HIRD SINDH PROVINCIAL

CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

ON THE 21 APRIL 1916

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

OF THE HONOURABLE

Mr. G.M. BHURGRI

Standard printing works, Hyderabad, Sindh

THE PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Brother Delegates and Gentlemen

It is with no small difference that I have accepted the chair on this august occasion. It is, indeed, a proud privilege to preside over the deliberations of this important assembly, which represents the highest thought and aspiration in this Province. I cannot sufficiently esteem the great honour you have done me and can not help feeling that worthier shoulders than mine would have better sustained the burden of this great trust. While thanking you, therefore, for your kindness, I would at the same time crave your indulgence and forbearance for y many deficiencies and shortcomings. Of which I am only too painfully conscious. I do not for a moment take my election to the chair as a compliment to any personal merits of mine, which I am humbly aware, are at the best very slender indeed. I would fain have shrunk from this responsible and difficult. If honourable position, but the call of duty was insistent and I have humbly obeyed.

Our first and foremost duty is to give expression to our deep sense of loyalty and allegiance to the Crown. The British Crown is the embodiment of all that is good and great in human rule and is worthy of our deepest fealty and homage. However, I think it entirely superfluous for me a command to your attachment a rule for which no thinking person in India has anything but the profoundest love and devotion. At the present moment when England is engaged in a deadly conflict with the powers of human darkness, she is especially entitled to our loyal support and assistance, which she is happy to know and we are proud to feel, she possesses in boundless measures.

Our next duty is of a melancholy character. It is to express our deep sense of the incalculable loss sustained by India in the death of two of her noblest and greatest sons, Mr. Gokhale and Sir Pherozshah Mehta. Yielding to none in their consuming love for India. They devoted the untiring labours of their valuable lives to the service of their motherland. Their rare capacities their unequalled knowledge, their fearless independence of character, and their inflexible spirit compelled the respect even of those with whom they were brought into conflict. Men of broad minds and large hearts, patriots in the truest and highest sense, they will ever be an example and an inspiration to India’s coming generations.

Theirs was the proud if responsible, role of guide, philosopher and friend to aspiring India a role which they so abundantly fulfilled. Let us earnestly trust that the inspiring influence of their precept and example will ever abide with us, and fortify and sustain us in all our labours and trials in the cause of our country.

Another painful matter before us is to chronicle the profound sorrow of thaw whole people of India at the departure form office of the late Viceroy. Lord Hardinge Gentlemen, the inestimable qualities of Lord Hardinge are too well known and revered throughout the length and breadth of this country to make it necessary for me, much as I might wish it, to add any feeble words of mine in respectful and loving commendation. Lord Hardinge was statesman of the first rank, a statesman of the widest outlook and of the deepest insight, a stamen who won the unbounded esteem and the undying love and gratitude of the people of India by his evalted sense of justice, by his most wise and kind sympathy with the legitimate ideals and aspirations of the Indian people, and by his devoted labours in the cause of India. The bark of the state was committed to his care during high winds and troubled seas such as the world had not known before. But he guided it wisely and well despite the extreme difficulty and gravity of the situation. He handled the situation delicately, gently, yet with the most signal and conspicuous success. Now that he has been taken away from us, let us earnestly trust that his interest in the cause of the country for which be laboured so lovingly will continue, and that India will never cease to enlist his powerful and kindly exertions in her behalf.

This brings us to our next duty which is to extend to his successor, His Excellency the Viceroy Lord Chemlsford a most respectful and cordial welcome to our country. The mantle of Lord Hardinge has fallen on his shoulders, and we are humbly expectant that his governance of India will be characterized by the same qualities that made the frule of his revered predecessor, Lord Hardinge so loved and respected throughout the country.

