Ameers had moved with what forces they had in the direction of Hyderabad.

    1st  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameers of Upper and lower Sinde.The text of the correspondence as under:
     

    I have received the draft of Treaty between the Ameers of Khyrpore (and Hyderabad) and the British Government, signed by his Excellency the commands I have to present it to your Highnesses, for your Highnesses’ acceptation and guidance.
              In obedience to the command of the commands of Governor-General of India, I shall proceed to occupy Roree, and the left band of the Indus, from the later town up to the Bhawalpore frontier, including the whole of the district of Bhoong Bhara and Subzalkote, as set forth in the said Treaty. The minor arrangements will be entered into by my aide-de-camp, Captain French (and Lieutenant Stanley), with those whom your Highnesses may appoint for that purpose, to the end that the Treaty may be speedily brought to a conclusion.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 2]

    3rd  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Rustom Khan of Khyrpore. The text of the correspondence as under:
     I Have sent my commissioner to wait upon you, and to agree upon the day and hour of ensuing week, on which your Highness will receive a new Treaty, which the Governor-General  has ordered me to place in your hands, and to carry into immediate execution.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    11th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Ali Moorad. The text of the correspondence as under:
    IT is said that you possess two villages in the territory which I am ordered by the Governor-General is reward them. But to arrange the details requires time.
    You shall have all your rights secured to you; be confident in all I have said to your Highness.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    11th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes from Sukkur to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore dislinking his way of dealing with him. Napier asks him to accept the Treaty proposed by him without fail and stop collecting troops in all direction.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    18th   December, 1842

    Proclamation issued by Sir Charles Napier. The text of the correspondence as under:
    The Governor-General of India has ordered me to take possession of the districts of Subzulkote and of Bhoong Bhara, and to re-annex the said districts to the territory of his Highness the Nawal of Bhawulpore, to whom they will immediately  be made over, his Highness guaranteeing all contracts made between the Ameers and private indivisuals, not within the said districts, in such manner  as shall be hereafter arranged in fulfilling the details of the Treaty.
              It is hereby also made known, that if the Ameers collect any new tax upon that amount in arranging the new Treaty, and this amercement shall be enforced to a larger amount than the Ameers may have levied upon the people of the said districts.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 3]

    18th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier of to Meer Rustom Khan of Khyrpore.The text of the correspondence as under:
    Highness,
              My own belief is that, personally, you have ever been the friend of the English. But you are helpless among your ill-judging family. I send this by your brother, His Highness Ali Mirada; listen to his advice; trust yourself to his care; you are too old for war; and, if battle begins, how can I protect you? If you go with your brother, you may either remain with him, or I will send an escort for you to bring you to my camp, where you will be save. Follow my advice; it is that of our friend; why should I be your enemy? If I was, why should I take this trouble to save you? I think you will believe me, but do as you please.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    18th   December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Rustom Khan. The text of same as under:
    Ameer,
              My letters have been stopped near Khyrpore; this has been done either by your order, without your consent.
    If by your order you’re guilty;if without your consent, you can not command people. In either case, I order you disband your armed followers instantly. I will to Khyrpore to see that this order is obeyed.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    21st  December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameer of Hyderabad, Naseer Khan and Meer Muhammad Khan.
    The text of the letter as under:
    I have to request that your Highnesses will protect our post coming thorough your country. Two of our males have been stopped in the territory of Khyrpore and I am going to enquire into this matter, and put a stop in such aggressions. Wherever my post are stopped, their will our march with my troops, and your Highnesses will have to pay the expense, if this happen within your territories. [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 4]

    23rd December, 1842

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Ali Moorad of Khyrpore that “I think your Highness will do well not assumed the Turban, for so many reasons. People will say that the English put it on your head, against the will of Meer Rustom—
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 6]

    27th December, 1842

    Napier writes to Ellen borough that “The Ameers put implicit faith in their deserts, and fell confident that we can not reach them. . . I made up my mind that, although war had not declared (nor it is necessary to declare it), I would at once march upon Imamgarh, and prove to the whole Jaipur family of both Khyrpore and Hyderabad, that neither, can protect them from the British Troops. [Page/90“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    1st January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier issues the proclamation from the Camp near Khyrpore and the text of Sind as under:

    Ameers and people of Sinde,
                                          His Highness the Ameer Rustom Khan send secret messenger to me to say, that he was in the hands of his family, and could not act as his feelings of friendship for the English Nation prompted him to do, and that if I would receive him he would escape and come to my camp. I insert His Highness that I would certainly receive him, but that my advice was for him to consult his brother the Ameer Ali Moorad Khan. He took my advice. He went to fort of Dejee to his brother. When I heard of this I was delayed, for I thought that Sinde would be tranquil; that His Highness would spend his last days in honour and in peace. I moved with my troops towards Khyrpore to force his violent family to disperse the wild bands that they had collected. I send his Highness the word that I should visit him; I wanted to ask advice as the arrangement for the new Treaty; I thought that he had again become the friend of the Government that I served. That night I heard that he had solely conferred upon his brother, the Ameer Ali Moorad, The Turban of Command or the Talpurs family, which brother is the hire to that honor. I thought this a very wise proceeding, and it added to my desire to meet His Highness, That I might hear promise his own lips all about these things, and report the same to the Governor-General, Being assured that these acts of His Highness would recover from him good onion friendship of Governor-General of India. My feelings toward His Highness those of friendship, honor, peace I even advices His Highness’ brother Amber Ali Mirada, not to accept the Turban, to assist his brother that chip, in the tear Government. I labored by honor of Taper Family. What then was my astonishment to find, that when I expected to meet the Amber the Ruston Khan, I heard that His Highness had departed from the roof of his brother; thus insulting and defying the Governor-General, whose commander I am. But my surprises greatly increase by here and that his Highness has joined his family with their armed bands, who have cut off our communications, and stopped our mails. These things have surprised, but my course is plain and I thus publish this to the country that all may know it, and conferred themselves accordingly. I will, according to the existing Treaty, protect the chief, Ameer Ali Moorad, in his rights, as the justly constituted chieftain of the Talpur family. God willing, I mean to March into the desert I will disperse the armed bands that have stopped my mails. I will place the Killadars of the chief, Ali Moorad, in command of every fort, and I will act towards the Ameers of Hyderabad as I shall find their conduct may deserve.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 6-7]

    2nd   January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Naseer Khan of Hyderabad. The text of the letter is as under:
    Ameer,
              I have received your letter. When a man’s actions and his words do not accord, I am greatly distressed to know how to act. The Government of Ameers is one of many heads; all speak and act after different and strange manner. I cannot judge after off. I came took her Khyrpore to see how matters stand, and I mean to go to Hyderabad to do the same. I cannot distinguish friends from enemy, at 200 miles distance; and as you say you are the friends of the Company and the Governor-General you will rejoice to see me. I hear of troops collecting in the south. Armored men shall not cross into Sinde; therefore I take troops.

    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 7]

    2nd   January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes a lengthy letter to Meer Rustom Khan ending with following lines:
    “Ameer, I donot understand you’re double conduct. I hold you to your words and deeds; I no longer consider you to be the chief of the Talpurs, nor will I treat with you as such, nor with those who consider you to be the Rais.”
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 7-8]

    5th January, 1843

    Intelligence from Cibborn reveals that the force of more than 5,000 men has been collected under the leadership of Meer Rustom’s relatives at Dhinji, while 2000 more were supposedly with Meer Rustom Khan. Meer Ali Akbar, Rustom’s second son was raising a force at Shahgarah, yet the intelligence made it clear that these preparations were directed against Ali Murad and not against the British. [Page/91“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    7th January, 1843

    Napier writes to Ellen borough that “ I only agreed to Meer Rustom being made easy as to his personal safety, but to no concession or submission could reinstate him in the Turban, which he had resigned and upon which I consider the tranquility of Scinde to depend. [Page/91“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    11th January, 1843

    Inspire of having written to Ellenborough, that he would not but Napier orders to blow up Imamgarah Castle.
    In his journal, Napier writes that “This castle was built and used for oppression and in future its ruins will shelter the slave instead of tyrant “.
     

    [William Napier ,”Life and opinions of Sir Charles Napier”, Vol II, Pg 289.]

    12th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier from his Camp Imamgarah writes to Meer Ali Moorad apprising him of the reasons for blowing of the fort. He ends the letter with following lines:
    “I had always considered the destruction of this fort to be matter essential to your security; and your Highness’ observation this morning confirmed my opinion. I have therefore resolved to destroy it, as a placed that can only be of used to rebels against your power”.
     
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 8]

    13th January, 1843

    Meer Ali Moorad writes to Sir Charles Napier approving his action to destroy the fort.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 8]

    13th January, 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that his brother Meer Ali Moorad Khan has send a message claiming that the country at this side and all the fortresses in the Dessert have been given to him by the British. He makes the Sir Charles Napier to believe that he has always been under submission to the British and never have done but pleased Sir Charles Napier. He requests for allowing time for writing to his son Muhammad Hussain and get an order from him as Meer Ali Moorad’s men can go and can take the position of the forts.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pp 8-9]

    14th January, 1843

     Sir Charles Napier, from his Camp, Teejub writes to Meer Ali Moorad Khan informing him that
    the Governor-General has ordered him to support His Highness’ Meer Ali Moorad Khan as a lawful possessor of the Turban.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 9]

    15th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier from his Camp of Imamgarah writes Meer Rustom Khan acknowledging his letters and asking him to be perfectly tranquil and also assure him that he will be treated with all due to respect.
    [Correspondence related to SINDE.Pg 9]

    15th January, 1843

    Napier writes to the Ameers of Upper and lower Sindh asking them to depute their envoys to attend meeting at Khyrpore, to be held on 20.1.1943 to settle the terms of the treaty. He warns them that “if any Vakeel shall declare that he has not (full) powers, I will exclude him from the meeting and consider that him from the meeting and consider that his master refuses to treat and I will enter the territories of such AMeer with the troops under my orders and take possession of them in the name of the British Govt.

    [Page/93“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    15th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Imamgarah, Sir Charles Napier of Imamgarah writes to Meer Ali Murad assuring him that he will be secured and protected from any attempt to put him down. Hence, he must not think that the British Government will allow him to be harassed by any petty rebellion as he seems to fear.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-10]

    17th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier suggesting him to send Brown to Meer Rustam Khan, to bring him to you on your arrival at Choonki. Major Outram is trying to minimize doubts of Charles Napier about Meer Rustam Khan. Hence, his letter is not only lengthy one, but full of arguments in favor of Meer Rustam Khan.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-11]

    17th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Meer Muhammad Hussain Khan, Meer Muhammad Khan and Meer Nasir Khan asking them to come personally to Khairpur; otherwise, send your Vakeels, intrusted with full powers to act, on your behalf, as matter relating to signing of proposed Treaty can be resolved accordingly.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-11]

    18th January, 1843

    From his Camp at Dejee, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier proposing some alterations in some Articles of initiated Treaty. He is of opinion that queen’s image on the coins of Sindh, will not be accepted by Meers.He also raise objection to the occupation of Thatta, also.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-12]



    19th January, 1843

    Indian Secret letters [No.12] reveals that Sir Charles Napier informed Ellenborough that fort of Imamgarah was full of gunpowder and grain, when actually the 10,000 pounds of powder found were old and caked and the supply of grain was small
    [Lambrick: “Sir Charles Napier and Scinde”, Pg 112]

    20th January, 1843


    Napier orders for meeting between Outram and the envoys of all the Ameers of upper and lower Sindh to settle the terms of the treaty. He fixes 25th Jan 1843 as deadline for its conclusion.

    [Page/93“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    20th January, 1843

    From his Cam at Bookie, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outran approving his alteration in Treaty with special reference to the occupation of Theta. He also shares his doubts and hopes about Meer Rustam Khan and others.

    [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-13]

    22nd January, 1843

    Outram reports to Napier that all envoys from lower Sindh were present in Khairpu meeting of 20.1.1843, but not those of upper sindh.

    [Page/98“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Outram writes further that “I am positively sick, and doubtless you are tired, of these petty intrigues, – brother against brother, and son against father,- and sorry that we should be in any way the instruments to be worked upon by such blackguards; for, in whatever way act, we must play into the hands of one party or the other, unless we take the whole country to ourselves”.

    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.9-14]

    23rd January, 1843

    From his camp at Pir Abu Bukkur, Sir Charles Napier writes letter to Major Outram that is full of his instructions and directives regarding dealing with Sindh Rulers and getting the Treaty signed.

    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.17-18]



    24th January, 1843


     Outram requests Napier that he may kindly be allowed to go to Hyderabad as he can arrange any settlement between Napier and the chief of Hyderabad more speedily and satisfaction ally. He is of opinion that by going to Hyderabad, he should afford one more chance to Meers and prevent those Hyderabadi chief blotting and so adding to blotting and to embarrassments.

    [Page/95“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

     

     The letter of Major Outram is lengthy and contains details of proposed distribution of Revenue income and territories amongst Meers. Keeping in view the policy and strategy about dealing with Talpurs, Outram forms opinion that “ They cannot, and will not, starve, and have nowhere else to go to; we afford no opening now in India, as far as their employment as foreign mercenaries; and Afghanistan and Baluchistan are now desolated; they may be forced by dread of our power to succumb for a time, but they never can become reconciled to the degradation and privation they suffer at our hands, and will only be deterred from any organized outbreak by the presence of a large body of troops; but will fall to preserve the country from the rapine and disorder which will arise from so many discontented character being let loose on the country, unchecked, as they will be, by such a Government as Ali Moorad’s, or as any native chief could establish.”
     [“Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pp.18-21]

     

    26th January, 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier, doubting the integrity of Meer Ali Moorad in connection with avoiding meeting between Sir Charles Napier and Meer Rustom Khan.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.21]

    27th January, 1843

    From his Camp Ali-ka-Tandoo, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Sobdar Khan of Hyderabad. The text of the letter as under:
    It is with great pleasure, I hear of your loyal and true conduct to the British Government, in sending your vakeel to Major Outram. I am also well pleased to hear that the other Ameers of Hyderabad have refused to join the Ameers of Khyrpore. I wish those Ameers would act in the same wise manner.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.21]

    27th January, 1843

    Napier addresses a proclamation to the Ameers of upper sindh giving them until February 1st to send envoys to his headquarters. They shall be treated as friends until this date, but any Meer who shall not comply by the deadline would be treated as enemy. [Proclamation by Sir Charles Napier]

    28th January, 1843

    From Bellaree, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram informing him that he has ordered his circular to be sent to today to the Ameers.
    [“ Correspondence relative to Sinde”. Pg.22]


    28th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ellenborough that the Khyrpore opposition to the treaty is based on the loss of territory to bhawalpur which they felt would bankrupt them. [Indian Secret Letters No.12, date 12.12.1843.encl. 35]

    Jhon Jacob, the commander of the Scinde Irregular Horse, is sent with a detachment of 500 men to reconnoiter the Khyrpore AMeer’s positon at Kunhera, less than fifty miles from Hyderabad. He reports that the camp containers no more than 1,300 to 1,400 people.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” No. 449]

    28th January, 1843

    Meer Muhammad deputy meets Sir Charles Napier and assures him that his master- Meer Mohomad was friend to and Meer has no interest, beyond friendship
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” No. 40]


    30th  January, 1843

    Emissionaries representing Nasir Khan, Meer Muhammad and Meer Shahdad Khan, fully empowered to sign the treaty, see Napier warns them that unless he has heard by the fifth of next that they have convinced the upper sindh Talpurs to meet outram at Hyderabad he will consider them his enemies. [Page/98“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    30th January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan, Shahdad Khan.  The text of the letter as under:
    Ameers,
              I Am glad that you have at last send your deputies, because I was marching fast upon Hyderabad. Now, Iam your friend, and I have desired your deputies to return to Hyderabad, and I will order Major Outram to meet you there, that they the Treaty may be arranged quickly. I hope the Ameers of Khyrpore, Meer Rustom Khan, Nusseer Khan, and Meer Mahomed Khan, will go with your deputies to meet Major Outram at Hyderabad; if they do not, I will treat them as enemies.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 22]

    30th January, 1843

    From Beerja, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram.The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
                       I have seen the Hyderabad deputies. I have ordered them to meet you there on the 6th of February; and you are to tell me directly, whether or not, they have brought the deputies of Meer Rustom and the others, with the prescribed powers. If they have, I wait the result of negotiations. If not, I march against them, as an enemy, on the 6th. I by no means feel authorized in granting this delay, but Iam willing to do all I can to save the mischief that will fall upon these Ameers, if they will not meet you.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 22]

    31st January, 1843

    Sir Charles Napier sends memorandum to the Vakeels of Hyderabad. The text of letter is as under:
    I have received the deputies of the Ameers of Hyderabad, and have desired them to meet Major Outram at Hyderabad on the 6th of February. They have promised to take with them the Ameers of Khyrpore, and I will not commit any act of hostility against those Ameers, till I hear from Major Khyrpore do not proceed to Hyderabad, where they must be on the 6th February; and if the Ameers of Khyrpore do not dismiss their dismiss their soldiers, I will attack them. This is an extension of the time given by the proclamation, vise, and the 1st day of February. If I do not receive a letter from the deputies of Hyderabad on the 5th of February, I will march against Meer Rustom on the 6th.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    From Khyrpore, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that he has been anxiously waiting for his order and presumes that Charles Napier will wish the horse escort to join him. He also informs him that he has received from Ameers, in answer to his last summons.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan wrote a letter to Major Outram that was received on the above-sited date. The text of the letter is as under:
    As it would be in your recollection that I had promised to meet you at Khyrpore, and I wished to do so; but on account of my sons being at Khoogara having obliged me to proceed towards them, for preventing them from raising any disturbances. I had various hopes from the British Government and yourself, and Iam sure that if you look at friendship, and whatever you will do, it will be all right, as it is very surprising that the chieftainship has granted to Meer Ali Moorad Khan( who is my younger brother), and I have great hopes in you.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 23]

    31st January, 1843

    Meer Mohamod Khan wrote a letter to Major Outram that was received on the above-sited date, making complaint about the attitude and behavior of British officer as present in Sindh. He informs Major Outram that Sindh Government of the Meers is being deprived of territories and properties whereas we have remained faithful and discharged our duties to the British Government.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 24]

    2nd February 1843

    From Sukkur, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that we all came in here yesterday morning and will leave for Thatta in a few days. Hence there will be delay in our communication and contact.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp. 24-25]

    2nd February 1843

    Meer Muhammad sends his deputy to Sir Charles Napier to assure his sincere friendship with the British.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    4th February 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan arrives at Hyderabad accompanied by his nephews Nasir Khan and Muhammad Khan for negotiations on the treaty with outram.
    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    4th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram, showing his worries about the mis carriage of the mail and thinks that Meer Ali Moorad may have stopped it. He informs Outram that he will March to Moro on 16th instant. He also informs Major Outram that reports says that Meer Sobdar Khan has joined the others.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.25]

    4th February 1843

    Meer Muhammad Khan sends his deputy to Sir Charles Napier to reiterate his pledge about friendship with the British.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    5th February 1843

    From Noushera, Sir Charles Napier wirtes to Major Outram and the extract from the letter is as under:
    I shall march tomorrow from village named Moro towards Hyderabad. I can not delay; the hot weather will be upon me. If they do not disperse their troops, they must suffer for it ; I shall therefore continue my march, and hope to hear form you immediately. I fear we have made a mistake in removing the meeting ti Hyderabad; it will delay proceedings.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.26]

    5th February 1843

    From Noushera, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that Meer Rustom Khan’s party have gone to seek refuse with, and assistance from Sher Mohamad Meerpore; and it is likely they will assemble number of Balochi, and that the Meerpore man may join Rustom Khan, also some of the Hyderabad Ameers might do to so also.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.26]


    5th February 1843

    Charles Napier leaves Bhiria for Hyderabad
    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    6th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram from Sudojee, 8 miles from Noushera, Asking him to inform the Ameers of two things: the one is that they must disperse their bands instantly; the other is, that if the Hyderabad Ameer allows these bands to be assembled in their territories I will treat them as enemies.

    In another letter he asks Major Outram to inform Ameers of Khyrpore that is I have received orders from the Governor-General to disperse their troops. He also asks Major Outrams to inform the Ameers of Hyderabad, that to receive the Ameers of Khyrpore personally as relatives, and with the view to their reconciliation with the British Government

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.27]

    7th February 1843

    From Sehwan, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier telling him that he has learn nothing authentic as to the proceeding of the Ameers, Shall report on arrival at Hyderabad.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.28]

    8th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram from Dowlutpore. The extract from is as under:
    I have had a letter from Lord Ellenborough, warning me about the more aware of the necessity that you and myself. He perfectly approves the of blowing up Emaum Ghur, and thinks it will save bloodshed. I have written to let me offer a detailed arrangement. I expect an answer every day. I hope he will concede this, and I shall make a hard fight for it. I have sent you the light company of the 22nd, as a guard of honor and safety, though I do not apprehend any danger.
     [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.28]

    8th February 1843

    Outram held conference with all the Ameers at Hyderabad negotiates on the treaty Ameers object continued advance by Napier on Hyderabad and replacement of Meer Rustom as Rais of Upper Sindh by Meer Ali Murad.

    [Page/99“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    Outram does his best to make Napier halt. Therefore, today, he writes him that he expects no hostilities because the Ameer has apparently, not removed their woman from Hyderabad. He writes that he has promised that I will beg of you to halt Troops whenever this may meet you.

    [Page/100“British Relation with Sindh/1799-1843”By Robert A. Huttenback]

    8th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing about his arrival at Hyderabad, and apprising him of his strategy regarding meeting with Meers and getting the Treaty signed.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.28-29]

    10th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about sending off Fitzgerald to Ameers. Moharem festival is ending today and Meers will be free to respond us accordingly, he also advices Sir Charles Napier that not to proceed very near to the capital, as it can cause instruct, and may make the Khairpur Ameers fly.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.30]

    10th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
                       I wrote you by cossid to-day and mentioned that, in anticipation of your wishes, I should send the “Satellite” up to Gopang (opposite Halla) and for the 22nd detachment. The detachment of the native infantry I of Her Majesty’s 40th in the “Syria”.
              My last from you is dated the 6th, eight miles on this side of Nowshera, which I answered to-day by cossid.
              Captain Miller, commanding the “Satellite” will dispatch this note to you from Gopang by cossid, should you not have arrived there (Halla).