The one grand theme of universal interest at the present moment is the Great War that is convulsing the entire civilized world. It is a Titanic conflict such as the world has never before seen in all her history dwindline all previous wars by the incomparable magnitude of its scale by the vital importance of the issues raised and by the momentous character of the effects and consequences it with …….. It is a fight of principles of right on the one side and of might on the other. And it is a matter for supreme and just pride to all of us that Britain stands in this conflict as she has ever stood, and we trust, will ever stand, for the cause of right as against the empire of might, for justice as against oppression, for freedom as against tyranny, for exalted principle as against sordid policy for the sanctity of moral obligation as against disregard for the demands of morality, for the inviolability of national integrity as against the destruction of national independence. Our profoundest gratitude is due to all those who have offered their lives or the lives of those they love as a holocaust with such generous abandonment on the altar of their nation’s cause; to all those boble sons who have shed their blood so unstintingly in this national sacrifice, and to all those boble mothers and wives who have borne the pangs of bereavement with so brave a heart. Our faith in the ultimate triumph of our cause is unfaltering, for we know and feel that he is thrice armed that hath his quarrel just. That Province grant success to our arms is the wish and prayer that lie deep in the hearts of every one of us.

The great part India has been called upon and has been able to play in the war is also a matter for honest pride to all her sons. Our soldiers and citizens alike have rallied round the imperial standard and have spontaneously and enthusiastically responded to the call of the Empire in her hour of supreme trial. India has given her blood, her treasure, her resources with ungrudging heart and in unstinted measure. Her grand spirit of heroism and sacrifice has evoked the admiration of even her enemies. She has established her reputation for loyalty and fidelity before the whole world and for all time. I speak in no high spirit of vain glory or proud vein of self complacency. I do not for a moment mean to imply that India has done anything more than her clear duty towards her rulers. I would emphasize the fact that India has only fulfilled the clear demands of allegiance and gratitude to the Crown in doing all she has does for the Empire a crisis. At the same time it must be recognized that she has discharged these difficult if high, obligations not with any bad will or with any bad grace, not in any selfish or calculating spirit, but voluntarily, cheerfully and is interestedly. Let us earnestly trust therefore that if ever there were any doubts of the loyalty of India to the British Crown, those doubts have been completely and for ever laid at rest by the present war.

Our goal

Gentlemen, let us come now to our goal, for this cannot be placed before our minds and those of our rulers too often or too insistently. Our clear and definite objective is the attainment by India, by constitutional means, under the aegis of the British Crown a system of self-government which should fulfill the legitimate aspirations of the people. Gentlemen, this is the ideal to which we are immutably committed. And it is an ideal which needs no apology or justification. For self government is on e of the fundamental facts of the physical and moral world. In the words of that great son of India, the Honorable Mr. Surendernath banerji, Self-Government is the order of nature the dispensation of divine Province. India must be master of its own destinies. That is the divine law, and the immutable order of the universe written in every line of universal history written in character by the inserutable hand of divine province. If there is to be a deviation or departure, it must be transitional and transient like the needle of a compass. But always pointing northward, steadily towards the goal which is self-government which ought to be the normal condition of things” and India’s grand old man, Mr. Dadabhai Nowroji also pressed this demand on the attention of our rules when he said than the peasants of Russia are fit for end obtained the Duma from the greatest autocrat in the world, and the leading statesman the Prime Minister of the free British Empire, proclaimed to the world, “The Duma is dead, long live the Duma. “Sarely the fellow citizens of that statesman, and the free citizens of that Empire by birthright and pledged righ5ts, are far more entitled to self-Government, a constitutional representative system, than the peasants of Russia. I do not despair. It is futile to tell me that we must wait till all the people are ready. The British people did not so wait for their parliament. We are not allowed to be fit for 150 years. We can never be fit till we actually undertake the work and the responsibility. While China in the east, and Persia in the West, of Asia are awakening, and Japan has already awakened and Russia is struggling for emancipation- and all of them despotisms- can the free citizens of the British Indian Empire continue to remain subject to despotism- the people who are among the first civilizers of the human race? Are the deseendants of the carliest civilizers to remain, in the present times of spreading emancipation, under the barbarous system of despotism, unworthy of British instinets, principles and civilizations”?