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31]

    10th February 1843

    From Sukkurunda, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              Fitzgerald has just given me your letter; I have not lost a moment in sending off a cossid to say I will say I will halt to-morrow; tell the Ameers I do this at your request; I will not keep the cossid.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31]

    11th February 1843

    Meer Rustom Khan Talpur writes to Sir Charles Napier. It is without date but it is received on the date cited above.
    He makes the position of  his son Meer Muhammad Hussain clear and assure Sir Charles Napier that his son is not busy in collecting an army at Koonhera.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.31-32]

    11th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram advising him to tell that Ameers that their plea of not being able to control their armed Baloochis, is sufficient cause to any other Governnment to overturn theirs. The return of the Turban to Mir Rustom Khan is, now out of the question, there should not be delay in signing the Treaty.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.32-33]

    11th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    No hostility has to my knowledge been committed by you. There is no mention of your name in the Treaty, nor is there any intention of dispossessing you of any of your land, or doing anything displeasing to uou. The British Government makes war on its enemies, but not on its friends. With regard to the tribute, be so good as to make it over to Mr. Brown, who is now at Hyderabad. I hope you will not allow any of the Ameers of Khyrpore to have any troops within your territories.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.33]

    11th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that the Ameers of Hyderabad has assured him that they have again sent orders for any armed bodies, that may remain united, to disperse to their homes. He blames Meer Ali Moorad for the false dealing and proposes that he should be assigned territory which belonged to the Meers of lower Sindh, in preference to throwing  open the door to further clashing and quarrelling with his brother of upper Sindh, by assigning any portion of their lands to him, even if they could afford the loss could not be seprated without endless difficulty.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.33-34]

    11th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier.The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
              Here is Meer Rustom’s explaination & of the people at Kohera, regarding which I wrote you this morning. It appears that the followers are only the usual attendants for the protection of the women and families of all the Ameers, and many of the Balooch chiefs who live upon them, who fled from Khyrpore, Emaum Ghur, &c. ; and I think that they could hardly trust with less, all that they prize on earth, i.e., their woman and property. No Oriental family of any rank would have fewer armed attendants in Hindostan.
              The vakeels from the upper sinde Ameers have just come to sign the Treaty, which I shall take Durbar for the Ameers’ seals to-morrow morning and then dispatch the treaties to you, unless I should, in the mean time, hear that you are coming here, in which case, it may be as well not to risk them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.34]

    12th February 1843

    From Sukkurunda, Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              I received yours last night, and willingly give up the 11th to the Ameers. I had done so, not to hurry them, before I got your note. Iam exceedingly annoyed by two things that have happened : the one is, that a party of twenty-five Baloochees attempted to ride through Jacob’s camp, and he very properly made them prisoners ; but they refused either to give up their arms or to come to my camp ; I have therefore sent a squadron out to him to receive them, and am in hopes this large force will induce them not to resist. However, God knows. Two of the officers were also insulted by the armed Balochees of a village, and they are full of armed men; the Ameers must stop these things. I am going to imprison the Kardar, unless he gives me up the men who drew their swords upon the officers. If I hear to-morrow that the Ameers have all signed the Treaty, and acknowledged their obedience to the Turban, I will not approach nearer to Hyderabad than Sallara, as there I mean embark the troops for Kurachee in boats; but I can make no arrangements till the Ameers have signed the Treaty; I will not keep the cossid longer.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.35]

    12th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,}
              The twenty-five men I mentioned this morning struck their flag of defiance on seeing the squadron. They are all chiefs of the Murree tribes, headed by Hyat Khan Murree. The whole country is transvered by armed bodies, and the Ameers must put this right. The 2000 men at Koonhera are, I dare say, their attendants; to these alone I have no objection; but I have to the six guns, which, under existing circumstances, I insist upon their giving up to me. I will make a short march after to-morrow, but, of course, a good deal depends on what I hear from you. I think you may keep the original signed Treaty for a few days, lest any accident should happen; for the village are full of Baloochees armed; however, if you think it can be trusted, send it.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.35]

    12th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about his going to Durbar to receive acceptance of Treaties. He doubts that if you (Sir Charles Napier) come beyond Halla, he fear Ameers will be impelled by their fears to assemble their rabble, with a view to defend themselves and their families, in the idea that we are determined to destroy them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.35-36]



    12th February 1843

    Outram writes to Napier
    as under:
    These fools are in the utmost alarm in consequences of the continued progress of your troops towards Hyderabad, not withstanding their acceptance of the treaty which they hoped would have caused you to stop- If you come beyond Hala (if, so far) I fear that they will be impelled by their fears to assemble their rabble with a view to defend themselves and their families in the idea that we are determined to destroy them, not withstanding their submission.

    On the evening of the same day he again wrote:

    I wrote you this morning to say what to state of commotion they are in the city at your continued advance after the Ameers had subscribed to treaty ….I really wish I was empowered to tell them positively that you do not propose bringing the troops beyond Hala if so far-as it is I can only express to them my hope that you will not do so now that they have complied with all the terms …. I have great hope that you will have halted on receipt of my information that the Upper Scinde Ameers have also subscribed to the treaty.[outram Letters]

    12th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him about subscribing of the Treaty. He expresses his anxiety about situation because of landing of the light company of the 22nd, and creating doubts amongst Ameers and chance of rendering themselves enemies, by assembling their followers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.36]

    12th February 1843

    Major Outram writes letter to Sir Charles Napier mentioning the seizure of twenty-five Mari men. This may Kindly be noted that these people were subjects of Meer Muhammad Khan who objected this action of Jacob.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

    13th February 1843

    Napier writes to Outram
    as under:
    I neither can nor will halt now. Their object is very clear and I will not be their dupe. I shall march to Hyderabad tomorrow and next to Halla and attack every body of armed men I meet…. If the treaty was not signed on 12th according to their promise of the 11th when the Ameers, knew that I had halted; there can remain no doubt of the fact that they have been using every trick to get over the Moharrun, as they have could no sooner collect their troops . . . If men die in consequence of my delay their blood must be justly charged to my account. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

    13th February 1843

    From Hyderabad Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier apprising him of the response of Ameers and worries of Meer Rustom Khan. He also reports that he and his stuff was under threat last night and it was plotted to murder him but it was prevented by the people escorting him.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.37-38]

    13th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram directing him to tell Meer Muhammad that he must not choose to play game with us. Otherwise, he shall make up mind to take the consequences.He informs Outram that he is marching to Saeedabad tomorrow, and next day to Halla, and will attack everybody of armed men I meet.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.40]

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The extract of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
             
     The Ameers have Sent to say that the Baloochees have become quite controllable; have taken an oath on the Koran to have [term] Yageo, unless Rustom is righted; refuse to obey them in any way. They beg me to leave soon as possible, and give the advice from pure friendship, &c. Aim told that immense numbers are flocking to the city, and find that all the sheep and bullocks have been driven off from his neighborhood, whether by order to starve us off, or by the Baloochees, I know not; but I have told the officers of the steamer to send to the other side of the river for supplies, to enable us to hold the Agency, if the Baloochees do attempt to bully, which of course I shall not quit.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.41]

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier apprising him of the deliberation there took between him and Nawab Muhammad Khan and Munshi Choithram, regarding restoration of status of Meer Rustom Khan and restoration of lands which had been made over from the upper sindh Ameers to Meer Ali Murad.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.41-43]

    13th February 1843

    Munshi Mahadjee brings a message from Meers to Major Outram that Meer Rustom Khan’s territory, which has been given over to Meer Ali Murad Khan should be restored, otherwise,Baloochees will no longer obey British commands.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

    13th February 1843

    Major Outram to the Durbar, alluded to in the Notes of Conference on the 13th February apprising him of his reaction and response on the conditions-oriented message sent to him by Meers. He informs S.C Napier that he has warned the messenger that if he or his staff is attacked or injured, Meer will be personally responsible and answerable for that act.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

    14th February 1843

    From Syadabad Sir Charles Napier writes to Major Outram. The text of the letter is as under:
    My dear Outram,
              I have yours of the 13th. The “Satellite” is at Halla. I send off ammunition to put on board immediately. Your people have thirty days’ provisions, but you had better quit the Residency, and get on the steamer, blessing I shall be with you by 17th, or early the 18th; as I am hurrying off your cartridges to Halla, I have not time to say more, and we are literally smothered with dust.
     
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.43]

    14th February 1843

    Outram writes lieutenant colonel Boileau, the commanding of the 41st Regiment, enroute to Karachi telling him to halt wherever he was, because the General Napier may have need of him. He also writes and warns the officer commanding in Karachi.
    Meer Shahdad Khan who offered to come and reside in British residency to insure Outram’s Safety, in sent letter by outram today that there is no need of to come and reside in British residency and if any of Meer Shahdad Khan’s men are found engaged in hostile action against the British , Meer Shahdad Khan will be held responsible
    Outram also writes to the Hyderabad Darbar urging Ameers that they should not engage in any hostile actions against to British, for if the Khyrpore Ameers were determined to court their own destruction, the Hyderabad Darbar Shah convince them to return to their territory and not aid them if Hyderabad Ameers will do this, no harm will be fall them.[Outrams Letters]

    At night time, the British Residency is attacked and is defended by Outram, E.J. Brown and other British officers. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 103]

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier sharing his opinion about the conduct of Meers. He writes: “I believe that Ameers had not the least intention actually to commence hostilities and merely hoped to get Rustom’s party benefited by making appearance of ferment amongst their Baloochees.”
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.43-44]

    14th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram to Lieutenant-Colonel Boileau, Commanding at Kurachee.
    Sir,
              I Have the honor to transmit the duplicate copy of a letter I have addressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Booth, commanding Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment, which I request you will forward toTatta, should the regiment not yet have marched from thence to Kuarachee. In that event I would recommend the regiment being detained at Kurachee, until the orders of Major General Sir Charles Napier are received.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.44]

    14th February 1843

    From Hyderabad, Major Outram to Lieutenant-Colonel Booth, commanding Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment.
    Sir,
              Hostilities being likely to occur, I have the honor to request you will halt Her Majesty’s 41st Regiment at Tatta, or if you have marched to Kurachee, to wait there until you receive Major-General Sir Charles Napier’s orders, or intimation form me that matters are amicably arranged.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.44]

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram to Hyderabad Ameers. The text of the letter is as under:
    From messages I have received from your Highness, it would appear that Upper Sinde Ameers are determined to rush on destruction. If they are so foolish, tell them to go their  own territory, that injury may not come upon you. If no hostility is shown to the British  troops within the Hyderabad confines, I pledge myself no injury shall befall the Ameers of Hyderabad territory, or the Upper Sinde Ameers are aided in such acts by subjects of your Highnesses, although beyond the Hyderabad frontiers, I am sure the army will advance to the capital.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.44-45]

    14th February 1843

    Moonshee Mhandajee to Meer Sobadar’s Minister, Outrai. The text of letter is as under:
    Your note I received, and informed Major Outram of contents,i.e., that the fat man[meaning Meer Nusseer Khan], having assembled all the Belooch Sirdars in a garden, and sworn them on the Koran, that any one that does not join (Nusseer Khan) to oppose the English, will be imprisoned; and that your people, whom you had called in from Kohera, and elsewhere, that should not join the enemies of British, have accordingly turned against your master(Meer Sobdar), and will no longer obey him; and that the Meer himself, if he also does not move out, will be murdered; but that he will not go out, and that will do his utmost to serve the British; but that if he, the Meer, suffers in consequences, it will be on Sirkar’s head, &c. To this Major Outram has told me to reply, that this excuse will be of no avail; that whatever his people do the Meer  will be answerable for.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram to Meer Shahdad Khan. The text of the letter of is as under:

    Your Moonshee, Mhetaram, has brought your Highness’ message to this effect, “that you are the friend of the British, and, if it is my wish, will come personally to reside in the Agency for my protection ; and that your people shall not join in the approaching disturbance, and will not oppose the British, &c.” This I have understood, and this is my reply: That if your people behave as you say, no blame will fall upon your Highness; but, if a single follower of yours does join in hostilities against the English,  the penalty will be yours; and, if any of your people are implicated, it cannot be concealed from me, for, depend upon it, I will make thorough investigation.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

    14th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of letter is as under:
    My dear Sir Charles,
              As our communications are not very safe just now, I send duplicates of this morning letters. I hope you will approve of this last attempt I have made to save the Lower Sinde Ameers at least, should the others determine on following a desperate course; otherwise they will, perhaps, advance to meet you at the head of large numbers of Baloochees, who may find favorable positions for annoying your line of march on passing by shikargarhs, and thorough jungles, and may try to cut up followers and foragers, and harass your camp at night; but that will be the extent of their oppositions : I should suppose they are not likely to give you the opportunity of licking them in fair field.
              Be under no apprehension about us; we are now provisioned for a week, and , with our steam, could doubtless continue to supply ourselves, and we can hold our position here against any number of the enemy with 22nd light company, thorough another 100 men would render the communication with the steamer less harassing, should we be closely beleaguered.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.45]

    15th February 1843


    From Halla,Sir Charles Napier writes to Major OUtram and extract from the letter is as under:
    I have this moment received yours of yesterday, as I reached this ground. Do not pledge yourself to anything whatever. I am in full march on Hyderabad, will make no peace with the Ameers. I will attack them instantly, whenever I come up to their troops. They need send no proposals. The time has passed, and I will not receive their messengers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.46]

    15th February 1843
    To avoid another attack on the Residency, British defenders escape with some difficulty on the steamers “Plant” and “Satellite” suffering casualties of three dead and ten wounded and bring with them the Agency Records and some private property.[Goldsmid : “Major-General Sir F.J. James Outram”,Part I, Pg 320-323]

    In spite of knowing the fact all the Ameers with the exception of Nasir Khan of Khyrpore have subscribed to treaty, yet he writes to outram
    as under:
    Do not pledge yourself to anything whatever. Iam in full march on Hyderabad and will make no peace with the Ameers. I will attack them instantly whenever I come up to their troops, they need send no proposals, the time has passed and I will not receive their messengers, there must be no pledge made on any account. [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

    15th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier defeats the combined forces of Hyderabad, Khyrpore and Meerpur.

    16th February 1843

    On the board the “Planet,” Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier informing him that Ameers are moving up to the Galiani and Meeani Shikargarhs. He doubts serious loss and proposes that to drop down in the steamers to fire both Shikargarhs, which can be done easily ftom the river under the steamers’ guns.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.46]

    17th February 1843

    Major Outram writes to Sir Charles Napier. The text of the letter is as under:
    You directed me to send Dr. Gibbon on board the flat, to take charge of the sick of the force, supposing, I conclude, that there was no one else available; I forgot at the the time to mention that there is a young assistant surgeon(Styles) with the 22nd company, and as I suppose you would, if you had known this, have wished one of the two to keep with the steamers, which may look out for casualties to-morrow, I have detained Mr. Styles for the until I receive further orders, which can be sent in good time for Dr. Gibbon to join the force before you march to-morrow morning, should you wish it.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.47]

    18th February 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed .The text of the letter is as under:|
    Syud Imambree, your deputy, came to me with a message from you, that your Highness is the friend of the British, and you did not march with your army beyond your own territory in this fight; therefore, I approve of your Highness’ message. And now it is necessary that you should disperse your troops you have with you, and so keep no one with you, and so keep no one with you(in the shape of any army); and if I find that your Highness has any collected, I shall attack them. If you disperse your troops, and keep no one with you, I shall reckon you just the same as before, – friend and ally of the British.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.47]

    2nd March 1843

    Letter No. 263, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier, Commanding Sind and Baluchistan, regarding re-enforcement of troops in Sind; letter No. 283, dated 6th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier Commanding Sind, intimating that he had asked the Commander-in-Chief to send two regiments of infantry and one of artillery to Sukkur; letter No. 297, dated 8th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier informing that 9th and 55th regiments had been ordered to proceed to Sukkur from Ferozepur and that he had ordered for six steamers with flats for carriage of troops; letter No. 315, dated 13th March 1843, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier expressing doubts of the ability of Bombay Government to send two regiments to Sind and intimating that Bombay Government had been requested to send coal, grapes, heavy guns, and mortars to Sind and asking him to call, if necessary on the Naval officers at Karachi to send guns with seamen to work there; letter No. 323, dated 15th March 1843, from Commanding Sind, informing that as a Native Regiment could not be sent from Bombay, 3 of Infantry and 4 Rissaldars would be sent to Sukkur from Ferozepur and making other arrangements for the dispatch of the army. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (1-2) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (5) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (7-8) &) Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (11-12) &) Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 204 VoI.I. Page No (15-17) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamad Khan. The text of the letter is as under:
    You worte to me, and said you had not joined in battle against the English. I believed you, and told you to disperse your troops, and that you would be safe. Had you done so, you would have been in no danger; but, instead of this, you are rallying the defeated Belaochees; you have increased the number of your troops; and unless you come to my camp at Hyderabad, and prove your innocence, I will march against you, and inflict a signal punishment upon you.
     
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 284, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier approving of his plan of battle and stating that he had asked the Military Secretary to prepare an order relative to the course to be pursued by Prize Agents. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (65) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 285, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charless Napier relating to removal of obstructions to a portion of the waters of the Indus flower into sea near Lakhput. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (81-82) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 286, from Government-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to the retention of the territories on the Right Left Bank of the River Indus. Year, 1840-47… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (209-210) &)

    6th March 1843

    Letter No. 281, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to the preparation of the map showing in different colures the territories belonging to several Ameers. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (213-214) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter from Lord Ellenbrought to Sir Charless Napier congratulating him on his victory gained in a well fought battle.


    6th March 1843


    Letter No. 280, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for reasons stated therein to take upon himself the Government of the Province of Sind and to select such officers in whom he can confide. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (217) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    7th March 1843

    Letter No. 292, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier furnishing him with instructions regarding disposal of booty captured by army in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (77-78) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    10th March 1843

    Letter No. 301, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier relating to suppression of slave trade in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (243-44) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    11th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Jan Meheralli of Jockeya. The text of the letter is as under:
    I have great cause to approve of your conduct, and have reported it to the Governor-General. I am very happy to be of use to your family; the young ladies shall go where they please; and four men of their own, with arms, shall, if they please, accompany them. God forbid that any woman should suffer indignity from me, or from any one under my command, whether such woman belong to a friend or to an enemy. Woman are always to be respected in war. I do not know where your ladies are, so you must write to them.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    13th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to the Governor-General and extract of the letter is as under:

    I had no prejudice against the Ameers; I certainly held their conduct as rulers to be insufferable by any strong Government, but as indivisuals I felt pity for them, as weak princes, whose folly had brought them into difficulties. It was this feeling that made me restore to them their swords, for assuredly I was not insensible to the honor it would be to the family of a private gentleman to possess the swords of so many princes surrendered to him on the field of battle; and I believe by all the rules and customs of war their swords were mine. This was an undoubted proof of my feelings then. Since then I have seen their real character developed, and I do think that such thorough villains I never met with in my life. Meer Sobdar is even worse than the others. He had 5000 men in the action; I doubted this at first, as he was not there in person.

    Being now assured that your Lordship will occupy the country, I can act decidedly, and shall have cover for the troops very soon.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.48]

    14th March 1843

    Letter No. 320, forwarding a copy of the general orders, dated 13th March 1843, presenting to the Sind Horse the standard they from the enemy in battle of Meanee and informing that standards of the three colors of Military Ribbon of India inscribed with words “Hyderabad, 1843” in Persian, English and Hindi languages would be prepared for Sind Horse. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (9-10) &)

    15th March 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Governor-General. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Had scarcely sent my letter of the 13th, when intelligence reached me that 30000 men had assembeled under Meer Shere Mohamed. This I cannot understand; he has not much money, he has not much water, he has not much ammunition, and how he can assemble 30,000 men, I know not. But as this army, suddenly springing up, puzzles my calculation a little, I will take the safe side, and write to Ferozepore for the two regiments of the Native Infantry and company of artillery. I did wish, if possible, to save this expense.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    18th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Ameers of Hyderabad. The text of the letter is as under:
    I have received your letter this day. You must recollect that your intrigues with Meers Shere Mahomed give me a great deal to do. I am also much surprised by the falsehood which you tell. I will no longer bear this conduct; and if you give me any more trouble, by stating gross falsehoods, as you have done in your two letters, I will cast you into prison as you deserve. You are prisoners, and though I will not kill you, as you ordered your people to do to the English, I will put you in iron on board a ship. You must learn,Princes, that if prisoners conspire against those who have conqured them, they will find themselves in danger. Be quiet, or you will suffer the consequences of folly. Your friend, Meer Shere Mahomed, has prevented the letter from the Governor-General, as to your fate, from reaching me; his soldiers intercept the dawks. He is a very weak man, and will soon cause himself to be destroyed, and so will you, unless you submit more quietly to the fate which your own rash folly has brought upon you. I will answer no more of your letters, which are only repetitions of gross falsehoods that I will not submit to.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    18th March 1843

    Letter No. 343, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding copies of his order, dated 15th March 1843, expressing satisfaction on the services rendered in the battle of Meanee by several officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (217) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed Khan of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I will make no terms with you, except unconditional surrender, and security for your person, as the other Ameers have received. We were at peace with you; we made no war with you; you have made unprovoked war upon us, and have cut off our dawks. If you do not surrender yourself a prisoner of war before the 23rd instant, I will march against you and give you battle

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.49]

    20th March 1843

    Letter No. 350, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier appointing Major-General Sampson, Second in Command to the Governor in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (153) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd March 1843

    From Camp, From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mahomed Khan of Meerpore.The text of the letter is as under:
    If the Ameer Meer Shere Mahomed chooses to meet me to-morrow, as I march to attack him at the head of the army; and if he will surrender himself a prisoner without any other conditions than that his life shall be safe, I will receive him. If Beloochee Cheifs choose to accompany him, I will receive them, on condition that they swear obedience to the Governor-General, and then they may return to their village with their followers, and all their rights and possessions shall be secured to them.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.49-50]

    24th March 1843

    From Dubba,four miles from Hyderabad,Sir Charles Napier to the Governor-General informing him about the battle of Dubba and defeat flee of Meer Shere Mohamed.
    He also submits casuality roll of British army men killed and wounded in the action. He also inform Governor-General that the great promoter of the War,- Hosh Mohamed Seede is killed in this battle

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp.50-52]

    26th March 1843

    Sir Charles Napier defeats, Sher Muhammad of Meerpur, the only remaining chief.

    28th March 1843

     Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed of Meerpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Offer to you the same terms as before the battle; the same terms as those given to the other Ameers; what those terms will be I cannot tell you, because I have not yet received the orders of the Governor-General, but I am sure he will treat them generously; however, I promise to you your life, and that your family of women shallbe respected as those of the other Ameers. I advise you to surrender. There is no dishonor in being defeated in battle. To try and defend Omerkote is foolishness. I can batter it down in day, and destroy all within it.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    4th April 1843

    From Meerpore, Sir Charles Napier writes to Wallee Mohamed Khan, Chief of Chandia Tribe. The text of the letter is as under:
    I Honor you for your obedience to the Ameers of Hyderabad. But God has decreed that they are to rule Sinde no more. The British Government is now master, serve it faithfully as you have done the Ameers, and honor and respect will be shown to you. But mind what I say. Keep your own side of the river. Woe to the mountain tribes that cross the Indus into Sinde.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    7th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Shere Mohamed. The text of letter is as under:
    IF you will give back to Aga Khan the plunder you took from Jerruck, and come in make your salaam to me, I will pardon, and be your friend, and your jagheers shall be respected.