This ideal, gentlemen, has had the sanction of the British Government from the earliest days of her rule and the approval of the most eminent state men all ties. No less a statesman that the late viceroy, Lord Hardinge, impressed this ideal on the attention of his countrymen in India in words of sagest counsel to the present and future generations of English rules in India, and of stimulating encouragement to the people of this country. The words have echoes and re-echoed times without number but they are words which can still bear repetition. The words have been enclosed and re-echoed times without number but they are words which can still bear repetition. These are the words he spoke and I would comment them to your earnest attention. “England has instilled to this country the culture and civilization of the west with all its ideals of liberty and self-respect. It is not enough for her now to consider only the material outlook of India. It is necessary for her to cherish the asprations, of which she has herself sown the seed, and English official s are gradually awakening to the fact that, high as were the aims and remarkable the achievements of their predecessors, a still nobler task lies before them in the present and the future in guiding the uncertain and faltering steps of Indian development along sure and safe paths. The new role of guide, philosopher and friend is opening before you and it is worthy of your greatest efforts. It requires in you gifts of imagination and sympathy, and imposes upon you self-sacrifice, for it means that slowly but surely you must diverts yourselves of some of the power you have hitherto wielded. Let it be realized that great as has been England’s mission in the past, she has a far more glorious task to fulfill in the future. In encouraging and guiding the political self-development of the people.” And, again in his convocation Speech, his Lordship observed that it must be recognized that India cannot and will be not remain stationary, and that it is the task of the imperial Government to guide her development and to help her to at tain her just and legitimate aspirations.” Let us therefore, earnestly trust that British statesmanship will rise to the full height of its high responsibilities, and grant India what she has every right to expect at her hands.

It must not be supposed that, in making this demand, India is for a moment unmindful of her incalculable debt to England. No India is profoundly sensible of, and deeply grateful for, all that British rule has done for her, and has definitely and cheerfully accepted British Supremacy as the basis of her political evolution. But, at the same time, India feels that she is entitled to remind England that her greases good is still to come a good that is hers as much by right as by promise.

As much as to England’s duty by India. That India is fast realizing her duty to herself is clear from the growing spirit of inter-communal amity which she is doing her best to foster. And this brings me to the question of Hindu and Mahomedan relations.

HINDU AND MAHOMEDAN RELATIONS

One of the encouraging signs of the times is the increasing rapprochement between the two great communities in India, the Hindu and the Mahomedan. This is full of promise endures. That union is strength is indeed a truism, but it is a truism of such infinite value that it can never be sufficiently emphasized espeicallywhen counsels of separation threaten to prevail. It is in the cordial and whole-hearted co-operation between the various communities in India, in the subordination of communal interest to the national cause. And in the sinking of sectarian differences in a common Endeavour to promote the general good, that India’s salvation clearly lies. In this connection, it may not be out-of-place to refer to the open entente between the Indian national congress and the All-India Muslim League, which was long the pious wish of all true lovers of India, but which is now an accomplished fact. This is a very significant indication of the change for the better in the mutual relations of the two leading communities in India. Which was long foreshadowed by the advance of education and the increasing opportunities of mutual knowledge and contact. This union implies a common recognition of the fact that the time has come when the people of India must no longer be divided into hostile camps but must join hands and devote their concerted efforts to a common cause. Even in Sind, where racial differences were so pronounced in the past, there are observable pleasing indications of an increasing mutual understanding and good will between the various communities. This various communities. This very conference, in which Hindus and Mahomedans have met as members of one household for the promotion of its common interest, is a convincing proof of that inters communal good feeling that is the happiest augury for the future of this Province. And that a still closer union be yet affected is a consummation devoutly to be wished, and towards which it behaves every one who has the interests of this Province at heart to help to the full extent of his power.

While I am upon this subject, it may not be amiss to advert to the regrettable episode connected with the last session of the All-India Muslim League held in Bombay last year. I refer to the incident that led to the break-up of that meeting, and to the part alleged to have been played by the Police, particularly the Police Commissioner of Bombay, in the affair. The importance of the incident can scarely be exaggerated. It has exercised the minds of the whole thinking public of India, and has stirred the feelings of the people, particularly of the Mussalmans, to their very depths. Opinion, and feeling on the subject have found expression in almost every quarter. The press, representative of Indian opinion, has, voiced the people’s feelings in the matter in no uncertain accents, and seldom have the people at large been so affected by a single incidenet as by the incident in question.

Here was a meeting being held that was lawful in every sense of the word. A lawful assembly had met in a lawful manner for a lawful purpose. Clearly it was entitled to hold that meeting without any unlawful disturbance. The Police were in attendance in pursuance of their duty to maintain peace and order. The head of the Bombay Police and the head of the Presidency Magistracy were also on the scene. Yet the elements of disorder deliberately break loose, interrupt the proceedings and finally compel the assembly to dissolve its meeting. Clearly this was an occasion that called for the immediate action of the Police. That action was actually invoked, but was flatly denied.

This incident, you will see, clearly raises an important question of constitution. Indeed, the question transcends the bounds of purely communal politics, and is one of national moment. Hence the imperative necessity for a thorough and impartial enquiry into the matter by Government. That enquiry has been demanded by the general voice of public opinion in India, but I extremely regret that it has not yet been granted. The regret is all the greater as it is the reputation of Government that is undeservedly suffering. Let us, therefore, earnestly trust that enquiry will no long be withheld.

REFORM OF COUNCILS

I come now to the much-needed reform of the Legislative Councils. The Reform Scheme inaugurated by Lord Minto and Morley has worked very satisfactorily since its introduction. The time, I think, has come when the umber of Indians in the Executive Council should be increased. At present, we have only a nominal, and entirely ineffectual, representation in that important council, and I think it is time that a more real and substantial participation in the work of Government were granted to Indians. Again, I think we should press for an elected majority in Council instead of the present nominated majority. For a nominated Indian is virtually an official, an official in effect if not in name. At least, he is so to the people, whether be so in actual fact or not. To the public mind, he is generally identified with the official camp, and can never command the confidence of the people in anything like the same degree as an elected member. Hence it is idle to pretend that nominated members are, or can ever be, to the people what its own chosen representatives are, who are men of its own express selection, as against nominated members, who may not be, and often are not, men quite after its heart.

Another suggestion I should like to make is with regard to Resolutions. The most important right created by the Minto-Morley Reform Scheme was that which enabled the non-official members of the Legislative Councils to move resolutions on matters of public interest. Unfortunately, however, this right is able to be rendered quite nugatory by the absolute and unqualified powers of veto vested in His Excellency the President. Hence what is given by one hand is withdraw able by the other without any restriction whatever, such has actually been the case whenever resolutions that, for some reason or other, did not find favour with Government were sought to be moved by non-official members. Such dictatorial power practically renders the right in fructuous. I, therefore, think that if the right granted is to be of any use, the power to control its exercise must be subject to some condition or qualification.

Again, the resolutions themselves, when passed by the council are at present only allowed the force of recommendations, and stop short indecisions. This leaves Government free to give effect totem or not, just as it may choose to decide, and robs resolutions of their main value. I would therefore, submit that. If resolutions are to be of any practical worth, decisive effect should attach to them.

SEPARATION OF EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL FUNCTIONS.

One of the most important matters for reform is the time-honoured combination of judicial and executive functions in one officer of Government. The subject is as old as the time of Lord Cornwallis, Governor-General of India, when attention was first called to the importance and urgency of this much needed reform. The system which allows the same officer of Government to collect the revenue, to control the police to institute prosecutions and , at the same time, to exercise large judicial powers has been condemned not only by the general voice of public opinion in India but also by some of the highest officers of Government and some of the greatest judicial authorities in this country, it has been perhaps, the most insistent subject of complaint and representation to Government by the Indian Press and by representative public bodies and individuals throughout a long series of year. It formed part of the subject matter of the famous memorial addressed to the secretary of State for India. The very names of the signatories to this memorial are such as spell unquestionable. They are:- The Right Honourable Lord Hothouse )late Legal member of the Viceroy’s Council, Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council), the Right Honorable Sir Richard Garth (late Chief Justice of Bengal), the Right Honorable Sir Richard Couch (late Chief Justice of Bengal, Member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council), sir Charles Sergeant (late judge of the high court, Calcutta), Sir John Phear (late judge of the high court, Calcutta, and chief justice of Ceylon), Sir John Scott (late judge of the high court Bombay), Sir William Wedderburn (late Reader in Indian law at the University of Cambridge) and Mr. Herbert Reynolds (late member of the Bengal legislative council), surely, gentlemen these are names to conjure with and they impress a hall-mark, so to speak, on this scheme of reform. The memorial itself is most instructive reading. It shows that from the earliest them the Government of India have clearly recognized the evil of combination of functions, and have frankly approved the principle of separation. It would take me too long to place before youth opinions of all the high officers of government who have form time to time expressed themselves on this subject. But one passage may be quoted with advantage. Thus Sir Frederic Halliday (sometime Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal and member of the Council of the Secretary of State) said: – “The evil which this system produces is twofold; it affects the fair distribution of justice, and it impairs, at the same time, the efficiency of the Police. The union o f Magistrate with Collector has been stigmatized as incompatible, but the junction of thief-catcher with Judge Issue relies more anomalous in theory, and more mischievous in practice. So long as it lasts, the public confidence in our criminal tribunals must always be liable to injury, and the authority itself must often be a used and misapplied.