     

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    11th April 1843

    The Governor-General issues General orders declaring the defeat of Meer Shere Mohamed. He describes both the victories at Meenain and Dubba as an extra-ordinary achievements of the British army and directs the crops and permit them to bear the word “Hyderabad, 1843”, upon their appointments, standards, and colors.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.53]

    12th April 1843

    Letter No. 423, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier regarding arrangement for carriage of army and introduction of one uniform system for maintaining one commissariat for corps in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (85-87) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    15th April 1843
    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Jam of Jockeyas. The text of the letter is as under:
    You have received the money of the British for taking charge of the dawk; you have betrayed your trust, and stopped the dawks; and you have also and they were your troops. All this I forgive you, because the Ameers were here, and they were your old masters. But the Ameers are now gone from Sinde for over. They defied the British power, and have paid the penalty of so doing. I, as the Governor of Sinde, am now your immediate master. If you come in and make your salaam, and promise fidelity to the British Government, I will restore your lands and former privileges, and the superintendence of the dawks. If you refuse, I will wait till the hot weather is gone past, and then I will carry fire and sword into your territory, and drive you and all belonging to you into the mountains: and if I catch you, I will hang you as a rebel. You have now your choice; choose.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 54]

    15th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Mohamed Khan Talpoor. The text of the letter is as under:
    I never quarrel with a good soldier. Come and make your salaam, serve the British Government, and be faithful; your jagheer shall be safe.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    17th April 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Meer Mohamed Khan of Khyrpore. The text of the letter is as under:
    I advise you to go to Ali Moorad, and remain with him till the pleasure of the Governor-General be known. I recommended to you to join the other Ameers at Bombay; but, till I have the authority of the Governor-General, I can promise nothing but personal security.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    17th April 1843

    Letter No. 443, from Lord Ellen rough to His Excellency Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a general order declaring that no demand would be made declaring that no demand world be made by British Government of any arrears of revenue due to the Ameers but that all revenue from that date would be payable British officers. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (25) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    18th April 1843

    Letter No. 456, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for preparation of a sketch of the last battle, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (229) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    26th April 1843

    Letter No. 645, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier giving instructions with regard to the accounts of receipts and desiring him to incorporate Sind accounts with those of Bengal from after 1st May 1843. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (209-216) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    28th April 1843

    Letter, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding disposal of bullion found in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (139) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    2nd May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Shere Mohamed Khan. The text of the letter is as under:
    In ten days I shall attack you with a larger army than I had on the 24th of March; troops will come upon you in all directions. I do not wish to kill either you or your people, and I advise you to submit in time to the will of the Governor-General; if not, take your fate. Your blood will be on your own hand.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    2nd May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Mohamed Khan Talpoor. The text of the letter is as under:

    Come and make your salaam, and you shall receive from the English Government all you held under the Ameers; I will place the sword which you have sent me, again in your hands, that you may fight as bravely for my nation as you did against us when you served the Ameers.
    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg. 55]

    6th May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Shere Mohamed Khan. The text of the letter is as under:

    You never disbanded your army, as I desired you to do.
    You sent as most insolent letter to me by vakeels. You offered that if I would capitulate, you would let me quit the country; I gave your vakeels the only answer such a letter deserved, namely, that I would answer you with my canon. Soon after that, your brother sent to me a letter, offerings to assassinate you; I sent the letter to you. In my letter, I told you that you were a brave enemy, that I sent you the proposition of your brother, to put you on your guard. I did not say that “you were not an enemy.” If your Highness cannot read, you should get trusty people to read for you. Your Highness has broken treaties; you have made war without the slightest provovcation, and, before a fortnight passes, you shall be punished as you deserve. I will hunt you into the Desert, and into the mountains; if you wish to save yourself, you must surrender within five days.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pp. 55-56]

    11th May 1843

    From Hyderabad, Sir Charles Napier writes to Chief Ahmed Khan Lugharee. The text of the letter is as under:
    I honor a brave soldier, but I have not authority to forgive you. You attacked the residency of a British Envoy, Outram. Your princes themselves accuse you. The Governor-General is in wrath at this insult offered to and yourself, prisoners. I must, therefore, appeal to the Governor-General, and will plead your cause with him. I hope to gain your pardon; but I will not pledge myself to anything which I may not be able to perform. If you come and reside here, I will receive you till his Lordship’s pleasure be known; and, if he refuses pardon, I will give you forty-eight hours to depart unmolested.

    [“Correspondence Related to Scinde” Pg.56]

    11th May 1843

    Letter No. 544, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier requesting him for transmission to Bombay of captured guns at Cabool. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (267-269) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th May 1843

    Letter No. 624, from Government of Bombay to Sir Charles Napier in connection with appointments of Deputy Collectors in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (283-285) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th May 1843

    Letter No. 621, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier giving instructions as to how the debts of the ex-Ameers should be paid by British Government. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (367-368) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th June 1843

    Letter No 655, from Governor-General  in Council to Sir Charles Napier relating to the re-opening of ancient connection between the Indus and Nara so as to make the latter flow to the District of Omerkote. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (359-360) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    Letter No. 670, from Governor-General of India to Sir Charles Napier informing that he asked the Commissary General to procure camels for the use of the army in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (95-96) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th June 1843

    Jacob wins the day in an all but beloved-less victory over Sher Muhammad at Shahdadpur.
     [Robert A. Huttenback: “British Relation with Sind” pg 102]

    15th June 1843

    Letter No. 234, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier authorizing him to raise a camel corps necessary for establishing and securing tranquility in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (319-320) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th June 1843

    Letter No. 686, from Government of India to Governor of Sind intimating that his Lordship had decided that Meer Alimurad was to retain possession of all the lands before held in his own rights and to have all those attached to the “Turban” and communicating remarks on the subject of abolishing inland transit duties. Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (69)

    28th June 1843

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier, Governor of Sind, to Governor-General of India detailing principles he had laid down for the guidance of Captain Pope appointed to take charge of the conquered territory in the north of Sind; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (89-93)

    28th June 1843

    Letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India reporting the instructions he had issued to Captain Pope in regard to the lands appertaining Khan, as well as those belonging to to Meer Rustom Khan which he had remarking on the legality of the transfer made by Meer Rustom Khan to the latter Chief; letter No. 260, dated 23rd July 1843, from Government of India to Governor of Sind approving generally of the orders which had been given to Captain Pope and communicating His Lordship’s sentiments and instructions on the subject of the lands to which Meer Alimurad was entitled; letter, dated 24th July 1843, from Governor of Sind to Government of India enclosing a transcript of the will of Meer Sohrab Khan Talpur, and suggesting the formation of a commission to determine the limits of the lands to which Alimurad was entitled. Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (89-93) Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (95-103) Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (107-110)

    20th July 1843

    Letter No. 239, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier forwarding extract paragraph of a letter of 3ed June 1843, from the Secret Committee asking for supply of copies of certain documents relating to the abdication of Meer Rustom Khan, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (111) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd July 1843

    Letter No. 260, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier conveying the Governor General’s views and sentiments in regard to the lands to which Meer Alimurad was entitled. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (77-83) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    23rd July 1843

    Letter No. 260, from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind making enquiries and asking for some papers required in connection with the alleged cession to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of lands held by Meer Rustomkhan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (95-103)

    25th June 1843

    Letter No. 701, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier congratulating him or success of Lieutenant-Colonel Robert at Sehwan and on capture of Meer Sher Mohammed Khan’s brother. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (351) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    27th July 1843

    Letter No. 258, from Government of India to Governor of Sind desiring him to furnish Government with a sketch of the country between Subzulkote and Rohri showing the several district possessions of ex-Ameers and their value and indicating also the several purgunahs, if any, belonging to Meer Alimurad and those attached to ‘Turbon’ so as to enable the Governor-General to decide at once what portions of the country intervening between those districts should be assigned to the Nawab of Bahawalpur; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (13)

    29th July 1843

    Letter No. 267, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier selecting Captain Young as Judge Advocate for Sind.

    6th August 1843

    Letter No. from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind requesting him to represent to His Highness for reversion of the three forts to the Rajah of Jessulmere.

    16. – Treaty between Honourable the Company and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (161-164)

    8th August 1843

    Letter No. 296, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a copy of the report from the Chemical Examiner on the specimen of Saltpeter manufactured in Lower Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (135-136) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    August 1843

    Letter No. 298, from Governor-General of India to Governor of Sind forwarding his sentiments on his letters of 13th and 18th July relating to the transactions with the Ameers and Chiefs of Sind before and subsequent to the battle of Meanee. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (85-86) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th August 1843

    Letter No. 305, from Lord Ellen borough to Sir Charles Napier relating to the appointment of Captain Baker and other officers in charge of survey operations in Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (33-34) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th August 1843

    Letter from Governor of Sind to Governor-General of India forwarding copies of the correspondence on the subject and making remarks; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (138-143)

    16th August 1843

    Letter No. 316, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a copy of his letter No. 315 of even date to Governor-General’s Agent in Rajputana on subject of dispatch of a detachment or a portion of Jodhpur force to Omerkote. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (27) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    16th August 1843

     letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India acknowledging receipt of their letter of 23rd July and remarking on the transfer of the ‘Turban’ and the rights attached thereto by Meer Rustom Khan to Alimurad Khan; enclosing copy of Meer Rustom Khan’s enclosing copy of Meer Rustom Khan’s resignation of the ‘Turban’; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

    17th August 1843

    letter No. 317, from Government of India to Governor of Sind stating the inference which the Governor-General had drawn from wording of the will of the late Ameer and directing that Captain Pope or Captain French if he had joined, Sheikh Ali Hussain, should form the Commission proposed by His Excellency; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

    21st August 1843

     letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India in compliance with the requisition contained in their letter of 27th July 1843; forwarding copy of a report from Captain Pope of the country lying between Subzulkote and Rohri; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (73)

    26th August 1843

    Letter No. 334, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier, Governor of Sind, forwarding for information and guidance copy of a dispatch from Honorable the Secret Committee relating to Prize property at Hyderabad. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (75) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    24th August 1843

    Letter No. 574, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier conveying his remarks on the difference of opinion between the Commander-in-Chief and Governor on Sind respecting the mode of investing the conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely and others. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (193-197) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1843

    Letter No.328, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding measures to be taken for prevention of smuggling of opium through Sind. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (171-172) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    25th August 1843

    Letter No. 1224, from Government of India to Sir Charles Napier relative to suppression of all native  mints in Sind as also to the prohibition of further coinage of Sind rupees. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I Page No (193-198) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    31st August 1843

    letter, from Governor of Sind to Government of India in reply to their letter of 9th August 1843 stating that a copy of the writing in the Koran would be sent by Captain Pope; that enquiry was being made as to the rights of the Turban, and that Ameers assumed Jagheers at pleasure; also explaining how Meer Alimurad occupied all the lands in Northern Sind; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (80)

    3rd September 1843

    Letter No. 355, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier regarding appointment of Captain Tait as Resident at Khyrpore. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (111-112) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    3rd September 1843

    Letter No. 356, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier relating to adoption of Bombay Customs House Regulations at Karachi. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI. Page No (119) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th September 1843

    Letter No. 359, from Governor-General in Council to Sir Charles Napier informing him that one of the three guns captured after the battle of Meanee would be sent to England to be kept on the terrace at Windsor and the other two to be placed at the foot of the monument at Bombay and desiring him to send a fourth one which he would place in front of the Government House at Calcutta. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.I. Page No (379-380) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    9th September 1843

    Letter No. 343, from Government of India to Government of Bombay intimating that orders had been issued for the relief of the Bombay army by the Bengal army. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.Page No (51) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    13th September 1843

     Letter No. 376, from Government of India to Governor of Sind, acknowledging receipt of the preceding dispatch and forwarding copy of translation by the Foreign Secretary of the Turban, &c., to Meer Alimurad Khan;

    Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (70)

    13th September 1843

    Letter No. 376 from Government of India to Government of Sind forwarding papers by which Meer Rustomkhan ceded the turban and lands, &c , to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    15. There   forts   of   Guttoorah, Shahgarh and Gursia in the desert.

    Claims of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan over: – Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (144)

    16th September 1843

    Letter No. 137, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him copies of despatches from Political Commissioner, Gujrat, and others regarding surrender of Khosa Chiefs on the border of Cutch and Thar.

    18th September 1843

    Letter No. 381, from Governor-General to Sir Charles Napier forwarding him a list of the corps ordered to be sent relieve the Bombay troops, &c. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoII. Page No (147) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    19th September 1843

     letter No. 384, from Government of India to Governor of Sind conveying the observations and instructions regarding the eventual division of the country between Subzulkote and Rohri, the portions to the allotted by the British Government to the Nawab of Bahawalpur and Meer Alimurad Khan, respectively; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 201 page No (73)

    8th October 1843

     letter No.811, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Captain Pope, Collector of Sukkur, directing him to furnish Meer Alimurad Khan and Governor-General of India with the information he had on the question relating to his Highness’s claim to certain lands lying between Rohri and Subzalkote; Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 206

    24th October 1843

     Letter No. 102, from Captain Pope to Government of India transmitting information on the above question. Year, 1842-47 … Department, Political … File No, 206

    15th March 1845

    Letter No. 325, from Governor-General to His Excellency Sir Charles Napier giving him instructions to follow after the conquest. Year, 1843-44… Department, Political … File No, 200 VoI.II. Page No (17-19) //”Alphabetical Catalogue of the Contents of the Pre-mutiny Records of the Commissioner in Sindh”)

    4th May 1845

    Letter No. 92, from Governor of Sind to Governor-General submitting draft of a proposed treaty between the British Government and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan Talpur; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (176-177)

    19th May 1845

    Letter No. 108, from Governor of Sind to Governor-General submitting copies of a translation of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan and of the Governor’s observations on it, in continuation of his letter, dated 4th May 1845, forwarding draft of a proposed treaty with Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (189)

    19th May 1845

    Letter No. 1206, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Government of India forwarding a draft of a treaty between Honorable the East India Company and His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan a copy of His Highness’s letter with His Excellency’s observations thereon; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (189-191) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (179-188)

    20th May 1845

    Letter, No. 109, from Governor of Sind, to Government of India forwarding for submission to the Governor-General copy of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Governor-General relative to the proposed treaty; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (198)

     22nd May 1845

    Letter, No. 112,from Governor of Sind to Supreme Government enclosing translation of a letter from Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Governor-General and one from the same Chief to the address of the Governor of Sind soliciting certain modifications in the treaty proposed to be concluded with His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (200)

    24th October 1845

    Letter, No. 396, from Government of India to Governor of Sind in reply to above communicating the remarks and observations of the Governor-General on the subject. Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (206-218)

    3rd January 1846

    President Breton at Swally Marine writes to the East India Company that through we have been frustrated because of great quantities of indigo, but cloth of Sindh afforded much better encouragement.
    [Foster: “English Factories in India-1646-1650.” P.18]

    21st January 1846

    John Spiller reports to the Surat factors about the scarcity prevailing in the commercial and the trade community of Sindh.
    [Foster: “English Factories in India-1646-1650.” P.18]

    28th April 1846

    Letter No. 40, from the Resident at Khyrpore regarding; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (341)

    4th May 1846

    Letter No. 1066, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Resident at Khyrpore directing him to call upon Meer Mohamed Khan to prove his right over lands he held in the time of Ex-Ameers; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (349)

    5th May 1846

    Letter No. 652, from Collector of Shikarpur to Government of Sind on the subject of various claims preferred by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (341-342)

    19th May 1846

    Letter No.1218, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Shikarpur informing him that His Excellency was of opinion that all boundary questions be deferred until next cold season when the deputies would decide the questions on the spot; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (350)

    19th May 1846

    Letter, No59, from Governor of Sind to Government of India requesting for reasons mentioned therein written by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan, protesting against the terms of the proposed treaty of 1845 between the British Government and His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (203)

    13th July 1846

    Letter No. 1804, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Shikarpur directing that what was in Meer Mohomed Khan’s possession on 17th February 1843 should be restored to him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (351)

    24th August 1846

    Letter No. 2198, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Resident Khyrpore on the above subject; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (353-354)

    28th September 1846

    Letter, No. 136 from Governor of Sind to Government of India forwarding copy of a letter from the Resident of Khyrpore, bringing to notice the solicitude of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan respecting the treaty between the British Government and His Highness; Year, 1849 … Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (204-205)

    24th October 1846

    Letter No. 396, from Government of India to Government of Sind making remarks on the above and asking for information on certain points before passing final orders on the question; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (193-198) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (206-218)

    18th January 1847

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier to Governor-General of India submitting his reply to the above reference and stating that for reasons given therein he was of opinion that all lands held by Meer Ali Murad Khannorth of Rohri belonged to him by gift and those in the south of Rohri were His Highness’s by right;memorandum, drawn up by Commissioner in Sind, of npoints on which Captain Hardinge was requested to obtain information from His Excellency Sir Charles Napier relative to the proposed treaty with His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (218-228) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (247-255)

    18 February 1847

    Letter No. 362, from Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Hyderabad, requesting him to wait upon the Ameer with a view to arranging with His Highness for an exchange of land adjoining Sadhuja in place of such scattered villages as may be inconveniently location in the Hyderabad Collectorate; Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 pages No (I)

    20th February 1847

    Letter No.122, from Collector of Hyderabad to Secretary to Government of Sind submitting his report on the above question and recommending for reasons stated therein that negotiations on the subject be dropped for the present and that the Ameer be informed that the terms proposed by him could not be accepted on the part of Government and that Government would be prepared to exchange land with him when on any other occasion His Highness felt inclined to re-open the question and offered more favorable terms. Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 page No (3-7)

    22nd February 1847

    Letter No. 420, from the Secretary to Government of Sind to Collector of Hyderabad informing that His Excellency would only exchange land on equal terms of produce, &c. Year, 1847-55… Department, Political … File No, 266 page No (9-10)

    6.  (A). – Boundary line between Hyderabad Collectorate and Khyrpore State-

    10th April 1847

    Memorandum, from His Excellency Sir Charles Napier to Resident at Khyrpore informing that he saw no reason to interfere with the affairs of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan whose subjects the petitioners were and for whose good conduct His Highness was responsible to British Government, *c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (453-456)

    26th August 1847

    Letter No. 768, from Collector of Hyderabad to Commissioner in Sind regarding- Year, 52… Department, Political … File No, 266 A

    27th January 1848

    Letter in Persian, from His Highness Meer of Khyrpore to the Resident, Khyrpore, informing that the establishment of a Cantonment at Kandhkot and abolition of a bazar at Ghulamma would be inconvenient and prove injurious to the people, his subjects of those places, and requesting to be informed of the reason for taking the above measures; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (155-157)

    27th January 1848

    Letter No. 7 from the Resident to Government of Sind transmitting the above for necessary action; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 292page No (153)

    9th February 1848

    Letter No.321, from Commissioner in Sind to Assistant Adjutant-General in Sind requesting to be informed when any modifications could be suggested in the above arrangements as the British Government could not occupy the posts without His Highness’s permission. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (59)

    14th February 1848

    Letter No. 181, from the Assistant Adjutant-General to Commissioner in Sind explaining the reason for opening the Cantonment, &c., and required him to induce the Ameer to grant the required permission. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (161-162)

    1st March 1848

    Letter No. 489, from Commissioner in Sind to Resident at Khairpoor transmitting copies of the letter from the Assistant Adjutant-General in Sind and requesting him to inform the Ameer that it was through oversight that he was not consulted and that the object in opening the post at Kandhkot was the maintenance of peace on the Frontier, an object in which both British Government and the Ameer were equally interested. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 292 page No (171-172)

    28th May 1848

    (b) Boundaries. – Letter, No. 119, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind relating to boundaries of Meer Ali Murad Khan’s share in the District in Upper Sind; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (59-69)

    8th July 1848

    Letter, No. 166, from Collector of Shikarpur to Major Jacob, Commanding the Frontier, forwarding certain documents which would be useful to him in settling the question relating to boundaries of lands claimed by their Highnesses the Khan of Kelat and Khyrpore; Year, 1848… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (115-118)

    12th July 1848

    Letter No. 167 to Commissioner in Sind on the above subject. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 291 page No (120-122)

    (c) Boundaries. – Settlement of Captain Dansey, on Special duty, in respect of the clain preferred by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan on the northern boundary of the Hyderabad Collectorate, extending from Karie Bhit to Photah Durrah on the Jesulmere Frontier, 1857. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 203 page No (1-120)

    (d) Boundaries. – Khyrpore State- Diary of proceedings of Capatain C.E. Dansey in arbitration of the claims of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan Talpur on the British possessions of deh Bolrah and Makkar Phool Wahan, held in Jagheer by Meer Mohomed Khan Talpoor. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (1-200)

    Record  and  definition by Captain Dansey on Special duty of the northern boundary of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s possessions. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (201-338)

    Record and definition of boundary claims preferred on behalf of the Khyrpore State by its accredited agent Diwan Mansing before Captain Dansey. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (339-378)

    Captain Dansey’s settlement of the claim made by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan on the southern boundary of deh Trimoh and Char held in Jagheer by Meer Ahmed Khan Talpoor, A.D. 1857. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (465-603)

    Record and definition by Captain Dansey on special duty of the boundaries of British isolated possessions of dehs Kingri, Badhshapur and Rahoojah in His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s possessions of purgunnah Laddah Gagun. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 294 page No (465-603)

    7- Frontier Outposts.-

    26th July 1848

    Letter No. 95, from Resident, Khyrpore State to Commissioner in Sind forwarding a copy of a letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan showing how Meer Mohomed Khan’s Jagheers came into his possession &c; petition from Meer Mohomed Ali Khan and Meer Ali Mohomed Khan son of Meer Mubarak Khan Talpoors soliciting Government to make provision for their support. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (357-358) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 pages No (359-362) Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (398)

    8th August 1848

    Letter No. 3237, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind forwarding the petition for report; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (397-398)

    25th November 1848

    Letter No. 3182, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of a memorandum recorded by His Excellency the late Governor on a similar petition made by the above individuals which would place the Governor in Council in possession of Sir Charles Napier’s view case. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (399-400)

    Memorandum of February 1847 by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan showing what estates be allowed to the sons of late Meer Rustom Khan and Bijar Khan, &c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290

    8th December 1848

    Letter No. 5116, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind acknowledging receipt of his letter of 25th ultimo and desiring him to favour Government with his opinion on the subject of the reference made to him; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (413-414)

    29th January 1849

    Letter No. 1720, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind re-claim of Meer Ali Murad Khan, Ruler of Khyrpore, over lands near Janidera. Year, 1845… Department, Political … File No, 276 page No (221-222)

    8.Appointment of a Commission to investigate in the accusation against His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore of having made interpolations and additions in the treaty of Noornihar between Meers Rustom Khan and Nassr Khan and himself,&c.

    25th February 1849

    Letter No. 49 from Governor of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind informing that with regard to affairs of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan, Ruler of Khyrpore, Government would not agree with him in his suggestion that His Highness should at once be pronounced guilty of the charge of forgery and that therefore a Committee was appointed composed of (I) Commissioner in Sind, (2) Major Jacob, Political Superintendent, Upper Sind Frontier, and (3) Major Lang, Political Agent, Kathiawar, to investigate the matter; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (145-146)

    6th July 1849

    Letter No. 1422, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur requesting him to obtain information as to the approximate annual value of village of Dadloo and Purgunahs of Mathelo Meerpur, and Meherkee held by His Highness in right of cession made to him by Meer Naseer Khan, distinguishing in the case of Mathela, the revenue of the village from that of the Purgunah of that name; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (151)

    16th July 1849

    Letter No. 379, from Collector of Shikarpur supplying the above information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (153-154)

    24th July 1849

    Letter No. 1511, from Commissioner in Sind asking for further information in connection with Purgunahs of Meerpur and Meherkee; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, A page No (159)

    31st July 1849

    Letter No. 440, from the Collector supplying the information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (181-184)

    21st September 1849

    Letter from Sir Charles Napier showing  his  recollections on the question. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (255-260)

    17.- Memorandum by Captain Brown, Secretary to Government of Sind, on British entering Sind in 1838, and on Rulers of Upper-Sind, three brothers Meer Rustom Khan, Mubarak Khan and Ali Murad Khan.