The memorial then summaries the arguments for the proposed reform. I could not do better than to quote its very language. The objectifies to the present system, the Memorial recites, are (1) that the combination of judicial with executive duties in the same officer violates the first principles of equity, (2) that while a judicial officer ought to be thoroughly impartial, and approach the consideration of any case without previous knowledge of the facts, an executive officer does not adequately discharge his duties unless his cars are open to all reports and information which he can in any degree employee for the benefit of his District, (3) that executive officers in India, being responsible for a large amount of miscellaneous business, have not time satisfactorily to dispose of judicial work in addition. (4) that, being keenly interested in carrying out particular measures they are apt to be brought more or less into conflict with individuals, and therefore, it is inexpedient that they should also be invested with judicial powers, (5) that under the existing system, Collector- Magistrates do in fact neglect judicial for executive work, (6) that appeals from revenue assessments are apt to be futile when they are heard be revenue officers, (7) that great inconvenience, expense and suffering are imposed upon suitors required to follow the camp of a judicial officer who, in the discharge of his executive duties, is making a tour of his District, and (8) that the existing system not only involves all whom it concerns in hardship and inconvenience but also, buy associating the judicial tribunal with the work of the police and of detectives, ad by diminishing the safeguards afforded by the rules of evidence, produces actual miscarriages of justice and creates although justice be done, opportunities of suspicion, distrust and discontent which are equally to be deplored.” The memorial appends summaries of various cases which illustrate in a striking way some of the damagers that arise form the present system, and then makes the following instructive observations. “These cases of themselves might well remove the necessity of argument a priori against the combinations theory. But the present system is not merely objectionable on the ground that, so long as it exists, the general administration of justice is subjected to suspicion and the strength and authority of the Government are seriously impaired. For this reason it is submitted that nothing short of complete separation of judicial form executive functions by legislation will remove the danger. Something, perhaps. Might e accomplished by purely executive measures. But such palliatives fall short of the only complete an satisfactory remedy, which is, by means of legislation, to make a clear line of division between the judicial and the executive duties now often combined in one an the same officer.”

This reform has received repeated endorsement from the highest quarters. Thus Lord Cross, secretary of State for India in council, refereed to the proposed separation of functions as “an excellent plan which would result in vast good to the Government of India, Lord Kimberley, a later Secretary of State, also approved the proposed reform. Finally, Lord Duffer in, Viceroy of India. Characterized the proposal for separation put forward by Indian opinion.

I trust I have sufficiently shown that the present system is vicious both in theory and in practice. In theory it offends against the most fundamental principle of justice, the principle which demands that the judge of any matter shall not be one who has any previous knowledge regarding it, or any interest in its adjudication in any particular way. In practice, the system has proved itself to be absolutely incompatible with the proper administration of justice. The mind of man being constituted as it is, it is almost impossible for an official to prevent knowledge or interest acquired by him when acting in one capacity from influencing him, when he is acting in an other. And even if this were possible, the public conviction of its impossibility would still be there to reckon with. And herein has the inherent and inevitable vice of the system. Hence I mean no reflection on the officers of Government who conscientiously Endeavour to discharge the conflicting duties developing upon them in the best way possible. The fault, I re-iterate, lies in the system, not in the men.

The traditional objections that have been urged against any departure from the present system are mainly two. It is either contended that the

Removal aft judicial powers farm an executive officer would impair his authority and prestige, thus detracting farms his executive efficiency,

Is that the proposed separation of the two? Functions would entail an increased expenditure, which is prohibitive in the present condition of Indian finances. The first contention is sufficiently met by the fact that the authority of executive officer is adequately protected by the powers he otherwise possesses. There is the Revenue Cadre which vests him with powers by which he can make his authority respected and feared throughout his District. Hence his authority does not need any support in the shape of judicial power. It is not as if the prestige of an officer necessarily depends a possession of judicial power. For, if this were so, we should expect the prestige of His Excellency the Viceroy Nat only to suffer by comparison with that of a District are Sessions Judges, but even to be in serious jeopardy. Besides, the reform in question does not propose to do away with judicial, power’s altogether, but only to sever the judicial function from the executive, and to vest them in separate officers. The present judicial powers, therefore, will be maintained in toot, but only their devolution will change.

This objection is, therefore, clearly untenable. It has ‘never even been seriously, or at least openly, urged by any responsible officer of Government, however much it any underlie, as it is, rightly lor wrongly, believed to underlie, the attitude of Government towards this question.

The other objection urged is equally unsustainable. It has been repeatedly demonstrated that this reform need notaccasion any increase of expenditure; that, even if it did, the additional expenditure could be met by a judicious diversion of the State revenues farm other purposes; and that, even if this were ‘not acceptable, the caddied expense would be cheerfully barne by the people. But, even if the above

Objections had any force or substance inihem, which they have not; it still behaves a Government that stands for justice to. Subardinate what “¬are after all comparatively petty considerations to the clear and force or substance in them, which they have nat, it still behaves a

Government that stands far justice to subordinate what are after all comparatively petty considerations to. The clear’ an admitted demands of right and fairness. If the present system is an evil, and a great evil, as it’s admitted to. Be an all hands, then it must be remedied, whatever be the cost or consequences entailed. For it is a question that is obviously momentous both in its scope and its effects, for it affects, and very gravely affects millions of men in their very liberties.

It is some satisfaction to. Knaw that the reform in question has already reached the stage ofpramise. For, a few years ago, Sir Harvey Adamsan, speaking in the Vuceregal Council, salemnly promised that, an experiment would be made. That premise, I regret ha snot yet fructified, and we owe it to ourselves to. Press with might and main far its performance. Government has charged itself with a clear duty in ‘this matter and ours is bathed the right and thy duty to. See to the fulfillment of this obligation by Government.

COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY &c., &C.

Yet another direction in which, I think, reform has been long delayed, is that of the grant to. Indians of Commissians in the army, the grant of

Arms and the admission of Indians to volunteering. These have been long the hope and prayer after people of India, and I earnestly trust that England will no. Langer demurs to granting them. The present disabilities in these directions are bath inequitable and invidious. For has not India deserved well enough of England to receive better treatment than this at her hands? Has India nat earned England’s trust abundantly? Besides trust begets trust, and it is therefore, to be fervently happed that England will realize both the unfairness and the Unisom of her

Policy in this direction.

COMMISSIONER=IN-SINDH’S ACT

I now came nearer home, and propose to. Survey our Provincial situation. Here we have a Commissioner-in-Sindh who, by virtue of the Commissioner-in-Sand’s Act (Act V of 1868), practically constitutes the Local Government of the province. That Act enacts that¬

“1. It shall be lawful for the Governor a f Bombay in Council, by a notification published in the Bombay Government Gazette, to delegate to the Commissioner-in-Sindh all or any of theaters conferred on the said governor in Council, as the Local Government of the province of Sindh, by any of the Bombay Regulations, or by any Act of the Governor-General of India in Council solely applicable to the presidency of Bombay or by any Act passed heretofore or hereafter by the Governor of Bombay in Council, or by any of the Acts of the Governor¬

General in Council in the schedule to this act. ‘

2. It shall be lawful far the Governor of Bombay in Council, with the consent of the Govern~-General in Council, to. Delegate to the Commissioner-in-Sindh all or any of the pawers heretofore are hereafter conferred by any Act of the Governor-General in Council are the

Governor of Bombay in Councilor the local government of the province of Sindh.

\

3. All Acts dane by the C6mmissioner~in-Sindh under the authority of any power so, delegated shall be as valid as if they had been done by the Governor of Bombay in council.”

This wide delegation of power makes the Commissioner-in-Sindh, without a council, supreme and sole arbiter in many matters that in anther parts of the presidency are decided by the Governor of Bombay in council, and often places the decision of questions of the first magnitude and importance in his sale hands. It entails all the evils of absolute authority, and freedom farm control witch are inherent in every farm of autocracy. It is one man’s rule, instead after rule by council, which the other parts after presidency enjoy. This is the root defect of

The administration of the province, and our interests ‘

Demand that Sindh be placed in the same position in this respect as the other part of the presidency. The Act was passed as long ago an s 1868, and, no. doubt awed its argon to. The primitive and undeveloped state of the province at ate time, which necessarily called for the

Existence of large and absolute powers within the province itself. By with the passage of time and the great progress and development of Sindh since them, these powers have entirely last their justification, and Cali far repeal.