    18. – Dispute between Meer Ali Murad Khan and Meers Rustom Khan and Nuseer Khan on certain villages. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (275-279)

    3rd October 1849

    Correspondence ending with letter No. 1905, from Commissioner in Sind to Governor of Bombay submitting a full report on the several points mentioned in the above letter and recommending for reasons stated that the petitioners be removed from the protection of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan and that an annual assignment of Rs. 20,000 would be sufficient for their maintenance and that the Khyrpore State be located in any part of Hyderabad district, &c; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (419-427)

    30th October 1849

    Letter No. 330, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind asking for further information on the subject; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (457-459)

    8th November 1849

    Letter No, 2174, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay furnishing the information called for and showing how he noticed the deficiency in kindness and liberality in the general treatment accorded by His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the sons of ex-Ameers; Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (459-463)

    4th December 1849


    Letter No. 356, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind directing him to induce His Highness when he visited Khyrpore at the time of annual tour, to make up the income of the children of the ex-Ameers and should he fail to secure better treatment for them His Highness he should at once rep ort the result to Government to enable them to take suitable action in the matter. Year, 1849… Department, Political … File No, 290 page No (464-468)

    25th February 1850

    Letter No. 49, to the address of Commissioner in Sind; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (1-144)

    11th March 1850

    Letter No. 119, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind informing that  he was successful in persuading His Highness Meer Ali Murad in retaining a portion of the animal he presented to His excellency Governor-General and suggesting that the saddles and gear be sent to Karachi and sold; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (33-36)

    16th March 1850

    Letter No. 528, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur accepting the above suggestion and requesting him to forward the horse and the camel presented by His Highness to Collector of Hyderabad; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (37)

    16th March 1850

    Letter No. 531, forwarding copy of the above for information; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68page No (39-40)

    8th April 1850

     

    Letter, from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan informing him that Government have appointed a Commission with the Commissioner as President to investigate the matter of certain interpolations made in the treaty of Noornihar by His Highness and requesting him to furnish explanation upon the subject as a preliminary to the further proceedings; Letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to Commissioner in Sind expressing his surprise and indignation at the charge preferred against him which he denied and enquiring whether arrangements made by Sir Charles Napier in the settlement of affairs would be continued and informing that on receipt of reply he would enter into further correspondence on the matter;  Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (181-184)

    15th April 1850

    Letter, from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness acquainting him of his arrival at Sukkur and stating that no other matter except the one mentioned in the Commissioner’s first letter would be enquired into and requesting him that he would appoint a day for commencing the proceedings, &c.; letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind informing that he would visit Sukkur in person but he would require a previous notice; correspondence ending with Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (185-188)

    19th April 1850

    Letter from Commissioner in Sind informing His Higness that the Commissioner would meet on 20th idem and that they would be ready to receive evidence of any witness His Highness wished to bring in his defence; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (199-200)

    Letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind informing that he had several witnesses of respectability whom he would bring on the appointed day proceedings of the Commission assembled at Sukkur agreeably to the instructions conveyed in Government. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (203)

    1st May 1850

    Letter, from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind forwarding a copy of a letter written by Meer Mohomed Hassan and Meer Naseer Khan to Meer Rustom Khan advising him not to proceed to Khyrpore; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (233-235)

    2nd May 1850

    Letter from His Highness to Commissioner in Sind complaining that Government should have thought fit to listen to his enemies, &c.; Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (245)

    8th May 1850

    Letter No, 840, from Commissioner in Sind to Governor and President in Council, Bombay, transmitting the proceedings of the Commission with his opinion on the subject. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 334 page No (245)

    9th May 1850

    Letter from Commissioner in Sind to His Highness informing him that the conduct of the relations of British Government with him had been entrusted to Collector of Shikarpur who would give every attention to any representation from His Highness and that his request for a Resident stationed at Khyrpore would be borne in mind when a suitable opportunity occurred.

    11- Compresentation for stolen property.

    Representation made to His Highness Meer Ali Murad in the matter of demand made upon British subjects for compensation for stolen property recovered by his officials;

     Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (344)

    6th June 1850

    Letter No. 378, from Collector of Hyderabad to Commissioner in Sind informing that he was able to dispose of the things for value of Rs.2975. Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 68 page No (43-44)

    9. – H. H. Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan’s case: Commission of enquiry into alleged frauds commission by-in Naushahro treaty; Year, 1851-56… Department, Political … File No, 234

    20th November 1850

    Letter No. 498, from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind submitting for instructions a copy of a letter from Lieutenant Younghusband complaining of a practice obtainable in the Khyrpore State where the State officials levied one fourth from the proprietor of the stolen property recovered;Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (1-2)

    26th November 1850

    Letter No. 1942, from Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur desising, for reason stated therein, that representation be made to His Highness inducing him to forego the demand of any compensation from the British subjects in such cases as to permit them to be adjudicated by British Officers.

    12. – His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore petitions to Commissionner in Sind by Shaikh Ali Hassan ex Minister making certain charges against-Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (7-8)

    1st September 1851

    Letter No. 1771, from  Commissioner in Sind to Collector of Shikarpur asking him to call upon Shaikh Ali Hassan to explain what was the claim of British Government on His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan for an annual revenue of ten or twelve lakhs of rupees, &c; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (131-132)

    Letter No. 1772, of even date from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay transmitting copies of the above; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (133)

    27th September 1851

    Letter No. 674, and its accompaniments from Collector of Shikarpur to Commissioner in Sind submitting his reply; Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (135-136)

    12th October 1851

    Letter No.2135, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting copies of the above and commenting on the right of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to more than his patrimonial share and the share appertaining to the Raisshipe and asking for orders of Government on the question. Year, 1851… Department, Political … File No, 247 page No (201-204)

    13. – Revenue and charge of the Districts resumed from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan.

    26th December 1851

    Letter No. 79 from Government of India furnishing detailed instructions for enforcement of their orders degrading him from rank of rais and transferring all his lands and territories, excepting those hereditary possessions; which were allotted to him by his father, to British Empire in India. Year, 1851-56… Department, Political … File No, 234 page No (205-212)

    10. – Appointment of Political Resident.

    Letter from His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan of Khyrpore to Commissioner in Sind asking for appointment of one of the two officers (Mr. Inverarity and Captain Leister) as Resident at Khyrpore;Year, 1850… Department, Political … File No, 232 page No (343-344)

    27th January 1853

    Letter No. 24, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind for supply of information relative to the amount of revenue derivable from-; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (1)

    5th February 1853

    Letter No. 261, of from Commissioner in Sind to all Collectors for supply of the above information; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (3)

    5th April 1853

    Letter No. 118, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting with remarks copies of returns received from District Officers; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (29-31)

    23rd May 1853

    Letter No. 2214, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind requesting him to furnish a statement showing annual revenue serived from the accession of the territories by recent transactions with His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (119)

    28th June 1853

    Letter No. 327, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay furnishing the above; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (175-178)

    15th September 1853

    Letter No. 4042, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind asking him to explain certain discrepancies in the figures supplied in the two references referred to above; Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (179-181)

    14th January 1854

    Correspondence ending  with letter No. 12, from Commissioner  in Sind to Government of Bombay complying with Government request. Year, 1853-59… Department, Political … File No, 296 page No (205-206)

    14. – State matters.

    20th November 1856

    Letter, from His Highness to the Chairman, Court of Directors, Honourable East India Company, stating that as suggested by him he had sent his wishes in writing and requesting that the differences which had arisen between him British Government be settled and justice done to him. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (242-243)

    7th January 1857

    Despatch No. 3, from the Court of Directors to Government of India directing that the measure by which His Highness Meer Ali Murad was deprived of the rank and of a judicial investigation in which he had opportunity of defending himself and that the decision so passed was final; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (241-242)

    16th February1857

    Letter, from Colonel Pope to Government of Bombay informing that the statement which appeared in an English paper of the circumstances under which he was deceived by His Highness who obtained possession of the Purgunnah of Mathelo in Upper Sind, was entirely erroneous so far he was concerned in the affair and that he asked for permission of Government to contradict it. But before doing so he requested that it should be ascertained from the records whether he did not, while Collector of Sukkur, collect and bring to account there revenues of the Purgunnah of Mathelo and whether any particular report from him on that subject was on the records. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (211-215)

    4th March 1857

    Letter No. 1031, from Government of India to Government of Bombay forwarding a copy of the above and requesting for transmission of Government of India’s letter No. 1030 of even date to His Highness; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (241)

    21st March 1857

    Letter No. 1186, from Government of  Bombay to Commissioner in Sind forwarding copies of the above for record in his office. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (239-240)

    25th April 1857

    Letter No. 175, from Collector, Upper Sind, to Commissioner in Sind submitting copies of references addressed by Colonel Pope which might explain the views entertained by him on the claims advanced by His Highness; Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (217-219)

    10th September 1857

    Secret letter No. 1847 from the Honourable the Secret Committee to His Excellency the Governor in Council transmitting (I) a copy of a telegram from His Majesty’s Minister at Vienna informing that Mr. Coffey, the conductor of His Highness the Meer, who was embarking at Trieste for India stated that the prince was angry at the neglect of his claim and that it was likely that he would join whichever side appeared to him strongest, (2) letter dated August 1857, from Court of Directors to the address of His Highness informing that the proper course for him was to return to his country and to manifest his zeal and fidelity in the service of British Government under the protection and guidance of Commissioner in Sind and that his case would be favorably considered when any such reports were received from the Commissioner. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (275-276)

    1st November 1857

    Letter from from His Highness the Meer of Khyrpore to Commissioner in Sind acknowledging receipt of his letter and expressing his loyalty for the British Government and desire to serve Government whenever required;letter No .421, 17th November 1857, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay transmitting copy of the above for information; letter No. 3080, dated 2nd December 1857, from Government of Bombay to Commissioner in Sind directing that His Highness might be informed that his letter expressing his fidelity to Government would be forwarded to the Honorable the Secret Committee. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (283-284)

    9. – Present made to and received from Chiefs.

    6th February 1858

    Letter No. 94, from Commissioner in Sind to Government of Bombay submitting the information he succeeded in obtaining on the subject referred to-Visit of His Highness Meer Ali Murad to England and return of His Highness to Khyrpore. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (233-235)

    Result of- Petition of His Highness Meer Ali Murad Khan to the Queen’s Most Excellent Majesty for the restoration of the rank of Rais and of a portion of his territory. Year, 1857… Department, Political … File No, 305 page No (242-243)

     

  • OM MANDLI- SOURCE-MATERIAL ON ITS PAST

    OM MANDLI- SOURCE-MATERIAL ON ITS PAST

    BY DR. DUR MUHAMMAD PATHAN

     We have never researched any event, organization or personality of past as required to research methodology, but have believed  as has been narrated, described and  desired by their followers and lovers. We accept, what so ever we are told. But, never peep into the past and search real truth. In the last decade before partition, Om Mandli was established by a person known as Bhai Lekhraj and a lady Radhae was also master-mind of the adventure. It was an organization of socio-religious nature and  though, religious-cum-spiritual-oriented education was being imparted, but  pages of history proves that it was also  a movement for advocating for free-sex  approaches. This Mandli was formed by wives of Sindhworkis so as get rid of worries created by isolation due to longest waiting for their husbands. Some of these ladies opted for religious activities, some of them started social work and few of them accepted ground realities and started meeting their social/sexual needs on their own with creating circles.In India, Om Mandli has taken a different shape and is discharging its services in the field of Hindu Religion and Education and is headed by female leaders but, in Sindh it is headed by Bhai Lekhraj who became controversial and disputed for so many reasons. Such as the criteria of Hindu religion about becoming Jagat Guro. He was not of that rquired age at the time of his claim of Jagat Guro. It is said that some personal differences with Bhaiband community brought problems for him. Such as marrying of his daughter Palu with Mukhi Motiram Dhanrajmal outside his community. But, this was not the serious and real cause of opposing him and his teaching/philosophy. The reason was different. His teaching followed by girls and grown up ladies, who in their respective positions in their families as daughters and wives took to abnormal courses of conduct: marraiageable daughters declining to get married and married wives refusing to live with their husbands. Even widows reacted in violation of their religious teachings. For example Rukmani Bai, daughter-in-Law of Bhai Hassomal Thakurdas refuse to live in her father-in-law’s house but rented a house CLOSED TO OM NIVAS. Bhaibands were not only against Bhai Lekhraj, but every political party and every outstanding Sindhi Hindu took keen interest in agitation launched against Bhai Lekhraj and his Om Mandli.

     Sadhu Vaswani a man of name and fame issued call. It reads: ‘My appeal is to all my countrymen. The Om Mandli is a dean of darkness. Close it down without delay. Your children, my dear Sindhi countrymen are your richest treasure. Bring out all your children from the dark den of Om Mandli, and let all young widows come out of its poisonous atmosphere. What a shame that immoralities should go unchecked in this land of the Vedic Rishis’. This Call was carried by so many papers in Sindh. It is my hypothesis that Bhai Lekhraj intended to introduce free sex philosophy in Sindhi Hindus and faced very tough time from Hindus.

    During the days of aggitatation against Om Mandli, political leaders, writers, social workers and other people spoke a lot about Bhai Lekhraj and his Om Mandli. Khanchand Gopaldas, Advocate urged that :” My Country men ! This Mandli has thrown many girls and women into abyss. Let us not forget that the guide to freedom is the gread Gospel of Social Morality. You can not save freedom by selling the souls of girls and women”. D.D.Chawdhry advised people of Karachi that :” Om Mandli is responsible for the breakdown of so many happy homes and should therefore be stamped out by the Karachi public as was done by the public of Hyderabad’.  Hassaram Pamnani of Rohri and Member of the Sindh Legislative Assembly  was of view that :” The doctrine of Dada Lekhraj asking women to refuse conjugal rights to husbands was opposed to all the cannons of all religions”. Karsondas Manek shared his views that :” This modern Krishna, unlike the ancient one, taught women to reble against their husbands and treat them as dogs”.Shrimati Kamla Hiranand was sure that :” Dada was running the show of the Mandli for his own pleasure’. Eminent writer Jethmal Parsram always called it ‘Om Khandli’. Let me put on record that present generation will not have an idea of the magnitude of subjectivity in the official narration of the history of the Om Mandli until and unless peep into past and go through  of pages to know truth about the Om Mandli.

    People, those were againsit Bhai Lekhraj his philosophy and Om Mandli, all were men of name and fame. SADHU VASWANI was not only Hindu Philospher but, outstanding scholar of his own right. After migration to India, he was treated , accepted and respected as Saint Philosopher. SHEWAKRAM  KHUBCHAND DASWANI was partner with  Bhai Lekhraj in his business at Calcutta and were living in same building for years. He was witness to his personal life and his affidavit speaks a lot against Bhai Lekhraj. It was submitted along with application to the Chief Secretary. DEWAN DOULATRAM BULCHAND ADVANI was an outstanding figure of Hyderabad, he was head of so many social and educational organizations and he served Hyderabad as the President of Municipality. JETHMAL PARSRAM was an outstanding ‘man of letters’, educationist and journalist. He played vital role in freedom movement. VISHNO SHARMA was an eminet journalist and freedom fighter, who was sentenced to imprisonment for his pen work against the Government. KAMLA DEVI and her husband HIRANAND KARAMCHAND were known journalists and Congress Activists. COITHRAM P. GIDWANI was Congress leader, likewise PROF.GHANSHYAMDAS was Congress leader and member of the Sindh Legislative Assembly. RAI BAHADUR GOKALDAS MEWALRAM was eminent politician from Larkano and Minister in Sindh Cabinet.D.D.CHOUDRI  was Insuarance Expert and Municipal Councillor. He was associated with various Labour Unions and was nominated on various Bodies by Karachi Municipality, he was also Secretary of Hindu Sabha.RAI BAHADUR JAGATSING AILMAL was former Collector and origional member of Om Mandli and afterwards one of its opponents.He was witness to the inner story of that organization. SHAMDAS P. GIDWANI was the President of Hindu Maha Sabha. He was one of the founders of Social Service League, and head of Social and Educational organizations. I am not here to throw light on lives and achievements of every man or woman who plyed his/her anti-Om Mandli role, but the attention of readers is invited to the point that almost all political parties, panchayats and people length and breadth of Sindh were against Om Mandli and most of agitators were famous and outstanding in their fields. Whereas, Bhai Lekhraj was not supported by popular figures. Radhe was the only Om Mandli leader (President) on all fronts. In courts, in press and every where. Though, Bhai Lekhraj and Radhe, Om Mandli and their Philosophy stood isolated, but with courage and determination not to surrender.

    In spite of vigorous opposition Bahi Lekhraj remained determined to go ahead and he gave tough time in this way  to his opponents also. He influenced and affected more than 50 Hindu castes. People belonging to and affiliated with him and his New Philosophy number in hundreds. I have studied his influence and people’s attachment from various aspects.It  can help readers of history to understand Bhai Lekhraj and his philosophy. Let us start with age-wise classification of his close friends and followers as in 1938. I have gone through list of those people. Their age-wise number is as follow: [Age is indicated first and it follows number of people] 5 years-3, 6 years-9, 7 years-4, 8 years-12, 9 years-8, 10 years-8, 11 years-19, 12 years-18, 13 years-14, 14 years-15, 15 years-14, 16 years-8, 17 years-11, 18 years-13, 19 years-6, 2o years-4, 21 years-4, 22 years-6, 23 years-7, 24 years-4, 25 years-6, 26 years-3, 27 years-4, 28 years-4, 29 years-4, 30 years-2, 31 years-2, 32 years-4, 33 years-3, 34 years-1, 35 years-3, 36 years-4, 37 years-3, 38 years-3, 39 years-2, 40 years-10, 41 years-Nil, 42 years-2, 43 years-1, 44 years-1, 45 years-5, 46 years-1, 47 years-1, 48 years-4, 49 years-Nil, 50 years-3, 51 years-Nil, 52 years-4, 53 years-Nil, 54 years-3, 55 years-77, 56 years-3, 57 years-Nil, 58 years-Nil, 59 years-Nil, 60 years-2,  61 years-Nil, 62 years-Nil, 63 years-Nil, 64 years-Nil, and 65 years-1. Ages of more 138 friends and followers are not recorded. Hassomal t. Utamchandani was oldest one of 65 years old. Number of ladies/women/girls was more than 250. Whereas males were not more than 60. Out of 250 females only 98 were married. All these male and female friends/followers of Bhai lekhraj were from following castes:

     Advani,  Bakhshani, Balani, Bathija, Belani, Bhagat, Bhalani,Bharvani, Bhelani,  Bhojwani,  Brahimni,  Budhrani, Chabria, Chandiramani,  Chhapru,  Chhatiani,Chhugani,  Chulani, Dansingani,  Daryani,  Daswani, Dadlani,  Harjani, Hathiramani , Kewalramani,  Khiantani, Kirplani, Lalvani,  Lohi,  Mahbubani,   Mahtani, Melwani, Mirchandani,   Mirpuri,  Mohinani, Moorjani, Mulani, Nagrani,  Paryani,  Punjabi,  Rajwani, Ramchandani,Ramsingani,  Sakhrani, Saroff,  Shamdasani,  Samtani, Shikarpuri,   Sukhrani, Surtani, Thadhani, Utamchandani,  Vahan, Vanho, Vasandani,  Wadhwani & Wasvani.

    Cate-wise list of some followers and friends of Bhai Lekhraj are as Under:

    ADVANI: Atmaram Gobindram [He was Teacher,Secretary and Legal Advisor for Om Mandli].

    BAKHSHANI: Bhagwanti Khiomal, Kala Bagomal, Pari Khiomal, Sita Khiomal, Vishni khiomal,

    BALANI: Hasi Parmanand,  Roopvanti Hassaram, Ruki Jethanand, Sarswati Khemchand, Sita Manghraj,

    BELANI: Hari Lekhraj, Permeshawari Lekhraj, Sita Menghraj,/BHALANI: Hasi Dhanomal,  /BHATIJA:  Ishwari Parmanand,  Shanti Parmanand,/BHAGAT: Devi Hiranand, /BHARVANI: Drupati Navalrai, Putli Bulchand, Sita Ghanshamdas,  /BHELANI: Hemi Mangharam,/BHOJWANI: Kalan Wadhomal,  Kamla Girdharimal, /BRIHMANI: Lachhmni Lekhraj, /BUDHRANI:Dham Jiomal,  Drupati Issardas,  Khushali K., Lachmi Valiram, /CHABRIA: Daya Lakhmichand, /CHANDIRAMANI: Ganga Dewandas, Gobindo  C., Gopi Dewandas, Hari Sirumal, Lila Jesseromal, Mohni Thakurdas., Ratni Thakurdas,   /CHHAPRU: Devi Udhadas, /CHHATIANI: Hemi Nenumal,  /CHHUGANI: Savitri Hotchand, Bhanbhi Ramchand, /CHULANI: Demblu Chandiram, Jasoti Hassaram, Lachhmi Sobhraj,  Mevi Sobhraj, Radhi Vasanmal, Rukan Sobhraj, Ruki Hassaram, /DANISIGANI: Madhu Jawahirmal, /DARYANI: Bhagwany S., Ganga Jashanmal, Gobindo Hariram, Gulri Hariram, Hemi Sanwaldas, Jamna Shewakram, Lila Jashanmal, Mohan Hariram, Murli Hariram, Ram Hariram, Ruki Hariram, Sita Sanwaldas,/ DASWANI: Bhagwanti G., Devi Ghanshamdas, Devi Khubchand, Devi Ramchand, Drupati Gangaram, Hasi Gangaram, Jamna Bulchand, Janki Khubchand, Lila Bulchand, Lila Kishinchand, Lachmi Gangaram, Lachmi Parmanand, Mithi Naraindas, Mohni Khubchand, Naraindas Tikamdas,  Radhi Kishinchand, Rupwanti Kishinchand, Savitri Gangaram,  /DADLANI: Devi Thakurdas, Jamna Bhagwandas, Radhi Tikamdas,  /HARJANI: Sita Lilaram,

    HATHIRAMANI: Doulat [Grand son of Haki Gopaldas], Ganga Girdhaimal of 36 years age], Gopi Hashmatrai, Haki Gopaldas, Haki Kismatrai [sister of Bhai Lekhraj], Ishwari [Grand daughter of Haki Gopaldas], Lila Girdharimal, Mathuri  L.,  Manghanmal K., Mira Premchand,    Moti [Grandson of Haki Gopaldas],Rama Gopaldas [Daughter of Hai Gopaldas], Rukmni P.[Grand daughter of Haki Gopaldas],, Sati [Daughter of Haki Gopaldas],/KEWALRAMANI: Ruki  J. [Jotshi] , /KHIANTANI: Dhani  Chandiram, Hari Doulatram, Jasota Chandiram [She was of 40 years age and close to Bhai Lekhraj alongwith her daughter Dhani]

    KIRPLANI:  Dimbku Lekhraj,  Devi Ramchand [Daughter of Rami Bai and Rami Bai was brother’s wife of Bhai Lekhraj], Ghanshamdas [Grand son of Bhai Lekhraj], Ghanshi Kishinchand, Haki Gopaldas, Haki Bai Kismatrai [Sister of Bhai Lekhraj & wife of Kismatrai Hatiramani. It is said that ‘Om Mandli’ was idea of this man. He also gave the philosophy that was introduced by Bhai Lekhraj. But, Kismatrai Hathiramani is not traceable. Whereas his wife Hakibai is very much with her brother Bhai Lekhraj. It is still riddle for research scholars],Ishwar Navalrai, Janki Metharam, Jasoda Lekhraj [wife of Bhai Lekhraj],  Khushal Bheromal [Son of Savitri Bheromal & Savitri was daughter-in-law of Rami Bai and Rami Bai was Bhi Lekhraj’s Brother’s wife], Lachmandas [Grand son of Bhai Lekhraj],  Lachu Kishinchand, Lekhraj Khubchand [Founder], Mathuri Lachiram [Daughter of Rami Bai], Narain Lekhraj [son of Bhai Lekhraj], Om Radhe [Jasoda Lekhraj’s cousion’s daughter], Palo Motiram [Daughter of Bhai Lekhraj & wife of Motiram], Pari Navalrai, Radhika Kishinchand [Daughter-in-law of Bhai Lekhraj], Parvat Nanikram [Bhai Lekhraj’s cousin],Rami Bai Tulsidas [Brother’s wife of Bhai Lekhraj], , Shyam Navalrai,  Savitri Bheromal [Daughter -in-law of Rami Bai], Sarswati Navalrai,  Sati Navalrai, Savitri Bheromal,  Savitri Metharam,  Surya Kumari [Daughter of Bhai Lekhraj],

    LALVANI: Kishni Narumal, /LOHI:   Bhagwandas Dialdas, Ganga Parsram, Hari dialdas, Isar Rewachand,  Parpati Hemandas, Radhi Hemandas, Sati Jhamatmal,   /MAHBOBANI:  Gopi Pokardas, Kishin Gangadas, Padma Karamchand, /MAHTANI: Buli Chandiram, Chelaram Lokomal, Devi Chelaram, Devi Chuharmal,  Devki Ramchand, Drupati Chelaram,Gudi Kewalram, janki Chelaram, Janki Parmanand, Jasoti Dulomal, Jaswani Chelaram, Kamla Chelaram,  Lachmani Dulomal,  Lachhmi Chelaram, Mohni Chelaram, Putli Metharam, Rami Ramchand,  Satbhama Gagandas,  Sati Chandiram, Sati Tahilram,  Sundri Chuhermal, Sundri Karamchand, Sushela Kewalram, Tilti Ramchand,  Toti Gagandas, Udhomal Assudomal,

    MELWANI: Arjun [Son of Dayaram Khubchand], Devi Mathrdas, Dayaram Khubchand [He alongwith his family was close to Bhai Lekhraj], Gopi Shewakram, Hardevi Dayaram [wife of Dayaram Khubchand],  Hari [ Niece of Dayaram Khubchand], Hasi Viromal, jasoti [Niece of Dayaram Khubchand], Issar Rewachand [Mother -in-law of Dayaram Khubchand],Ishwari Dialdas [Niece of Dayaram Khubchand], Jamna Bulchand, Jasoti Dialdas,  Kishni Dialdas {Daughter of Dayaram Khubchand],Kishno [Son of Dayaram Khubchand],  Lachhmandas Narumal, Mathuri  Dialdas [Niece of Dayaram Khubchand],  Mira Dayaram[Daughter od Dayaram Khubchand], Radhi Dialdas [Daughter of Dayaram Khubchand], Radhi Kishinchand,Ruki Bhagwandas,Ruki Viromal,/MIRCHANDANI: Dodi Tahilram, Sati Tahilram, /MIRPURI: Mohni Shewakram, Ruki Shewakram,  Satbhama Shewakram, /MOHINANI: Devi Khushiram, Mathuri Assudomal, Rukmani Naraindas,  /MOORJANI: Assudomal T., Balram Tirathdas, Gopi Tirathdas, Ishwari Nathumal, Jamno Dayaram, Lachhmi R., Lila Tirathdas, Papur Nathurmal,  Ramchand Viromal, Rukhmani Nathurmal, Sati Nathurmal, Tirathdas Virumal,  /MULANI: Parpati Dayaram, /NAGRARI: Sati Bulchand,

    PARYANI:Kalan Sadhuram,  Lachhmi Thanwardas, /PUNJABI: Devi Shewakram, Navaninh M., Sadhumal Naraindas, /RAJWANI:  Radhe Pokardas, Rochan Pokardas,/RAMCHANDANI: Cheti Naraindas, Dharamdas T., Jethi Sobhrai, Mirchu D.,  /RAMSIGANI: Rukhmani  K., /SAKHRANI: Jasoti  Jagomal, Kalan Rijhomal, Sati Rejhomal, /SAROFF: Chelaram Khubchand [He was close to Bhai Lekhraj alongwith his family members, and they were: Ishwari [Daughter], Kishni Chellaram [Mother], Lachmi [Daughter], Miran [Daughter],Mohan [Son] and Ratni [Daughter]./SHAMDASANI: Giani Tolaram, Kalavati Sadhuram,    Navanidh Bulchand, Rami Karamchand [Alongwith her family close to Bhai Lekhraj. She was of 42 years age], Ruki Bhuromal, Sati,  Savitri Naraindas, vasi Kimatrai,  /SAMTANI: Devi Jhamandas, Ganga Tulsidas, Gope Hiranand, Lachmi Chelaram, Lila Chuharmal,   Mohan Chelaram, Parpati Hirananad, Ratni Chelaram, Ruki Bhuromal, Sati Karamchand,  /SHIKARPURI: Chandra Vasudev, Darupati Sitaldas,Devi Bhgwandas,  lachhmi  Girdharimal, Jai Devi Sitaldas, Nona Kanayalal,  Putli Tikamdas, Sushila Thakurdas, 

    SUKHRANI: Bhagwanti Rijhomal, Cheti Balchand,  Gagan Rejhomal [Son of Jaumal Rejhomal],  Huri [Adopted daughter of Lachmi-Dhinishwari],Jagomal Rejhomal [Son of Rejhomal Partabrai],  Jasoti Jagumal [Daughter-in-law of Rejhomal Partabrai], Kala Rejhomal, Lachmi [known as Dhianishwari sister of the wife of Rejhomal], Lachhmi Rejhomal, Lila Rijhumal, Rejhomal Partabrai [His whole family was with Bai Lekhraj, name are included above here], Ram Jagumal [Son of Jagomal Rijhomal], Sati Rejhomal[Rejhomal Partabrai’s wife], /SURTANI:  Harji Valiram, Hasi Lalchand, Ishwari Sobhraj, Jetho Isardas,  Khemi  Lalchand Narumal, Kishni Issardas, Lachmi  [Daughter of Ratanchand], Motil Ratanchand [ Daughter of Ratanchand],    Navanindh Issardas,  Pari [Daughterof Ratanchand], Ratanchand Jhamatmal [ He alongwith his family members was with Bhai Lekhraj],  Ramchand Viromal [Son-in-law of Ratanchand Jhamatmal], Ruki  [daughter of Ratanchand Jhamatmal],Ruki Khanchand,  Sham [Son of Ratanchand Jhamatmal],Sita Ratanchand [Wife of Ratanchand], Tikam Rattanchand, Tikan Jhamatmal [Daughter of Ratanchand], Tili Ratanchand, /THADHANI: Dialdas Mulchand, Ishwar Dialdas, Lachhmi Dialdas, /UTAMCHANDANI: Devi Harumal,  Dev Kirshin [Son of Jethanand], Drupati [Daughter of Jethanand], Gopi [Daughter of Rukmani Tulsidas], Hassomal T., Jamina  J., Jethanand [Alongwith with his family close to Bhai Lekhraj], Jethi Tulsidas [Daughter of Rukmani Tulsidas], Lal [Son of Jethanand], Lilawati  M., Mathuri W., Mohni N., Molchand K., Motil Mulchand,   Papi Jethanand [Mother  of Jethanand], Pari [Daughter of Jethanand], Parpati  J., Ram Kirshan [Son of Jethanand],  Rukmani [Daughter of Jethanad], Rukmani  Tulsidas [close alongwith her family. 44 years old], Savtiri M., Vashi  Shewaram,  VAHAN: Gopi Rijhumal, /VASANDANI: Jamna tolaram,  Vishno Khanchand, /WADHWANI: Durga Kishinchand, Kishinchand J., Sati Bhojraj, /WASVANI:  Khubchand Isardas, Kishinchand Isardas, Kishino Tolaram, Papi Kirpaldas, Parpati Nanikram,

    Hundreds of pages are available on Om Mandli, its history and contribution, in pages of newspapers and Government records, Judicial Records and Newspapers. But none of Hindus is serious to conduct research seriously where as so many questions are still un-answered regarding its real founder, spititual status and claim of of Bhai Lekhraj  about his reincarnation as Jagat Guru and religious status and services of Om Mandli . At present the Om Mandli has become an outstanding institution of Social work and teaching of Hindu religion in India. Now, Bhai Lekhraj is not alive and disputes are no more there.However, some riddles about its past are there , such as: 1). How a busniess  became spirtual leader over night? Whereas, there is no any clue in his life history that he was a religious-minded person, 2).Why he ignored his sincere wife at eleventh hour of his and her age and married his ‘spiritual daughter’?, 3). Why he ignored his trust-worthy friend and Business partner Shevak Ram soon after giving turn to his life?, 4). Who was that Urdu speaking Muslim [Murtaza alies Rishi]  man with him in Hyderabad and Karachi? And what role he was plying there in Om Mandli affairs?, and is there any role of Lekhraj’s Brother-in-law in his spiritual journey?  etc. 

      During working on this topic,I found that two major groups are working and doing research work on the past, present and future of Om Mandli. One is trying to protect the system and another is having very serious doubts regarding Bhai Lekhraj, his philosophy and strategy of Om mandli. Both groups are as at tig of war. Very important information has been kept secret by one group and it is bent upon sharing the ‘Supervised and selected history/information’ and other is busy to unlock the hidden information and try to know and share Truth with people. Attachment is good, but partiality is bad. In this situation, first I decided to indicate major research mistakes being conducted by both groups. But I later on thought it as my undue involment in disputed matters. Whereas, I am not party. Hence, I have adopted impartial approach and have tried to share with common man and common reader, what is already in possession of both groups and they have not made it readable. My simple way of presentation will help common reader and lover of history to form his opinion  based on figures and facts. As I have nothing to do with present position, status anf performance of Om Mandli, hence, I have done my level best to cover its early history relating to Sindhi Hindus action and reaction regarding Om Mandli. I have avoided ‘subjectivity’, however, some very vital questions have also raised so as to make both ‘fighting groups’ realized that yet the third party is not satisfied by some way of telling story of Om Mandli by them.

    I have come across such type of source-material, that tells a different story  about Om Mandli.It  created my interest to compile Chronology of this institution Today, it has been completed, and is being shared with lovers of history. Dr.Dur Muhammad Pathan].

    15.12.1884: Lekhraj Khubchand Kirplani is born in Hyderabad. In Om Mandli’s official records it has been told that he was born on 15th of December, 1876, but it is lacking documentary evidence. Lekhraj alongwith his trust-worty friend Shewakram Khubchand Daswani started business at Calcutta. They were dealing in Preals and Diamonds and their shop was known as “ Lekhraj- Sewak Ram & Sons”. It was housed in Surana Mansion, at 7-A Lindsay Street, opposite Charles Hogg Market. Both were living in same building of their shop. Bhai Lekhraj on 2nd floor and Shewaram on 3rd floor. In 1931, Bhai Lekhraj came in touch with a Sadhu and gave him Ten thousand rupees and got ‘Mantar’ [Secret Knowledge]. There-after he gave up his connection with business and returned to Sindh [Hyderabad]. In next year [1932] his daughter Palu was married to Motiram Dhanrajmal . Lekhraj was living in Hirabad, Hyderabad. In 1939 [25th of February] Bhai Lekhraj’s friend partner Shewakram is seen in the court of City and Sub Divisional Magistrate, Hyderabad for verification and attestation of his Affidavit against Bhi Lekhraj. Bhai Lekhraj and his family lived in Karachi for 14 years and migrated/moved to India in 1950.

    1893: Birth year of Jasoda Lekhraj Kripalani. She was nine years younger than her husban Bhai Lekhraj. Breathed her last in May 1961. Her Husband married with Radhe, when Jasoda was of 60 years old and her husband Bhai Lekhraj was 69 years old and Bhai Lekhraj’s new wife was 33 years old.

    1917: Palu, a daughter is born to Lekhraj. Married to Motiram Dhanrajmal and also remained a member of the Managing Committee of the Om Mandli.

    1920: Om Radhe is born. She joined Om Mandli when she was of 17 years old. She become the President of Om Mandli. Lekhraj accepted and treated her as ‘spiritual daughter’, but married with her in 1953 and renamed her as ‘Sarswati’. She breathed her last on 24th of June, 1965. Lekhraj’s first/legal wife  Yashoda breathed her last in 1961 after witnessing Lekhraj and Radhe as Better Half to each other for 12 years. Before Yashoda’s death her daughter informs from Mumbai to  her father Lekhraj who was in Madhuban, about Yashoda’s failing health, Lekhraj telegraphed her that runs: “ Child ! don’t worry about any thing. She was your mother and my wife. Eat pudding even if your mother dies or if one’s wife passes away”. (Source: Autobiography of Dr.Nirmla Shanta)  

    1932: Palu becomes the ‘better half’ of Mukhi Motiram of Hyderabad.She was of 15 years old.

    October 1937: The Om Mandli forms its Managing Committee. It consisted of : 1). Radhe Pokardas Rajwani [ Unmarried / 18 yeas old/ living in Haroo Sadhwani Paro of Hyderabad], President; 2). Palu Motiram Dhanrajmal [of 21 years old/daughter of Bhai Lekhraj/married, living in Hirabad); 3). Parpati Nankram Wasvani [unmarried of 21 years age, living in Hotchand Vishindas Lachmam Beragi Street of Hyderabad]; 4). Roopvati Hassaram Balani [married/24 years old/living Haroo Sadhwani Paro, Hyderabad]; 5). Sundri Karamchand Mahtani [unmarried/17 years old/ living in Old Hospital, Hyderabad], Vice President; 6). Gudi Kewalram Mahtani [married/28 years old/Pishori Paro, Hyderabad]; 7). Rama Gopal Hathiramani [unmarried/18 years old/Old Hospital- known as ‘Dadi Prakashmani]; 8). Radhika Kishinchand Kirplani [married/26 years old/living in Om Nivas]; 9). Motil Ratanchand Surtani [unmarried/living in Bachal Shah Incline]; Co-opted: 10). Lila Rijhumal Sukhrani [unmarried/15 years old/living in Om Nivas],11). Mithi Naraindas Daswani [unmarried/18 years old/living in Om Nivas]; 12). Lachmi Parmanand Daswani [unmarried/17 years old/living in Om Nivas]; 13). Rukmani P. Hathiramani [married/36 years old/living in Mathradas Sobhraj Building, Hyderabad- known as Bholi Dadi]; 14). Gopi Hashmatrai Hathiramani [Women’s Hospital], 15). Sati Bhojraj Wadhwani [married/18 year old/living in wadhwani Lane, Hyderabad]; 16). Lachhmi Sobhraj Chulnani [married/40 years old/living in Bachal Shah Jo Piru, Hyderabad]; 17). Sati Rijhumal Sakhrani [married/45 years old/living in Om Nivas] and 18). Jasoda Lekhraj Kirplani [Wife of Bhai Lekhraj/45 years old/ living in Om Nivas]

    17.2.1938: Bhai Lekhraj with consent of his family members makes a ‘Will’ transfering all his moveable and immoveable properties to the Om Mandli, the Managing Committee being the executors.(Source: the book ‘Om Mandli’).

    17.3 1938: Reports and querries begin to appear in the local papers:  the ‘Swatanta’,the  ‘Nawajivan’, the ‘Desh Mitra’,  and the ‘Sindh Daily News’ about the  various strange and abnormal incidents that had been witnessed by those who had attended the Om Mandli Sat Sang. (Source: indicated). An open letter appears in the Daily Sindh News, by a person who had visited the Om Mandli and Bhai Lekhraj. He wites about Bhai Lekhraj that ‘he was again and again asked questions to answer and satisfy the public but he would not, because he could not reason or explain. He relied only on his uncanny powers of influence over the women-folk, who owing to their ignorant and blind faith and under hypnotic influence never asked questions or argued bur accepted and followed what ever he said’.(Source: The Daily Sindh News & the book ‘Om Mandli’).

    May 1938: Anti-Om Mandli Committee is formed to investigate facts regarding the Om Mandli. It held  22 sittings of an average 3 hours each, examined a great many witnesses, most of whom had attended Mandli meetings and many were even members. Bhai Lekhraj was interviewed twice by all the members of the Committee. When this committee launched movement against the Om Mandli, it was joined by other leading men of name and fame. Some of them are:Bapo Kishinchand [Congress leader of Hyderabad], Bhai Dayaram Awatrai;  Bhai Hassomal Thakurdas;  Bhai Ladharam Gurnomal [Secretary Anti-Om Mandli Committee];Bhai Narain Shewakram [Secretary Anti-Om Mandli Committee]; Bheromal Issardas [Eminent writer]; Dr.Chimandas Issardas [President Congress Committee, Hyderabad, Was sentenced to Jail]; Dr.Tarachand Lalwani [Editor of ‘Karachi Daily’ and Medical Practitioner]; Ghanshyam [He was Congress worker and went on hunger-strike thrice]; Gobindram Jhamatmal; Harkishindas Gurdinomal [Makhi of Dal Panchayat, Hyderabad]; Hiranand Karamchand [Editor ‘Hindu’, Karachi]; Javhermal;  Jethmal Parsram[He was Professor in D.G.National College, Hyderabad at that time and was sentenced to jail for taking part]; Kamla Hiranand [Wife of Hiranand Karamchand]; Khanchand Gopaldas [Vice President of the Khuda Abadi Amil Panchayat, Karachi]; Mahraj Vishnu Sharma[He was editor of ‘Hindu’ at time and was sentenced to jail due to taking part]; Mangharam Gurdinomal [President of the Anti-Om Mandli Committee]; Miss Gopi Mangharam [court arrested during agitation]; R.B.Jagatsing Ailmal [Former Collector of Dadu];  R.B.Naraindas (Shikarpur]; Sadhu Vaswani [a man of a great name and fame and leaded huge procession in Karachi and was sentenced to Jail]; Seth Lokomal Chelaram [Sahtya Community, Karachi];Shamdas P. Gidwani [President, Hindu Maha Sabha]; Shewakram Khubchand Daswani;  Shrimati Devibai Hasommal. (Source: this information has been collected by Dr.Dur Muhammad Pathan from various sources)

    26.6.1938: Anti-Om Mandli Committee starts sitting with Bhai Lekhraj in the presence of the D.S.P Bhagwandas. Sittings continued for a few days. Bhai Lekhraj declares to disband the Om Mandli altogether.(Source: The Karachi Daily).

    28.6.1938: A public meeting is held at Hyderabad by Anti Om Mandli Bhaiband Community and it is decided that on behalf of the community a deputation should wait on the Collector and present him a Memorandum.

    30.6.1938: Deputatons of Anti-Om Mandli and Om Mandli wait upon the District Magistrate of Hyderabad, U.M. Mirchandani. It is decided that the President of Om Mandli would after consulting with her Committee offer terms for compromise. (Source: Mirpurkhas Gazette).

    3.7.1938: Anti-Om Mandli Committee releases its report to the press. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid).

    4.7.1938: Om Mandli Authorities issue the list of its Managing Committee, Members & students etc.

      On the same day and date, The Daily Sindh News, in its issue of today refutes some statements and arguments of Om Radhe, the President of Om Mandli. The paper writes ‘thus the assertion of Om Radhe that not a word was whispered against the Om Mandli and its ideals for three years is false and baseless and a myth invented only for the purpose of misleading the public’. (Source: indicated).

    5.7.1938: The Collector of Hyderabad District after hearing Om Mandli representatives and deputation of Anti Om Mandli Bhaiband Community  put forth suggestions and conditions to the Om Mandli so as the problem can be resolved. Those conditions are: 1). The Satsang at Mandli will take place for ladies only, 2). Bhai Lekhraj or any male member will have no direct or indirect connection with either ‘Om Mandli’, or ‘Om Nivas’, 3). Mandli will be established at their old permises in Khatubund Lane and not at Om Nivas or any other place, 4). No girl or a lady will be able to go to either Om Nivas or Om Mandli without a written permission of her guardian, 5). If Om Mandli permits any such person without the permission of the guardian, then the guardian will draw the attention of the Committee, and also write a letter to the Mandli then Mandli will see that such a person is not allowed to come in or enter, 6). The time for Om Mandli Satsang will be made so convenient that it will not interfere with household work or duties of those who come, 7). Om Nivas will remain school only for girls and a written permission from guardians will be very essential for their admission, and without school hours no male member will be able to visit Om Nivas, 8).Bhai Lekhraj’s residence will have no connection whatsoever with Om Nivas, both will be separated from each other, 9). Such spiritual and religious teaching will be given at Om Mandli, that, it may not interfere with the ordinary working of the life of members, nor they will create any rifts amongst them or their homes, nor will they spoil the social status of the community. The teaching should be such as to create a beach of peace in the Hyderabad City. (Source: Book on OM Mandli).

    7.7.1938: In reply to the certain suggestions put fort by the Collector, the President of Om Mandli states that ‘the object  of Om Mandli was to do religious work and give Gita Gyan and not create any rift amongst the people and if any people have suffered or gone astray, they were prepared to put a stop to such things and not do such a propaganda in future’. (Source: Newspapers).

    17.8.1938: Five of Mandlities including the founder Bhai Lekhraj, his wife Om Jasota and his daughter –in-law are served with orders under Section 112 of Criminal Procedure Code to show cause why they should not be bound down under Section 107 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

    2.9.1938: M.D.Bhat, Secretary to Government of Sindh, vide his secret Demi-official letter No.P.25-H-(8)/38, dated 2nd September,1938 writes that: “ Of late, an institution known as the Om Mandli of Hyderabad, has been receiving much publicity. The Mandli is reported to have been started in 1935, obtensibly as a ladies’ Satsang, where religious lectures and discourses, etc,were given; subsquently, the Satsangs were extended to include selected males also and finally a free boarding school for children was opened on the premises. Rumours began to spread, however, that the institution was not that it actually profess to be; and enquiries in the matter strengthened the suspicion that the Mandli was not being run on correct lines of moral rectitude. The rumours caused a stir in the Bhaiband Community of Hyderabad, to which most of members belong, and ultimately culminated in hostile demonstration against the Mandli including picketing of the Mandli’s premises. The intervention of the local authorities prevented a breach of the peace, but the trouble has not ended and more is likely to be heared of this institution in the future.”(Source: indicated)

    16.9.1938: The Sindh Government informs the Government of India that “ proceedings under section 107, CriminalProcedure Code have been instituted by the local Police in Hyderabad against Bhaiband community and Om Mandli Management. (Letter No. P-25-H (S0/37 ).

    18.1.1939: The mothers of two girls aged 12 & 13 file an application against Om Mandli, in the court of the Additional Magistrate, Karachi, that their daughters were wrongfully being detained at the Om Mandli. The court ordered the girls to be sent to their mothers. (Source: Om Mandli Website).[Note: The information uploaded on the website is not correct. Neither the applications were filed in the court of Additional Magistrate, Karachi, nor girls detained were of 12 and 13 years . they were 16 and 18 years old and case was filed in the court of city Magistrate, Hyderabad, on this date. Dr. Dur Muhammad Pathan]

    28.1,1939: The girl of about 18 years age, Hindu, by caste Bhaiband of Hyderabad states before Sobhsing, City Magistrate, Hyderabad that :’ Dada Lekhraj preached no restraint in sex matters between males and females who were members of the Om Mandli, because on account of Mandli Giyan what ever they did could not amount to sin’.On this date Mr. Balchand was Examination-in-Chief. (Source: The book on ‘Om Mandli’- a rejoinder to Radhe’s book ‘Is this Justice?’)

    30.1.1939: Same girl of 18 years old is recalled and today Mr. Mulchand is Examination-in-Chief. She states: ‘One day he [Bhai Lekhraj] called me to meet him in Sldier Bazar building. I went in the car to meet him there. He took me to a room. He embraced me and kissed me there and passed his hands over my body. This court paid by him to me appeared for peculiar significance. He asked me to kiss him also…..Dada Lekhraj had power in his eyes. Whenever he started at any girl, tears used to fall from her eyes. After this the girl used to follow him madly’.

    31.1.1939: An other girl of 17 years old belonging to Bhaiband caste of Hyderabad records her statement in the court of the City Magistrate, Hyderabad. Examination-in-Chief is Mr. Motiram. She states: ‘ I had seen Dada Lekhraj misbehaving with……by seating them on his bed over which the followers were spread and kissing and embracing them there. It was usual practice for Dada Lekhraj in the mandli to embrace and kiss all grown up girls and women living in the Om Mandli’.She was examined by Mr.Balchand, A.P.P and other council also today.(Source: Book on Om Mandli).

    1.2.1939: Om Radhe, the President of the Om Mandli is examined by Vishindas in the Court of the City Magistrate, Hyderabad. She states her age as about 23 years.She says that ‘all  the males and females residing in the Mandli fell in a trance and that Bhai Lekhraj kisses and embraces the girls as their spiritual father’. (Source: Book on OM Mandli)

    2.2.1939: The dislosures made by Radhe, the President of Om Mandli  during the trail of case further inflames the public mind  and they started demanding that  action should be taken under Section 16 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1908. (Source: Newspapers).

    9.2.1939: A public meeting is held at Holmstead Hall, Hyderabad to discuss the Om Mandli affairs. Following resolution is unanimously passed on this occasion: “ This public meeting of the citizens Hyderabad, while inviting the attention of the Sindh Government  to the satanic activities of the Om Mandli, strongly urges on them to exercise their Special Powers and declare the Om Mandli as unlawful and to restore the girls and ladies confined therein to their parents and husbands respectively and also to hold an inquiry in the past nefarious activities of the Om Mandli and bring the offenders to book.

    This meeting further confirms the resolutions of the Hyderabad Dal Panchayat in connection with the sending of a strong deputation to Karachi to wait upon the Sindh Government”. (Source: The Daily Mirror).

    10.2.1939: Bhaiband Nari Sabha of Hyderabad, in its meeting resolves that ‘ This meeting appeals to the citizens of Hyderabad to organize a complete hartal in order to impress on the Government the necessity of ordering the immediate closing down of the Om Mandli and visit the offenders with exemplary punishment. In case Government fail to respond immediatelt, further steps be adopted to compel Government to needful’.(Source: Newspapers).

    12.2.1939: In its meeting of the Managing Committee of Khudabadi Amil Panchayat of Hyderabad, it is resolved that ‘ the Om Mandli and its teachings are determental to Hindu society…This Panchayat offers all legitimate help for the purpose of putting a ban over the Om Mandli teachings and activities so as to prevent their harmful results’. (Source: Newspapers).

    13.2.1939: harchandrai Seth Manoomal, who presided over meeting of Meeting of the Mirpurkhas Panchayat writes to Mukhi Harkishindas of Dal Panchayat of Hderabad informing him about the meeting he presided over and has attached the copy of resolution passed in that meeting. The resolution reads as: “ This meeting of the Mirpurkhas Panchayat strongly condemns the satanic activities of the Om Mandli and urges upon the Sindh Government to declare the Om Mandli as unlawful under their special powers and restore the girls and ladies to their relations immediately. The meeting further request the Government to appoint an Inquiry Committee to submit their report on the criminal activities that have been hitherto carried on in the Om Mandli and award severe punishment to the offenders.

    This meeting appreciates the efforts of the Hyderabad Dal Panchayat and fully sympathises with them.

    This meeting resolves to send copy of the resolution to the Sindh Government and Tharparkar Hindu Members of the Sindh Assembly with a recommendation that they should carry on a very strong agitation against the Om Mandli and get it banned for ever”. (Source: Mirpurkhas Gazette).

    15.2.1939: The Daily Mirror in its issue of today offers comments on two meetings held to condemn and oppose Om Mandli. Both meetings were held at Hyderabad. One convened by the local Congress  and other called by representatives of all Hyderabad Panchayats. (Source: indicated).

    19.2.1939: A joint meeting of political, social and other organizations’ leaders is held at Karachi and resolution is adopted that reads: “ From the facts concerning the Om Mandli which have now seen the light of the day, through sources external as well as internal, this public meeting of citizens of Karachi has been convinced that the activities  which are being carried on within its precints are absolutely harmful to public morals, have destroyed many homes and are undermining the very foundations of the Society. This meeting, therefore, is emphatically of the opinion tha these activities be immediately stopped and urges on the Government of Sindh that immediate effective measures be adopted to end them.” This resolution is signed by the following leaders: Choithram P. Gidwani [President, Sindh Congress]; Choithram Valeecha [Member Sindh Legislative Assembly]; D.D.Choudri [President Arya Samaj]; D.M.Tahilramani [United Press];  Hiranand Karamchand [editor ‘Hindu’]; Kamla Devi Hiranand;  Karsondas Manek [editor ‘Daily Mirror’];  Lilaram Jethmal [Retired Judge]; Prof. Ghanshyamdas Jethmal [Member Sindh Legislative Assembly];Rai Sahib Gokaldas Mevaldas [Member Sindh Legislative Assembly, later on Minister]; Rai Sahib Issardas Parumal [Retired Income Tax officer];  Ram Sahai [Secretary Hindu Maha Sabha]; Shamdas P. Gidwani [President, Hindu Maha Sabha]; Seth Hotchand Hiranand [Member Sindh Assembly];  Seth Valiram Nenumal [Secretary Hyderabad Panchayat]; Tarachand Lalwani [Municipal Councillor and editor ‘Karachi Daily’], 

    On the same day and date [19.2.1939] Nava Jivan Shewak Sabha of Hyderabad also hold meeting and passed the following resolution: “ This meeting, while drawing the attention of the Sindh Government, strongly urges on them to use their special powers and declare the Om Mandli as unlawful and restore girls and ladies to their relations immediately and hold as an inquiry into past criminal activities of the Mandli and bring the offenders to book”. (Source: The Karachi Daily).

    21.2.1939: With heading :”Government urged to intervene- Institution of Om Mandli- harmful to public morals”, The Sindh Observer provides details about a largely attended public meeting held at Rambagh recreation Ground presided over by Dr. Choithram P. Gidwani, President of Sindh Congress. (Source: indicated).

    22.2.1939: Shankar Sing, Secretary to Amarkot Panchayat writes to Mukhi Mangharam of Hyderabad informing him about the meeting held at Amarkot and he also attaches the copy of resolution passed in that meeting. The text of resolution is: “ This meeting of the Panchayat of Amarkot is unanimously and emphatically of the opinion that Bhai Lekhraj by starting his Om Mandli, has disgraced the Hindus particularly the Bhaiband  Community and urges on the Chief Minister to award severe penalities to this hypocrite of Bhai Lekhraj and his associates and close down the Om Mandli”. (Source: Mirpurkhas Gazette). On the same day and date the meeting of Puj Panchayat is held at Bubak of District Dadu and following resolution is passed by the Panchayat :” The Puj Panchayat resolves that it has been shocked to read the exposures of Om Mandli which have appeared in the Newspapers and is surprised to find that in the sacred name of Om Mandli immoral and criminal activities are being carried on and that the pure atmosphere of Hindu life has been vitiated and many families are bitterly crying against the Om Mandli. This Panchayat further considers that if the Om Mandli is not forthwith declared illegal and put a stop to its immoral and criminal activities will spread even to the villages and disturb their quiet, peaceful life and spoil their happiness. The Panchayat therefore urges upon the Sindh Government through this resolution to declare the Om Mandli unlawful as early as possible and award appropriate punishment to the offenders”. (Source: The Mirror).

    23.2.1939: Hindu Members of Sindh Assembly submitted their joint application against Om Mandli to the Chief Minister, Sindh, requesting him to take immediate action against Om Mandli . (Source: Newspapers).

    24.2.1939: The meeting of the General Panchayat is held at Shikarpur, with Seth Chairai Jumani, the President of Panchayat in chair. This meeting disussed Om Mandli issue and ended with passing the following resolution : “ This meeting of the General Panchayat of Shikarpur, while inviting the attention of the Sindh Government  to the perverse activities of the Om Mandli strongly appeal to them to take appropriate measures to declare the Om Mandli unlawful and restore the girls and ladies now confined in the Mandli to their relations. (Source: The ‘Sindhi’, Sukkur).

    24.2.1939: Dr.Tarachand Lalwani [editor ‘Karachi Daily’ and a Medical Practitioner], Hiranand Karamchand [editor, ‘Hindu’], Mrs. Hiranand Karamchand; Karsondas Manek [editor, ‘daily Mirrior’]; Hashmatrai Vishindas [Merchant of Hyderabad] submitted their Affidavits in the case of Bhai Lekhraj. All these Affidavits were attached with application presented to the Chief Secretary on 27th of February 1939. (Source: Book ‘Om Mandli’).

    On this day and date, The Sindh Observer, in its issue offer comments on activities of Om Mandli. It reads:” The Om Mandli has become notorious, not on account ot its ordinary educational activities, such are generally associated with a boarding school for small boys and girls, but for what are its religious doctrines and activities. The public have had a glimpse of these activities from the evidence tendered by Om Radhe, the President of the Om Mandli, before the City Magistrate of Hyderabad”. (Source: indicated).

    25.2.1939: shewakram Khubchand Daswani in capacity of Deponent in the case against Bhai Lekhraj submits his Affidavit and his affidavit is verified by Sobhsing, City & Sub Divisional Magistrate of Hyderabad. Shewakram was trust-worthy friend of Bhai lekhraj since Lekhraj was of 19 years age. He remained Lekhraj’s partner at Calcutta.Their Firm/Shop was known as “ Lekhraj-Sewak Ram & Sons”. They were dealing in Pearls & Diamonds business and their shop was housed oo the First floor of a seven-storey building at 7-A, Linndsay Street, Surana Mansion, opposite Charles Hogg Market. Bhai Lekhraj’s family was residing on the second floor of that building and Shewakram was residing on third Storey.

    On this day and date, The Sindh Observer, in its course of editorial warns Government that :” public indignation with regard to the Om Mandli is at boiling point and it will be very unwise not to take some immediate drastic action to appease public feeling and soothe the lacerated hearts of parents and guardians who have boys and girls in this wretched home”. (Source: indicated).

    27.2.1939: Application under Section 16 of the Criminal Law Amendment is made to the Chief Secretary, Government of Sindh against Om Mandli, by Harkishndas Gurdinomal, Khanchand Gopaldas; Shamdas P. Gidwani and Mangharam Gurdinomal.In this apllication, petitioners have given 14 grounds and requested the Chief Secretary to move the local Governments to declare the Om Mandli an unlawful assembly or unlawful association. (Source: Government Records). Full text of that application is reproduced here so as not to deprive readers of origional source of information:

              To

               The Chief Secretary,

               Government of Sindh,

               Karachi.

               Subject:- Application under Section 16 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act.

               PETITIONERS: 1). Harkishindas Gurdinomal, 2). Khanchand Gopaldas, 3). Shamdas P. Gidwani,

               4). Lokamal Chelaram, and 5). Mangharam Gurdinomal.

                               The Petitioners above named submit that Petitioner No.1 is the Mukhi of the Dal

               (combined) Panchayats of Hyderabad, Sindh, No.2 is the Vice – President of the Amil Panchayat at

               Karachi, No.3 is the working President of the Hindu Maha Sabha, No.4 is one of the leading

                Citizens of Karachi and headman of the Sahta Community and No.5 is the Chairman of the

               Committee appointed by the public of Hyderabad to investigate into the activities of the Om

               Mandli. We request you that you will be pleased to move the local Government  to declare  the

                Om Mandli an unlawful assembly or unlawful association on consideration of the following

              Grounds:-                                       

    (1)   That this Om Mandli Association was first started at Hyderabad ostensibly for imparting religious education to Members of all communities.

    (2)   That the founder Lekhraj succeded in hoodwinking several parents of various girls into the belief that their girls and women folk will get more religious minded and turn out to be better girls and women.

    (3)   That as the matter of fact the petitioners have been since than convinced that the object of the founder was a sinister one, and that on the contrary no religious training is imparted to the inmates of the Mandli. That on the contrary the inmates are taught to forget themselves in all directions and lead a dissolute and immoral life.

    (4)   That the petitioners are convinced that the founder practises either hypnotis or mesmerism or some sort of black magic and also complete all entrants to the Mandli to apply to a particular sort of antimony to their eyes. That the various devices deprive the inmates of their free will and judgment.

    (5)   That the petitioners are further convinced that the inmates are definitely taught to hate their husbands and their parents and relations and to have nothing to do with any non member of the Om Mandli.

    (6)   That the petitioners also are convinced that the inmates are terrorised and made to believe that if any inmate leaves the Om Mandli  and goes to her husband or parents she will by any manner of means br compelled to re-seek or re-enter the Om Mandli and then her fate will be anything but bearable.

    (7)   That the parents and relations of the girls had their auspiciions as to their moral life which was led inside the Om Mandli but they had no convincing proof till lately.

    (8)   That  after the parents of the 7 girls succeeded in freeing them from the Om Mandli, the entire Hindu  Community is fully convinced that their children and wives are living an absolutely disgraceful life inside the Om Mandli.

    (9)   That the petitioners have received information which the believe, that founder’s previous life had not been above suspicion in the normal sphere and that he used to live rather a dissolute life. That the entire Hindu Community are convinced that all along the one studied effort of the Om Mandli is to get away with him to the jungles and mountains and this has given reasonable ground that he may at any time take away the female inmates including minor children to some for distant place and dispose them off.

    (10)                That the five girls mentioned in para 8 above have given evidence in public court which have been fully published in all papers and that has naturally put not only the parents and relations of the inmates in an exceedingly excitable mood but has created a very deep feeling of resentment throughout the entire Hindu community. In this connection certified copies of the depositions are attached herewith. That the petitioners submit that it has been only the definate, persistent and vigorous effort on their part and on the part of other leading citizens that they have been able to restrain the Hindu public from creating disturbance and taking to force in freeing the inmates from the unholy hold that the founder has over them.

    (11)                That there were meeting of very large gathering both at Hyderabad and Karachi and that many Panchayats in Sindh have been agitating over this question and demanding that Association should immediately be declared unlawful and the Government should take imediately a decisive step to prevent the further mischief. That the petitioners submit that only the law abiding Hindu Community of Sindh has so far restrained itself from losing their balance, for which they have very grave cause and reason.

    (12)                That the petitioners submit that the nature of things is such that  it is difficult, may almost impossible, to have recourse to ordinary Courts of Law. As submitted above, the inmates have lost their independent judgment and  will have  almost lost all feelings of shame, that it is now impossible for them to make up their minds to leave the Om Mandli voluntarily.

    (13)                That petitioners submit that the evil influence of this institution, though at present mostly confined to one Community, is likely to spread to other communities also, as its portals are open to all.

    (14)                That the petitioners further submit that the women folk who attend his so-called Sa-Sangs frequently faint away – embracing and hugging Lekhraj and calling him ‘Krishna’ and he would respond to them as his ‘Gopies’. The impersonating as Krishna by Lekhraj is extremely objectionable and violates the religious susceptibilities of the Hindus.

    (15)                The affidavits in support are attached.

    The petitioners subscribe themselves as your most obedient servants.

    (16)              

    (17)              

    (18)              

        

    28.2.1939: The Sindh Government informs the Government of India that: ‘ The activities of the institution known as the Om Mandli of Hyderabad, were the cause of much agitation during the fortnight. The rumours that the institution was not what  it acyually professed to be and the suspicion that the Mandli was not  being coducted on correct moral lines have become more and more prevalent. There has been a widespread feeling of revulsion against the founders of the institution who are alleged  to have victmised  innocent girls and women with the result that legal proceedings have been instituted against the founders and Government have been approached to ban the Mandli under the provisions of the Criminal Law Amendment Act. No decision has yet been taken. (Source: indicated).  On this day and date a meeting is held  in the Temple of Bhai Chaubrim at Hyderabad by Jagiasu Hassabrim Atmasing Panchayat  and it is resolved to take part in the satyagraha and support people those are determined to see the Om Mandli closed. (Source: The Daily ‘Insaf’, Hyderabad).

     1.3.1939: The Byragi Mandal adopted resolution in its meeting that “ This Mandal is of the view that the Om Mandli and the Om Nivas started by Bhai Lekhraj are very dangerous and their teachings have created suspicions in the public. This Mandal recommends the Government that since Bhai Lekhraj is attracting girls of respectable families to the Om Mandli and Om Nivas by means of hypnotism and resorting to objectionable practices, he should be ordered to leave Sindh”. (Source: The Karachi Daily). On this day and date Bhaiband Sabha of Hyderabad sends Telegram to Mukhi Mangharam. It reads: “ Om Mandli danger to religion and morality. People very much agitated. Kindly disolve Om Mandli”. (Source: Newspapers).

    6.3.1939: The President of Sindh Work Merchants Association of Hyderabad sends Telegram to the Chief Minister, Home Minister; Nihchaldas Vazirani [Minister] and Sadhu Vaswani. The Text of the Telegram is: “ Hindu religious susceptibilities sentiments solely wounded by Om Mandli’s suicidal irreligious teachings. Town seathing with unrest. Sindh Work Merchants Association Hyderabad strongly denounces its organisers and prays for its immediate abolition”.

    13.3.1939: The paper ‘The Daily Mail’ carries its Correspondent’s report about Om Mandli agitation. It reads: ‘ Five thousand angry husbands, parents and guardians yesterday marched on the Sindh Government Secretariat in protest against the activities of the Om Mandli  celibacy cult here. The cult has aroused fierce indignation by including young girls to refuse to marry and wives to leave their husbands. A clash seemed inevitable as the march had been banned by the Government. The crowd led by the crippled Hindu leader Vaswani in the wheeled chair came face to face with a cordon of poilce. Then the Minister of Public Works, Mr. Vazirani, intervened. He gave a written guarantee that the Government  would order the cult to discontinue certain practices. The crowd dispersed. Founder of cult is  handsome 44 years old Bhai Lekhraj, against whom  charges of kidnapping are being heard in the magistrate’s court. Om Radhe, his pretty daughter-in-law and president of the Om Mandli society is charged  with  abetting him. The cult was started two years ago in Hyderabad, but was driven from there by a  well organized  campaign of opposition and murder threats’. (Source: The Daily Mail).

    23.3.1939: The Notice is served on the President and Secretary of the Om mandli at 11.15 P.M at Karachi  by the court of the District Magistrate, Karachi. It is worded as under:

    “ Whereas it had been made to appear to me that male persons come to and visit the premises occupied at  Karachi by the Om Mandli and Om Nivas.

    Now therefore in exercise of the powers conferred on me by Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898, I hereby order you to abstain from admitting or causing to be admitted into the premises occupied on Victoria Road and Reay Road at Karachi by the Institutions”.

    And were as in view of the facts hereinafter set out I consider that direction herein contained is likely to prevent disturbance to the public tranquility and that speedy remedy is desirable.(Source: The Sindh Government Gazette, dt. 30.3.1939).

    24.3.1939: Agitation agaist the Om Mandli starts. The procession is taken out leading towards Sindh Secretariat. Sadhu Vaswani violates the Section 144 and is arrested alongwith other agitators. (Newspapers). I.H.Taunton, Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh writes to the President of the Om Mandli [Om Radhe] that the Sindh Government has appointed the Tribunal to inquire into the ‘Om Mandli’ affairs, hence, you are requested to make it convenient to be present alongwith such representatives, other than legal practitioners, as may desire to assist you. (Source: Letter No.249-11/H-S). this Tribunal consited of two High court Judges, C.M.Lobo and Diwan Bahadur Kaloomal Pahlumal with the following Terms of Reference: 1). The proceedings shall be held ibn camera, 2). Parties shall not be allowed to appear by a Legal Practitioner, 3). To see that whether persons residing in or visiting the Om Mandli or Om Nivas are subjected to any improper or unhealthy influence. If so, what is the nature and effect of these ifluence, 4). To see that whether the teaching given in the Om Nivas is subversive of morals and good conduct and 5). To see that wheter any improper practices are indulged in these institutions. (Source: Government Notification No.249-11/H-a).

    24.3.1939: The Sindh Legislative Assembly meets at the Assembly Hall, Karachi, at 3-00 pm, Syed Miran Muhammad Shah presiding. The matter of ‘Om Mandli’ is discussed. The Portion of that proceeding is reproduced here :

    THE SPEAKER: ‘Now, there is a third adjournment motion. It is from honourable member Rao Sahib Gokaldas. This adjournment motion reads as follow:- “That the House do now adjourn to discuss a definate matter of urgent and public importance and of recent occurrence, namely, the arrest of 100 citizens in Karachi as the result of Satyagraha in connection with the Om Mandli affair”. Now what has the Honourable the Leader of the House to say about it?’

    THE LEADER OF THE HOUSE [K.B.Allah Bux Soomro]: ‘I think the motion is not in order, Sir, because the matter is sub-judice’.

    THE SPEAKER: ‘Has the matter gone to Court?’

    THE LEADER: ‘Yes, Sir’.

    R.K.SIDHWA [Member]: ‘Sir, the Honourable the Leader of the House has merely expressed that the question is sub-judice but he has not explained how it is sub-judice. I was present on the spot when the arrests were made. It was then 9 a.m. One batch of ladies, who were arrested, were later released and they again came for arrest and they were arrested. Upto 12 o’ clock they were not challaned. Some of the arrested persons are at the City Police Station, some in the Sadar Police Station and yet others in the Ranchore Police Station and some of them are in the lock-up’.

    THE LEADER OF THE HOUSE: ‘And some are in Court’.

    R.K.SIDHWA:’I am not concerned with that. There are many others who are in the lock-up and have not yet been challaned and produced before the Court. Upto the time when this adjournment motion  of the honourable member R.S Gikaldas was given they have not been challaned in any Court but have been merely arrested and locked-up in some police station. Therefore this cannot form part of a sub-judice matter and I would request you to bear that fact in mind’.

    THE SPEAKER: ‘I would like to know whether they were challaned in the Court before or after this motion’?

    PIR ILLAHI BUX: ‘Even otherwise I submit that my honourable friend is wrong when he thinks that inquiry by the police is not sub-judice. I would submit that investigation into the offense is being carried on  and that is also sub-judice. Therefore until the police investigation is made and it is finally decided  whether they should be challaned or not is also sub-judice. As the Honourable the Leader of the House has just now said it may be that some are actually before the Court and some are pending their challan. After all 100 persons have been arrested and it is not a matter of two minutes to write the names of all persons and submit them to Court. They will have therefore to be divided into batches and sent to Court. I would therefore submit that the whole inquiry is sub-judice matter’.

    R.K.SIDHWA: ‘ That fact on the contrary goes in favour of my contention that some people are here and some people are there . If, according to the Honourable Minister, a police arrests a person and keeps him in custody for a number of days it is sub-judice and the Legislative therefore cannot discuss the matter. Then I say it amounts to this that we cannot discuss anything at all’.

    The Honourable  KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: I would like to read that para. Further. It says:

    “As I understand the Opposition Benches, they propose to discuss the policy underlying this large number of raids and arrests, and not the merits of the case that are to come before the Court of Law for adjudication.

    “I am quite satisfied that the matter proposed to be discussed is not sub-judice. But I am bound to say that if during the discussion of the motion for adjournment in the afternoon any attempt is made to discuss the merits of any of the cases that are proposed to be lodged, the Chair will take steps to see that such a discussion is not permitted.”

    Mr. GHANSHYAM JETHANAD: We won’t discuss the merits of the cases.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH:

    If the House so desires to discuss the motion on the question of policy, Government have no objection and I do not wish to stand in their way with regard to discussion of the adjournment motion. But I want to point out to the House that the arrests have started only to-day. As in the ruling I lay emphasis on the words “proposed to be lodged.” Certain case have been much to discuss. But if the House so desires, I have no objection to discuss it.

    Mr. GHANSHYAM JETHANAD: Sir, the point is that even if the cases are sub-judice, whether we can discuss the policy of Government in issuing order under section 144 and effecting arrests or not . The merits of the cases are whether particular individuals have broken the order under section 144 or not. We are not discussing here that aspect of the matter. The honourable members wants to discuss the policy of Government in effecting arrests. Whether on such a matter as the Om Mandli agitation the Government ought to have effected arrests, is the point before the House. Therefore under the ruling quoted by honourable member Rao Saheb Gokaldas, even if the case is sub-judice, it could be discussed without going into the merits of the case. The House can discuss the question of policy involved in the enforcement of the order under section 144. And the adjournment motion seeks to discuss that policy of Government. Therefore the adjournment motion is quite in order. I don’t think there should be any objection to its being allowed.

    Mr.R.K.SIDHWA: Sir, apart from that I want to point out one thing. We do not know what is the section under which arrests have been made because the procession has not been banned. The procession had to march to the Secretariat and the procession has not been banned. We do not know under what section they have banned the procession. If they have taken out the procession without policy permit, then that is a technical point and it does not involve any offence. We want to know how it is sub-judice when there was no breach of law under which it was banned.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: The procession was banned and section 144 was applied. The arrests were made under the section.

    Mr. R.K.SIDHWA: When was it applied?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: No. That was not necessary.

    Mr.R.K.SIDHWA: Sir I do not know law. You are supposed to know law. But I know of instances where the High Court has ruled that a First Class Magistrate must read the proclamation before the people and tell them. “Such and such section has been applied and its consequences if the said section is defied.” The Honourable the Leader of the House says this was not necessary. May I know whether it will be in order?   

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: The honourable member did not understand me, correctly. He wanted to know whether its was read out to the Assembly.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Not this House but the unlawful assembly. Not lawful assembly.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: It was announced there.

    Mr.R.K.SIDHWA: I am talking of that.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: There it was announced.

    Mr.R.K.SIDHWA: Who announced it?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: I do not know. I will find it out.

    R.S. GOKALDAS MEWALDAS: Sir, I must inform you that certain girls also have been arrested. They are arrested but not challaned.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: I think there has been sufficient discussion. This motion is no doubt definite and is of recent occurrence and is urgent.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, it is not the admonostrative responsibility of the Government.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: But of the Police?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Of the District Magistrate.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: The District Magistrate is a small limb of the Government.

    So it is a matter of recent occurrence. It is definite. It is urgent and it is of public importance. The Honourable the Leader of the House says he has no objection if it is discussed.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I say the matter is sub-judice and I have read out the ruling to you. I leave it to the Chair. If the Chair wishes to set up a precedent that even when a matter is sub-judice, the matter could still be discussed, I for one would not like to stand in the way of the Chair. But I say that it will be setting up a bad precedent. My duty is to point out to the Chair what I feel is the correct position.

    SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Sir, may I say one word regarding the sub-judice cases? In the first place we are governed by the Sind Legislative Assembly Rules and in the conditions laid down under the relevant rule, there is no reference to sub-judice cases.

    Sir, personally I know nothing of Om Mandli and in what connection the Satyagrah has started. They position is that some 100 persons have been arrested. How many have been challaned, we do not know. That is another thing.

    The third thing is how many person will still offer themselves for arrest. That also we do not know. We have to discuss the Satyagrah as well in connection with the adjournment motion and the policy of Government that movement. So it covers the persons who have been arrested. It covers the persons who have not been challaned. It covers the persons who may have been challaned. Only in regard to the persons who have been challaned, their cases are sub-judice. The only thing that has to be observed is not to go into the merits of the cases, if the cases, have proceeded at all. Under the present position these cases have not been proceeded with. They  may have been filed. On these considerations, I think motions of this nature could not be reasonably rejected.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, motions have also been ruled ou of order when it appears….

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER:  Which page?

    The honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: page: 31 ……… when it appears that administrative responsibility of Government was not involved.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: In connection with which matter was it?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Adjournment motion.

     THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: What is the context? What is the reference to the context? What was the motion about?  Is it beating of the Congress men?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: At page 31 of volume I. These are the words:-

    “It is stated in May’s Parliamentary Practice, page 248, that motions have also been ruled out of order when it appears that administrative responsibility of Government was not involved.”

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: That may be. When haris and zamindars fight and crate trouble, the police is not there and Mr. Muhammad Amin Khoso moves an adjournment motion, then the Honourable the Leader of the House will say “Our administrative responsibility was not involved. Our police has not done any wrong. That is a fight between the haris and the zamindars.” But the action of the sub-ordinates of Governments is certainly the action of Government and the Government is responsible for that. Therefore Government can be censured with regard to the action of the Officers of Government. Honourable the Leader of the House cannot go on the scene. It is the Officers who go on the spot and they act on their behalf. The only thing that I have to decide is whether or not this matter is sub-judice.
    I have held that it is of recent occurrence, it is definite it is urgent and it is of public importance. It satisfies all the ingredients involved in the admission of adjournment motions of this nature. The only objection is that if the matter is sub-judice, this House cannot consider it. Although in the rule regarding adjournment motions there is no specific mention of sub-judice, as pointed out by honourable members Shaikh Abdul Majid, still since there are rulings to that effect, they are a guide to the Chair. I have referred to the rulings and it has been held that matters which are sub-judice cannot form the subject matter of adjournment motions. Several rulings have been quoted to me. I will first mention the ruling of the President of the Bombay Council, which was quoted by the honourable members Mr. Valecha and Rao Shaeb Gokaldas. I think Raosheb Gokaldas also quoted ruling No.4. In this matter it has been pointed out that the law that was put into operation was an extraordinary law. It is not so here. The ordinary law of the land, section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code, is applied and no extraordinary regulations has been applied. The honourable members will please see that it is open to them to ask for leave to move an adjournment motion upon the ground that certain extraordinary regulations, instead of the ordinary law of the land has been applied. But here that is not the case.

    Mr. C.T.VALECHA: Extraordinary use of the law is being complained of.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: I am quoting the ruling. It is that certain regulations instead of the ordinary law had, been applied to a case and that the enforcement was oppressive and arbitrary, without regular trial under the ordinary law. Here they have been arrested under section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and they are being tried under that. The only point that arises now with regard to this motion is that if the case is sub-judice, then I cannot permit the merits of this case being discussed. The question of policy involved in the enforcement of a regulation, as against the ordinary law, is not applicable to this matter at all. This ruling refers to extraordinary law and not to ordinary cases where the law of the land has been applied, and if it had been the cases that extraordinary law had been applied, then certainly that would make it the subject matter of grievance to the honourable members.

    Mr.R.K.SIDHWA: if you are dealing on that point whether the matter is sub-judice. We have not been told how it is sub-judice, sir. The questions of sub-judies arises when the case is before the Court. The Honourable the Leader of the House himself is doubtful, and he is not sure whether the case is in the court or not.     

       Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: (In Sindhi..) But I person-ally know that member of the Labour Union of honourable member Mr. Naraindas were abusing.

    Mr. N. A. BECHAR: Question, question.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: (In Sindhi.) I am prepared to prove that. I am a friend of Labour Union. Sadhu Vaswani is very good and a selfless man.

    It was not good to apply this section against him. At the time of the first procession Sadhu Vaswani had expressed that he had no objection if a Tribunal was appointed. But he put emphasis on one point, that men should not reside together with women be-cause it is detrimental to public morals. Even Honourable Mr. Nihchaldas and Honourable Mr. Dialmal are of that opinion. The letter that was written by Honourable Mr. Nihchaldas was dictated to him by Honourable the Chief Minister and Honourable Sir Ghulam Hussain.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDYATULLAH Sir, I never dictated the letter.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: (In Sindhi.) You were present.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: I may correct him, Sir. At the time the letter was dictated, the Honourable Sir Ghulam Hussain was not present. The Honourable the Chief Minister was there and I also was there. But I do not think the Honourable Sir Ghulam Hussain is disputing the liability for the contents of the letter.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: No, no.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: (In Sindhi.) Honourable the Chief Minister dictated the letter to him which he gave. When he returned, Honourable Sir Ghulam Hussain was present.

     The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, may I rise on a point of personal explanation?

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Yes.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAI HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: I only wish to say that I never dictated the letter.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL : (In Sindhi.) The letter was written in your presence and you are a party to it. The fact is that the Honourable the Chief Minister asked me as to why this question is being taken as affecting the Hindu comnmiity only? Everyone has got mothers and sisters. When the letter was brought to Sadhu Vaswani, we explained the matter to Sadhu Sahib and the procession returned. Now also at first people were present in hundreds and then they increased to thousands. They did not use violent means. Government ought to have known that 25 persons were to come inside and not the whole procession. Government say that the attack on Secretariat is not allowed. We admit that there is such executive order. But on the other day a party of Hajis had also come. There were thousands in the procession. They had also passed certain resolutions but no step was taken against them. I am of the opinion that Government have got no right to apply section 144 to persons who are non-violent. Government have taken an unreasonable step which was not necessary. They say Sadhu Vaswani has been jailed for 15 days and others for one month each. Hindu Ministers have not been consulted whether the section be applied or not. I would request the Honourable the Chief Minister to declare in this Honourable House that he will resign because he has not proved himself worthy to adorn that Chair.

    Dr. CHOITHRAM P. GIDWANI: Sindhi.) The Honourable Mr. Nihchaldas did not know whether section 144 was to be applied.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, I have heard…..  

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Is the Honourable Minister rising on a point of reply?

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: No, Sir. I heard the last speaker, and I find that he and some of his other friends want Government to be led by the nose to obey their dictates and to do justice to no one. Some of the speakers propounded the theory that we should not interfere with the civil liberty of the people, and that we should be guided by the opinion of the majoirty. Well, Sir, I ask those gentlemen who propounded that theory : Merely because these poor women are only a handful, should we take the law into our own hands and interfere with their liberty? You see the iniquity of it.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDIVIAL: Up till now their liberty has not been taken away . .. .

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH No more interruption. Shut up.

    Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: He must withdraw .those words “Shut up”, Sir.

    Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: Sir, the Honourable Minister for Law and Order cannot orders the honourable member in such a temper. You will direct him, Sir, to address the Honourable House more politely. He loses his temper every now and then.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Yes, the Honourable Minister will use more polite language when addressing the House.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: I am talking of the principle. If-you want equity, you must come with clean hands. My honourable friend Shaikh Sahib said that Government are interfering with civil liberties. Has Dada Lekhraj no civil liberty?

    Mr. C. T. VALECHA: Then why did you issue the order against him?

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: It is not the privilege of the Opposition to interrupt: I have my right of speech. This very action on their part shows that the are riot lovers of liberty,’ and that it is all lip sympathy.

    Mr. C. T. VALECHA: You spoke of clean hands; it is therefore I was compelled to interrupt

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH Those who ask for liberty ought to give liberty to everyone though they may be in a majority, and the other side may consist of only a few persons, they should give the latter also their liberty. I might give instances of some of the Prophets to show. that, when they started any religion, how small was the number of their followers

    Dr. CHOITHRAM P. GIDWANI: What, Prophets!!

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH Take the case of our Holy Prophet Muhammad. How many follower had he? Hardly five or ten. If we accepted the definition of civil liberty propounded by the honourable member Shaikh Sahib our Holy Prophet ought to have been stopped from propagating Islam. Sir, we should give liberty to all individuals castes and I irrespective of the opinion of the majority. We should. be ashamed of the manner in which the honourable the Hindu members With pistols in their hands demanded that the Honourable the

    Hindu Ministers should bring about a decision which would suit them, and threatened that they would otherwise leave them. We cannot be forced in this way by some of the honourable members, to do injustice to others.

    Sir, we have respected the Hindu sentiments more than any of the Hindus ethemselves. There was the Om Mandli in existence for the last four years. Did you here anything about it? Nothing at all. Then certain circumstances transpired. I do not wish to go into the details, but I want to show our bona fides. First their demand was—and here the honourable member Mr. Issardas will bear me out—that the minor girls should be restored. Well, without any force of law, we impressed on Mr. Lekhraj that it was not right and proper to keep the minor children of others with He said, if that was the desire, let their parents come and he would give them their children. Well, as soon ,as we yielded to this one demand of theirs, they came forward with another. Next they asked:, for the major girls. That presented a very difficult question. As you know, Sir, no major girl can be forced to do anything. However, we told Mr. Lekhraj that, if he was preaching the truth, he should show his bona fides. The relations of the major girls want them back, and he must return them. He did it. Then, Sir, all of a sudden, my friend Sadhu Vaswani turned up ,here in Karachi. He led the first procession; and, though it was against the law, we did not want to make him a martyr. All processions are peaceful in the beginning, but end in roiting, abuse and some such trouble.

    Miss JETHIBAI T. SIPAHIMALANI Not. necessarily.

    Dr. CHOITHRAM P. GIDWANI: We have taken out a number of processions and nothing of that sort ever happened.

    The Honourable Sir. GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Actually what happened? Sadhu Vaswani marched on the Mandli. They actually broke the panes, the fences, the walls. Was ‘that a peaceful procession? They actually broke all these things. I can show you the repairs done to them. Because some of the Hindu voters do not want it, we must abdicate, resign and go away. The law is and ought to be no respector of persons. Well, he started. another march, and that was also with a purpose. Our Hindu friends and others said that, if we really want to placate the feelings of the Hindu community, the men should not reside with the girls in the Om Mandli or the Om Nivas. I was not there, but my two honourable friends wrote a letter which, for the benefit of the honourable members of this House, I will read out. Let them judge the letter on its own merits. That was also exacted by threats, I must say.

    The letter reads: My dear Jethmal, In your interview with the Honourable the Chief Minister…..

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Who is this Jethmal

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Read the other letter.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH Very well. This is the letter to Mr. Mangharam:

    “My dear Manghram,

    In your interview with the Honourable the Chief Minister to-day you suggest that it was not desirable that any males should reside in the Om Mandli or Om Niwas……

    KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: The words are “should reside.”

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Wait, please. It continues:

     “should reside in the Om Mandli or Om Niwas in company with the girls. I have discussed this matter with the Honourable the Chief Minister and he fully shares your sentiments in this respect.”

    Mark, the words are “reside with the girls”

    “He will advise the management that the residence of these persons on the premises of the Om Mandli and Om Niwas should be discontinued and he assures me that in case this advice is not accepted, he will take the necessary steps in the matter.”

    Then there is this thing:

    “Necessary steps” means legal measures for compelling the males to leave the Om Niwas and the Om Mandli.”

    The honourable members will see the words are “reside with the girls.” Now, Sir, there is not a single male member residing in the Om Niwas or the Om Mandli with the girls.

    Now this is the letter which is being misrepresented, which is being distorted to prejudice the honourable members of this House.

    It is as clear as daylight, But we even went further than that.  The honourable member Dr. Choithram -will support me in this. Yesterday, when they said that this was not enough to please them, we said we were issuing section 144 proceedings against both parties and even the honourable member Dr. Choithram told me that, as we had issued this order under section 144 against. The mandli it ought to satisfy every reasonable man. Sir, we have issued orders under section 144 that Dada Lekhraj should not allow any of the-. males to reside with the girls and that none of the girls should visit them. What more could we do to please -our friends, the Hindu’ members? We have done everything possible. Now the cases are pending in Court. If the truth is on their side, why are they not waiting for the result of those cases pending before the City Magistrate and other Courts? Leave aside that. To respect their sentiments, we say “We are immediately appointing a Tribunal so that it may go into the whole question and give a final decision on it. If it is in favour of the Anti-Om Mandli party, we will either legislate or try to find out if there is any existing-law by which we can stop their activities.” Now we have done almost everything in their favour. On the contrary, the grievance ought to be on the side of the Om Mandli. To respect the sentiments of our friends, we have done everything possible in our power to please them.

    Now, Sir, what is the question? We knew that we ought to hold the scales even between both the parties, and we were not afraid to lose the votes of the honourable members who were sitting on this side. We issued section 144 proceedings against both parties. When we were restraining the Om Mandli and Dada- Lekhraj and the two other persons who they say are objectionable persons, then why should we not also restrain the Sadhu. They are now telling us that we have not abided by our promises. Here are our written promises, and we have gone even further than them. The honourable members should not be in any anxiety about the breaking of the Ministry or the making of a new Ministry. They ought- to judge the issue. on its own merits.

    Well, Sir, in order to respect the sentiments of our Hindu friends, we have issued proceedings under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code, against them. Honourable members -know that though we have taken action against the other party, the Sadhu threatens us and says that, unless we ban the Mandli, he will take the law into his own hands. When our notice under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code, was served on the other party, he ought to have waited and held his hand. But he is courting jail, and wants to create trouble. We are trying to avoid making him a martyr, but he is forcing our hands. If the honourable members wish that there should be no law and order, then, of course, that is a different matter.

    SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID : Sir, I want to understand- One which I could not follow properly, and that is whether he said that they are trying to find out law to close the Mandli or they will legislate with  view go close the Mandli

    The Honourable. Sir GHULAM HUSSARHIDAYATULLAH If the decision of the Tribunal is to that effect.

    SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID Is that what he has said in his speech?

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: I think what he said was clear.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATIAR: Sir, to-day I rise under the same indignation against the Government which I had at the time when they applied section 144.

    Sir, as you have allowed this Honourable House to discuss the question of policy of Government, I will confine my remarks to the very question of policy of this Government.

    Sir, first of all before I proceed with my observations, I want to state that so far as the present Government is there, I have failed to understand if there is any policy on any question which may be criticized or understood by any balanced-minded person. Their policy is fluctuating like a thermometer like the mercury that fluctuates in a thermometer. With heat it expands and with cold it contracts. In the morning they have some view on a matter .which will change and evaporate away with the rising of the sun and will again settle down with the setting of the sun and under the light of the moon. This is the thing which has baffled and stood in the way of this Province for making any progress in our country. Sir, we feel very sore on account of this sort of attitude of this Ministry on almost all the questions of broad principles and serious questions regarding the administration of the Government.

    Sir, coming nearer to the question which has occupied the attention of this Honourable House this evening, I fail to understand whether this Ministry have taken into consideration the seriousness of their action in applying section 144 to the procession that was to start from the Khalikdina Hall. I .fail to understand that. I have gone through section 144 as it reads in the BoOk which is in my hands just now. You will bear with me that the procedure laid down under section 144 is definite. With your permission I will read out the section which says

    “Such Magistrate may, by a written order stating the material facts of the case and served in the manner provided by section 134, direct any person…..

    Now in applying section 144, the procedure laid down in section 134 has to be followed. Section i34 clearly lays down the method of applying section 144, and I will read section 134 before I can offer my remarks on that. There are two clauses of section 134. Clause (I) reads:

    “The order shall, if practicable, be served on the person against whom it is made, in manner herein provided for service of a summons.”

    Sub-section 2 reads as under:—

    “If such order cannot be so served, it shall be notified by proclamation , published in such manner as the local Government may by rule direct, and a copy thereof shall be stuck at such place or places as may be fittest for conveying the information to such person.”

     Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: That is the point.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: The question is that the very action of Government is wrong, because the have not followed the procedure laid down in section 134. My contention is that the Government was not right in applying this section. Presuming that they wanted to apply it, they have failed to comply. with the requirements of section 134. The very method of application of section 144, as is defined in section 134, is not followed.

    Sir, I have never understood for myself whet proclamation made by the Government, promulgating section 144 her there was any banning any person or persons assembled i hibiting them one and all from m n the procession and pro_ merit a further move. Government was in possession of the information that the procession was to start at a scheduled time from the Khalikdina Hall much before, and if Government had a mind to apply section 144, where were these Ministers? Where was the Honourable Minister-in-charge of Law and Order, or where was the Honourable the Leader of the House? How were they occupied? VVhy have they not complied with the provisions of section 134? After all you are not arresting one man. The procession is composed of a number of persons. Supposing one man is informed, then I contend that is not sufficient, because it was not only he who was to be arrested but a number of persons, who formed a part of procession were to be arrested. As such I contend that the proclamation was very necessary.

    Then, as is our knowledge and experience, section 144 does very, clearly lay down that such Magistrate may, by written order, etc., see that provisions of section 134, which I read out just now are followed,

    Then I proceed further. Here I fail to conceive how this Government can behave differently in an identical matter. my honourable friend Mr. Issardas has very rightly pointed out—and we are—that here in the last session, before we broke, a number of Hajis who had a grievance did come to this Assembly. are also aware–that I don’t complain of that. They very rightly did come. I did not object because I have my own sympathy with my Haji friends who had been victims to a number of difficulties and hardships on account of the neglect of Government. If the Hajis could come here, I could not understand why some of the persons, who wanted to come to the Secretariat this morning to apprise the Government of the grievances and their feelings, were prevented from doing that. How do Government justify their action this morning when on a former occasion they took no action whatever in preventing the Hajis. Thereby I don’t say that the Hajis ought to have been pre-vented. Not even for a minute am I advocating or supporting that idea. After all the Government that is there ought to be a popular Government and it ought to be available at all times for 24 hours to the people. _When the people wanted to come and see them in a deputation or procession, they ought to have been given an opportunity. After all the heavens would not have fallen on the earth. Sind is not going to be run down and the British Government is not going to be packed off beyond the shores of the Indian Ocean, that my honourable friends on the Treasury Benches are feeling so nervous about allowing any procession to enter into the premises of the Secretariat.

    Is this Secretariat a sacred premises that it is going to lose its sanctity?

    The Honourable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Yes.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: I cannot understand. Then, Sir, my friend, the Honourable Pir Illahi Bakhsh began to justify some of those actions of the Government, and said that the Government could not but function as they did, because those processionists, the persons who started the procession, did not obtain the permission from the police. Now, they begin to feel doubtful if section 144 could be legitimately promulgated. There are a number of processions which are started, but sometimes they do it without obtaining the permit, and the police draw their attention to them that they have not taken the permit. Then the permission is applied for and granted, or somebody is asked to explain, and if the explanation is satisfactory to the trying magistrate, they are let off, otherwise he nominally fines them one rupee. Now, Sir, is this an offence for which they should have promulgated section 144, if they want to continue in office?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH : We are not in the services I can tell you that

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: I am afraid I have always found the Honourable the Leader of the House lacking the in spontaneity, because he is always busy in looking after votes. – Budget is hanging on their heads, and the Sidhwas and Popatlals are in their minds always.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Certainly not, we never remember them.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: The Honourable Mr. Nihchaldas is sitting there and he will at least bear testimony to it, since he was always abusing Popatlal.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: What? 

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: I know it because my friend Mr. Hiralal told me that because Mr. Nihchaldas was talking so loudly that he was abusing me. I do not want to wound his feelings now.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: The honourable member must be a dreamer.

    AN honourable member: Did he abuse or canvass?

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: He did.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Don’t get irresponsible. The honourable member is absolutely irresponsible.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: The honourable member must be relevant.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: This is what -I say, that this is a question which is weighing very heavily on them.

    AN honourable member: It then means all the Ministers.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Excuse me, Sir, we are not thinking of our seat even half as much as almost every member on those benches is thinking of.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: I do not want to yield, sir.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: Don’t be personal. The honourable member should not be personal.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: I am not getting personal. I am only saying that it is but natural that at the time of .voting, they should lose the balance of their mind and apply section 144 as they have done now.

    R. K. SIDHAVA: A point of information. Know from the Honourable the Leader of the House at what time has not been stated by the Government. Was it last night? When did the Honourable Chief Minister. Inform the District Magistrate, and at what time he said the section was  proclaimed.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honourable the leader of the House can make a statement.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH what concern is it of this Honourable House as to when it was promulgated? However I shall reply. The point was raised by the honourable member Dr. Popatlal that the section could only be applied after a proclamation, and that there was no proclamation. The honourable member should have read the section a it more care-fully, and, not only Dr. Popatlal but several honourable members also raised that point. For their information I shall read what the section says. It says:”

    An order shall, if practicable, be served on the person against whom it is made in the manner herein provided for service of summons. If such order cannot be served……

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: Read the upper portion. You are reading the lower portion.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: “It shall be done by proclamation.” Sir, notice was served on Sadhu Vaswani and so no proclamation was necessary.

    (Dr. Popatlal A. Bhoopatkar got up).

    No, Sir, I am not prepared to yield. I am merely pointing out what the legal position is.

    Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: What about others?

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: That was the point of the honourable member Mr. Sidhwa also. What of others?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: The proclamation was read. The D.S.P. was empowered to announce that declaration, and the District Magistrate promulgated section 144.

    Mr. C. T. VALECHA: Did he announce it to everybody?

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Good manners require that there should be no interruption.

    Then, Sir, as regards the various points raised by several honourable members, especially the honourable member Seth Partabrai……

    Dr. CHOITHRAM P. GIDWANI: A point of information, Sir. The honourable Sidhwa put a question as to when this matter was decided by the Cabinet. I am speaking of this section 144

     THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: By the Cabinet?  I do not know if he would reply.

    Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: The House is supposed to know the facts. The Government should decide on this matter.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER I ‘shall be very glad if he would reply.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH the District Magistrate discussed the question with the honourable Ministers who fully approved of the action taken, and it was taken with the concurrence of the Ministers.

    The Honourable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: No, it is not for the Cabinet.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: You can hold the Cabinet meeting even here.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH Sir, it would be necessary for me at this juncture to trace back the history of this Om Mandli affair. The honourable members are aware that this Om. Mandli started originally at Hyderabad some three or four years ago, and from there they migrated to Karachi. Complaints were brought to the notice of Government about six weeks ago and, when at first enquiries were made during the course of conversation with various members of the Hindu community, no allegation of any kind with regard to immorality was laid at the door of the Mandli. It was never alleged that it was an immoral institution. It was after the evidence of those four girls, and Om Radhe that the agitation took a different turn. I visited the Mandli and the first discussion I had with Sadhu Vaswani was on the day when this Honourable House adjourned, and my honourable friends wanted to go to Tripuri. I made the position at that juncture quite clear to Sadhu Vaswani. I gathered from Sadhu Vaswani that he was not satisfied and desired that the institution should be banned. Sir, my reply to him was that it would not be possible for this Government to impose a ban on the institution. – Then the talk centered round the following matter, that the girls who were willing to go to their parents should be returned to them. The first thin’ g that he said was that the minor girls who were with the Management should not be there as they had no right to keep those girls with them. I then promised that they would be sent back- to their guardians. Now under the existing law it would not be possible for Government to compel major girls to go to their homes forcibly. When I visited the institution I came to one conclusion, and I do not deny that, that the girls who resided within the institution, were unwilling too back to their parents, or recognize their parents for that purpose.

    Under the existing law, I could not compel the girls to leave the institution (Om Nivas), but persuaded them to go back to their parents.

    I spoke to Bhai Lekhraj frankly. I said: “People gave their children to you; they reposed in You certain confidence and hoped that these girls would be returned back as good girls. Now those girls are not prepared to go back to their parents. It is your moral duty to see they go back, but you, on the contrary, have betrayed the confidence they reposed in you.”

    SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: It is six o’clock, Sir.

     Allowance cannot be made for time taken up in discussing an adjournment motion when a demand for grant is under discussion.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER let us close the debate. The motion has been talked out.

    I shall have to take the Budget.

    Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: Sir, three hours have been lost in discussing the adjournment motions and to-day we have one hour less, being Friday ; therefore I would suggest that we should have full 4-i hours to-day–we had 4i hours yesterday—, according to our rules we ought to have two full working days on this cut motion, so either we must sit up to Io o’clock or kindly allow us to meet to-morrow and finish the business.

    KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Please look up rule 29 (2), page 14 of the old rules ; we are entitled to the maximum time limit—

    “Of the days so allotted, not more than two days shall be taken up by the Assembly for the discussion of any one demand. As soon as the maximum limit of time for discussion is reached, the Speaker shall forthwith put every question necessary to dispose of the demand under discussion.”

    Now mark the words “as soon as the maximum limit of time for discussion is reached, the Speaker shall forthwith put every question necessary to dispose of the demand under discussion.” It is two full days or nine hours. We have discussed the matter for 4 hours; we are entitled for another 4i hours today; three hours have been lost on this matter of adjournment motion which has been suddenly sprung upon us. We should have two full working days before we can close discussion on General Administration altogether and put it to vote.

    For further assurance I would call your reference to the following ruling of your predecessor, which he gave on the 12th August 1937, when the Budget was being discussed in this Honourable House;

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER : It is quarter to six, now I am thinking how to make up this one hour given to the and a half—it was Friday ; and hours less was  honourable members. To-morrow the Assembly will assemble at 3 p. m.

    Mr. SIDHWA: What time will you take for this?

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER : I am giving full two working days to this .question ; tomorrow there will be no questions ; and that has always been the practice in the Bombay Council.”

    Two working days were allotted. By this arrangement three hours have been taken away and we want that we should have 3 hours tomorrow.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honourable the Leader of the House.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH Sir, this side of the House, at the request of honourable members’ on the opposite side of the House, agreed to forego the half hour allotted for questions, and accordingly questions were dispensed with today.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: There remains half an hour more.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: The honourable member who brought forward the adjournment motion is responsible for the loss of time. Honourable members opposite insisted on the adjournment motion being discussed and if they waste the time of the House, it is their responsibility; whose motion was it? The other side’s. Therefore they must bear the consequences of their action.

    GOVERNMENT BENCHES: Quite right: The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: We considered your request about dropping the questions. We do not hold ourselves responsible for the time lost in discussing the adjournment motions.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: What about the loss of half an hour because we met at three o’clock.

    GOVERNMENT BENCHES: We always meet at three on Fridays.

    The Honourable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: the honourable members know fully well the significance of the adjournment motions; it means that the normal day’s work has to be adjourned. Certain days were allotted for the purpose of

    discussion and sanctioning of the Budget. When the idea is that this House should be adjourned, it does not necessarily follow that the honourable members are entitled to another day for discussing the Budget. A separate day could have been allotted for the discussion of adjournment motions, but as a resolution has been passed giving priority to the adjournment motion, naturally the time was lost, and it does not necessarily follow that more time should be allotted for the day’s business than is available; for it was up to the House to consider whether it was so urgent that the normal business of the day should be postponed.

    Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I appeal to the Honourable Ministers that some kind of large-mindedness is necessary. When something is urgent the opposition has to bring the adjournment motion; allowance should be made in such cases, whether the other side considers it urgent or not; after all some members considered it urgent. Some adjustment in time should be made in connection with such adjournment motions; Honourable Minister should agree; otherwise it will be petty-mindedness on their part.

    THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: I refuse to allow further discussion. Whatever it may be, I am going to give my decision. I have to look beyond my nose but not under my nose. As the Honourable the Leader of the House pointed out, and very rightly too, adjournment motions are an interruption of the normal day to day business and therefore a restriction has been imposed that adjournment motions should be very sparingly admitted. They, with open eyes, chose to interrupt the business. They already knew that the Budget discussion is on; so they have to bear the consequences and this has always to be included unless he points out some other rule to me.

            KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: The Honourable Minister has not supported his statement by any law that, because an adjournment motion has been brought, and which has taken away the time, the Opposition should suffer. THE HONOURABLE THE SPEAKER: He has quoted rule 29 (2). Since the maximum number of two days was allotted to the discussion of the budget, and since every honourable member knew it, they chose to waste the time. I had drawn their attention to this at the very outset but still they chose to waste time. Now as regards the half an hour, it is within the discretion of the Chair to close at any time. I only consulted the Honourable the Leader of the House just to have his guidance. I am prepared to sit upto 7-3o to-day to allow the subject being fully discussed. The House shall sit upto 7-3o p. m. to-day.

    I would request the Honourable the Deputy Speaker to come and occupy this Chair for half an hour because I am now tired.

    (At this stage the Honourable the Speaker left the Chair and the Honourable the Deputy Speaker occupied the Chair,)

    THE HONOURABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order, order.

    (Discussion on Re. I cut motion—General Administration—continued.)

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, I have heard with great attention the honourable mover of Re. I cut motion. My honourable friend seems to be a great past master in the use of language.

    THE HONOURABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Order order. Public in the gallery must, when they go out, leave their places quietly without making any noise or causing any disturbance to the House.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Superlatives, hyperboles, and even abuse are the special gifts of my honourable friend. I want to relate one story for the amusement of this Honourable House.

    Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: Sir, I am unable to hear my honourable friend the Minister for Law and Order. If he is referring to me, I would like to hear him.

    THE HONOURABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: There is a great noise in the gallery. I give one minute and I want that persons who want to go out from the gallery leave just now without making any noise.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: For the delectation of this Honourable House, I want to relate a story. A young gentleman wanted to make a name for himself for good or bad. So he consulted one of his friends. His friend asked him whether he was good at abusing others and carrying on propaganda for himself. The gentleman told him that it was his specialty. Then his friend told him to go ahead and that he world be a great success in the world So, Sir, carrying on propaganda for oneself and abusing others is sometimes a very paying proposition. My Ministry failed because I did not know how to carry on propaganda for myself,. Like my honourable friend, the mover of this cut motion. On the last occasion too, my honourable friend the mover of the cut motion traversed the same ground that he has on this occasion, and my honourable friends in this House must have noticed that he has harped on the same strings and therefore everybody has expressed, not excluding the Press, that his music has become stale and boring now.

    What is his first ground for the cut motion? The Assembly Hall: Last time, the honourable member the then Ministers-in-charge who is sitting with him said (if I remember rightly) that competitive designs should be invited for the Hall. The honourable member who is now speaking says what.is the good of inviting competitive designs. A good architect should. be called and the work should be finished quickly. Now, because this has been done, he has moved a Re. r cut motion. This time, the Honourable Minister for Public Works Department did follow his advice. He called the architect and gave him the order. And now my honourable friend says that the architect is Mr. Gorden’s friend. Whe-ther the architect is a European or an Indian, the honourable Member ought not to have attributed motives to Mr. Gordon. The honourable member wanted -that the work should be. done quickly, and this is being done. Still the honourable member is not satisfied.

    Sir, I ask, is there any man who is free from criticism? But .my -honourable friend considers any stick good enough to beat the Ministers with. Because -the Ministers have not completed the work, the honourable member is not satisfied. He wants the Ministers – to go with aeroplane speed. I am sure that, even if the Ministers go with aeroplane speed, he will still not be satisfied.

    Then, Sir, may I ask the honourable member if he has read the books that have already been provided ? How many honourable members  of this House have read the books that have already been provided ? These are paltry reasons. I think people will laugh  at us if they hear of such flimsy grounds being taken into consideration, and if they heard of the honourable members of this House bringing ‘an adjournment motion or a cut motion wants to censure the Ministry has in the Assembly on that account.

     Then the third ground on which the mover of the cut motion wants to censure the Ministry is that the Ministry has appointed corruption committees, but has taken no action on their reports. But the honourable members should know that .various circulars have been issued. I do not want to waste the time of this Honourable House by narrating in detail what effect has been given to some of the recommendations of the Committees.

    Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE.: We would like to know that, Madam.

    The Honourable Sir GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH I will ask my honourable colleagues to read it out. I thought it

    27.3.1939 The paper ‘Times’(Printing House Square, E.C-4) carries the story sent by its Bombay Correspondent. It is: ‘Two Hindu Minister of the Sindh Cabinet, Mr. Nihchaldas C. Vazirani and Mr. Diamal Doulatram, have resigned. The Cabinet’s difficulties are said to have been caused by the serious turn taken by the satyagraha  (Civil disobedience) movement  against the Om Mandli women’s institution, which has led to the arrest of more than 110 persons. A motion of censure proposed by the Congress Party against the Cabinet over the Om Mandli issue  was defeated after a two-day debate. The Om Mandli is a woman’s educational and cultural institution at Hyderabad, Sindh. Last September certain allegations were made regarding its management and the Government were urged to close it. The agitation has continued and has taken on a communal bias, so that a merely local question has become an issue of provincial importance’.(Source: The Times). The first sitting of the Tribunal to inquire into the Om Mandli affairs is held to decide upon the proceedure to be followed in the inquiry. The Om Mandli Management boycotts its proceedings by remaining absent. (Source: Newspapers).

    28.3.1939: Sadhu Vaswani is released. He was arrested on 24th on account of violating Section 144 and leading procession. (Source: The Daily Al-Wahid, Karachi).

    28.3.1939: The Newspaper carries on the report of its Bombat correspondent on the Om Mandli issue. It has been reported that : “Two Hindu Ministers of the Sindh Cabinet, Mr.Nihchadas C.Vazirani and Mr. Diamal Doulatram have resigned. The Cabinet’s difficulties are said to have been caused by serious turn taken by the satyagraha [civil disobedience] movement against the Om Mandli women’s institution, which has led to arrest of more than 110 persons. A motion of censure proposed by the Congress party against the Cabinet over the Om Mandli issue was defered after a two-day debate. The Om Mandli is a women’s educational  and cultural institution at Hyderabad, Sindh. Last September certain allegations were made regarding  its management, and the Government were urged to close it. The agitation has continued and has taken on a communal bias so that a merely local question has become an issue of provincial importance”. (Source: The Times).

    30.3.1939: The Chief Secretary to Government of Sindh apprises Home Department, Government of India of the law and order situation created by the Om Mandli issue. He writes: “The chief feature has been the continuance of the Anti-Om Mandli agitation. With a view to force Government to ban the institution, the agitators started satyagraha and under leadership of Sadhu Vaswani gave notice of their intention of taking out a mammoth procession and marching on the Secretariat permises. This they actually did, but the demonstrators dispresed when Government announced that they would use their influence with authorities of the Om Mandli to segragate the male members of institution from the women and girls. The Satyagraha was alled off for a week to see the results of these negotiations, and it has now been decided to appoint a tribunal to investigate the charges brought against the Mandli”. (Source: Letter No.P-25-H-S/39. Dated 30th March 1939).

    30.3.1939: The refusal of Government  to yield to the general demand for immediate closure of the Om Mandli helped to fan the flame of agitation against Ministry and the climax was reached when a motion of no-cofidence sponsored by the Hindu Independent Party was  was moved by Dr. Hemandas , MLA, and the two Hindu Ministers resigned their seats in the cabinet in obedience to the mandates of their party. An appeal was made in vain for the withdrawal of the motion on the ground that since the last motion of a similar nature had been defeated by the House now no  new circumstances had arisen to justify a fresh motion of censure. The motion came up for discussion  on the 30th March but, in spite of the endeavour of the Opposition to press the House  for a division, no decision was reached and after 3 day full-dress debate the matter was adjourned to the following day. The House rose in an atmosphere of tense excitement and the fate of the Ministry  hung in the balance with the scales weighted according to lobby indications slightly in favour of the Opposition. The next day, however, the Hindu Independent Party sprung a complete surprise on the House by returning to the Ministrial benches. The no-confidence motion was withdrawn but in agreeing to its withdrawal the mover declared his disagreement with his party’s decision and announced his resignation from the party. The last minute rapprochement betwwen the Ministry and the Hindu Party has been received witn general satisfaction; and two Hindu ex-Minister have been re-appointed to the Cabinet. (Source: Newspapers).

    30.3.1939: I.H. Taunton, Chief Secretary to the Government of Sindh, writes to the President of Om Mandli indicating that as the segregation is only nominal and access can easily be had to the premises by men living in adjoining bunglow, therefore, genuine segregation of the men-folk should be affected by arranging accomodation for them at some considerable distance from Om Mandli. (Source: Sindh Chief Secretary’s Letter).  

    30.3.1939: On behalf of the ‘Panchayat Committee’, its chairman, Mangharam submitts written statement before the Tribunal appointed by  Sindh Government to inquire into the affairs of the Om Mandli. It is very lengthy and detailed statement and ends with the following para: “ Bhai Lekhraj either through hypnotism or some other uncanny influence or wrong teaching bring about such a perverted state of mind among the inmates that girls bathe with or before him half-naked without feeling abashed. …the women and he indulge in premiscuous kissing, hugging, dancing, and sleeping together and all this is offensive and immoral socially according to Hindu ideals…………” (Source: The Copy of the statement with Gul Hayat Institute).

    11.4.1939: The Sindh Chief Secretary sends report to the Government of India on Om Mandli. In report it has been said that: ‘The anti-Om Mandli agitation was consideranly intensified during the fortnight. The appointment of a tribunal to enquire into all allegations against the Mandli failed to pacify the agitators, nor were they satisfied with the preventive action under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code, against the founder  of  the institution and other connected with it, to ensure segregation of the sexes in the Mandli. The agitation, which had been suspended  for a week, was accordingly resumed on the morning of the 24th March by taking out a procession to the Secretariat. An order under section 144, CPC, forbidding processions to the Secretariat was defied and Sadhu Vaswani and other leaders of the agitation were arrested, tried and sentenced  to a short term of imprisonment; others who fefied the order were merely taken away and  detained for a few hours. Satyagaraha was resorted to at the Secretariat and  men and women and boys and girls vied  with each other in offering themselves for arrest. The Secretariat was practically in a state of  seige for three days and a strong force of police had to be kept at the place  to keep in check the inevitable crowed which consisted to large extent of youths and boys who had gathered to see the fun. On 28th March Government  relesed Sadhu Vaswani  and other convicted persons and withdrew the order prohibiltng processions to the Secretariat; the assembling of crows at the Secratariat thereupon ceased but propaganda against the Mandli continued to be carried on in the town. The prohibitory order to enforce segregation of sexes in the Mandli was not carried out  by inmates of the institution who contended that it was unreasonable and impracticable and moved the High Court to set it aside. The Court rejected the revision application and uphold the order and steps are now being taken to proscute those supporters of the Mandli who disregarded the prohibitory orders against them. The tribunal commenced its work on the 27th March and is holding its proceedings ‘in camera’; its report isaited’. (Source: indicated).

      24. 4. 1939: The Government of Sindh writes to the Home Department of the Government of India that ‘ Agitation against the Om Mandli was quiescent during the fortnight. The District Magistrate’s order under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code, which had been uphold by the High Court, was extended by fourteen days, but the proposal prosecution of those supporters of the Mandli who disregarded the prohibitory orders against them was dropped as they gave an undertaking in writing to comply strictly with terms of order in future, The report of the tribunal has since been received and the allegations against the Mandli have been held proved. The findings of the tribunal have, however, been recorded ex parte as the Om Mandli declined to give evidence before the tribunal. The report is at present under the consideration of Government’. (Source: The Report of the Chief Secretary, Government of Sindh).

    1.5.1939: The Distric Magistrate, Karachi serves notice on Secretary [Jasoti] and the President [Om Radhe] of the Om Mandli that the previous Order/Notice of this court [of dated: 23.3.1939] expires on 1st May 1939, the circumstances leading to it continue to exist. Now, you are ordered to abstain from admitting or causing to be admitted into the permises occupied on Victoria Road and Reay Road at Karachi by Institution commonly known as Om Mandli and Nivas any male visitors or male members of the said institutions. This order shall remain in force for fourteen days from the date of its service. (Source: The Sindh Government Gazette, dated, 4.5.1939)

    13.5.1939: The Sindh Observer reports that the Tribunal has submitted his report to  Government and Bhai Lekhraj has been called upon to show cause, if any, within seven days, why the Om Mandli should not be declared an unlawful association under Section 16 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1908. (Source: indicated).

    16.5.1939: The Sindh Governor, L. Graham , in his letter of 16th May, 1939 send to Lord Linlithgow, the Viceroy of India, writes that ‘ You will remember that I have mentioned to you the Hindu religious reform movement entitled itself Om Mandli, which has been giving cause for much agitation to my ministers because the Independent non-Congress Hindus have been threatening to withdraw their support from the Ministry unless firm action is taken against Om Mandli.

    I have throughout been trying to keep my Ministers on a sensible line in the matter, but without success. They first of all – and against my advice- set up a Tribunal consisting of a member of the Judicial Commissioner’s Court and a retired Judge of the Karachi Small Causes Court; but this Tribunal was without  powers to take evidence or even to admit legal practitioners. The Om Mandli  chose to boycott the Tribunal, which examined a considerable number of  witness and doubtless made every effort to get at the truth. The members of the Tribunal finally reached the conclusion that the Om Mandli institution [including the school] is a nest  of immorality, and that the girls and young women there are reduced to a state of complete lack of comprehension by some process of mesmerism.

    My Ministry, on the ground that this canker in Hindu society was likely to produce violent reaction unless it was cut out by Government,  proposed to take  immediate action under  the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1908 and to declare the Om Mandli an unlawful association. I persuaded them to give  the Om Mandli a week’s notice in which to show cause why such action should not be taken against them. That week has now elapsed and the Ministers have decided that the long statement which has been put in by the Om Mandli presents no reason why the institution should not be proscribed. They are assured by the Legal Remembrancer that their order will be legal. This may be so, seeing how widely the Act has been drawn; but I am convinced that it was never intended that this Act should be used for a purpose of this kind, and I have tried to make plain to my Ministers that they will be placing themselves in a some what ridiculous position.

    In trying to dissuade my Ministers from the line os action which they propose to adop, I have not been moved by any feeling of tenderness for the Om Mandli; but I am distressed that they should, at the bidding of the Hindu minority in Assembly, have allowed themselves to be made to proceed in this manner and to abuse the  provision of the Law.

    I am not convinced that there is any danger of a public breach of the peace or of a general defiance of the forces of Law and Order; but my Ministers have chosen to take that line and I cannot find that my special responsibilities are involved in any way. I have told my Minister, therefore, that, heartily as I disagree with the acton which they promise to take, I can not prevent them from taking it.’(Source: indicated. Photo copy of the letter with Gul Hayat Institute).

    18.5.1939: In exercise of the powers conferred by Section 16 of the Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1908, the Governor of Sindh  declares the association at present known by the names of Om Mandli and Om Nivas to be unlawful associations. (Government Notification No.249/3-H-S).

    On this day and date, The Daily Mirror, offer comments on Radhe, the President of Om Mandli and her performance in the court. The paper writes: “ And above all, observe her reckless loyalty to and her unshakable belief in Dada. Let the whole of Sindh with one voice demounces her man, she Om Radhe would go on believing in him as long as she lives. Even if Lord Krishna himself were to appear to her in person and tell her that Lekhraj is an imposter, I am quite sure, she would get the Lord turned out of the Nivas or hand him over to one of the Om girls to be initiated unto Brahma Vidya”. (Source: indicated).

    19.5.1939: The ‘Sindh Observer’, in its issue of today writes: ‘It does not lie in the mouth of any person connected with Om Mandli to declare that the findings of the Tribunal to be exparte, tthemselves being responsible for the boycott of the Tribunal. Why did they fight shy of presenting their case before tribunal? Because, they had no case and felt they could not convince two impartial gentlemen of the uprightness of their cause and their work’. (Source: Indicated).

    20.5.1939: The Governor of Sindh notifies and declare their activities unlawful of the following places:Om Mandli [Two storyed building, ground and first floor, without-houses on Victoria Road known as BELLE VUE owned by Seth Tayabji Lotia], Om Mandli [Two storyed, ground and first floor, without houses on Victoria Road known as FAIZ-E-HUSSAINI BUILDING owned by Faiz-e-Hussain Trust]; Om Mandli [A separate ground floor block in the compound of the building of BELLE VEU owned by Seth Tyabji Lotia] and Om Nivas [Two storyed building, ground and first floor with outhouses on Reay Road bearing new Survey No.10. Sheet 8 and Survey No.25, Sheet F-11 at present in charge of the Official Assignee, Judicial nCommissioner’s Court, Karachi.] (Source: The Government Notification No.249/3-H-S).

    21.5.1939: The Daily Mirror writes: “ The Government of Sindh yesterday banned the well-known Hindu Om Mandli celibacy institution after receiving the report of a special tribunal appointed to to investigate the institution’s activities. Om mandli was founded three years ago in Hyderabad by Dada Lekhraj a wealthy merchant to propagate  the virtue of celibacy and give expression to a growing revolt against the Hindu ideal of marriage, whereby the wife is merely the husband’s chattel. The Society had about 400 members including  many beautiful young girls. Wives discontented with their husbands fled to the Om Mandli headquarters to such an extent that last Augud irate  husbands, left  stranded , picketed  the building for a several days. Police, than took action, and began to investigate alleged orgies going on inside. The movement had enjoyed great popularity in Hyderabad says the Associated Press”. (Source: The Mirror).

    31.8.1939: On behalf of the Anti-Om Mandli Committee, its Secretary moves application to the Chief Minister, praying taking suitable action against Om Mandli. The application discuss legal, social and religious obligations in details. (Source: The Copy available in Gul Hayat Institute).

    3.12.1939: A letter is published in paper without bearing name of writer. The writer has termed the status of Bhai Lekhraj in his own way. He writes: “ He[bhai Lekhraj] himself revealed no promise of being a teacher of mankind till very recently, all his life-  he must be over 55 years life of age- being spent in making money in the market place. He was a successful businessman. The money he has gathered in business, he seems to be devoting to propagate his cult with himself as the centre of devotion and bestower of spiritual bliss”. (Source: Sindh Observer).

    15.6.1940: Doulatram Bulchand of Hyderabad writes a forward to book ‘Om Mandli’which is a reply to Om Radhe’s book ‘Is this Justice ?’.

    1950 (April): Om Mandli is moved to Mount Abu, Rajasthan, India.

    25.5.1950: Lekhraj’s family is shifted to India. His family lived in Karachi for 14 years. It means they settled in Karachi in 1936.

    1953: Bhai Lekhraj marries his ‘adopted daughter’- Radhe- and she is renamed as ‘Sarswati’. Bhai Lekhraj is  69 years old, where as  his new wife Radhe was of 33 years.

    18.1.1969: Bhai Lekhraj breathes his last.