Hence it is clear that we can no. longer remain, in this position. There are, it appears to. Me, two obvious courses open to us, either to demand a

. Repeal of this Act, are to demand that Send, go with the Punjab and be under a Governor in council. I need scarcely say that, in making this

Suggestion, I mean not the slightest reflection and the eminent officers who. Have filled this office with such credit to themselves and to

I

Government. I have nothing but the deepest respect and regard for their high qualities and character, and my suggestion is nat the least

Detraction farms their acknowledged merits. It is the system that is objectionable.

THE POLICE

I now come to the Police question in Sindh, while constitutes a sore grievance of the people of this Province. This subject is inseparably connected with that of the separation of the judicial and executive functions and its very solution ultimately depends on the solution of that question. For, if a complete severance is once affected between the executive and the judicial functions, the Police are a power in the land. It is to be regretted, however, that their do not always use their authority wisely or well. The influence they are able to wield in the department of justice is formidable to a degree, but it is to be deplored that influence is not always of beneficent character. But what is to be most regretted is that even the Magistracy of the Province is not beyond their potent is way use their authority wisely or well. The influence they are able to wield in the department of justice is formidable to a degree, but it is to be deplored that influence is not always of beneficent character. This is due to the fact an officer who controls the Police also controls the Magistracy. The Magistracy aim cases sent up by the Police is a matter of common knowledge, and constitutes the greatest hardship and grievance connected with the administration of justice in this Province. As justice is or ought to be, the paramount consideration for a state the judiciary oath to be placed above, and altogether beyond, the Executive. For, only by the executive by the being kept in its proper place can that freedom of hand be secured to the judiciary which is an essential condition of its proper working. The present situation in Sindh is almost tantamount to a rule of the Police, and it does not need much knowledge or experience of this Province to know that that rule is mighty, and sometimes a terrible, rule. The Police have it practically in their power to make or mar a man. And the pity is that the man they make is not always, or even generally, a good man, and that the man they mar is not always, or even generally, a bad man. The man that is willing to play into their hands, without the reservation that conscience might be impose, is the object f their powerful favor and patronage. On the other hand, the man whose principle prevents him form lending him to their designs exposes himself to their dangerous hatred and oppression. They are charged with the important duties of preventing and detecting crime. Those duties can be conscientiously fulfilled only by the due exercise of vigilance and industry. But this course is too arduous for the. Case” loving subordinates of the Police Department. A much simpler and easier method is a t hand in the provisions of the preventive law, embodies\d in Chapter VIII of the Criminal Procedure Code. With the wanton abuse of this branch of the law by the Sindh Police I shall deal later. Then there is the domain of confession in which they generally playa sinister part. Every conceivable form of pressure that human.

Ingenuity or cruelty can suggest is brought to bear on supposed offenders for the purpose of ~extorting confessions. No doubt, confessions made to the police under any circumstances are inadmissible in evidence. But confessions made to private persons or to Magistrates are so admissible. And here is a field for Police oppression which that body never neglects. Resort to pressure soon impresses their victims with the advantages of confessing. Pain, or the fear of it, compels such confessions. And these are what are afterwards made to masquerade as voluntary confessions. Similar methods are also resorted to in the plausible restorations of property by supposed offenders that the Police

Sometimes fake. The cases that ~occasionally come to light vividly bring home to one the withering sway wielded by the all powerful Police in Sindh. Even Seminar of position and respectability are the victims of their oppression. And these instances are certainly too isolated occurrences by any means. They are only a few out of a very large number of similar cases, which are never brought or come to the notice of the authorities. Verily, their name is go ion, but it is seldom that the aggrieved parties have the hardihood of jeopardizing their interests by complaint to the authorities; a course which they know only too well will earn them the odium of the Police’ which is a terrible thing to them. But sheer desperation now and again drive s these Zemindar to throw all prudence to the winds and to bring their grievances to the notice of responsible officers of Governments. And the very fact that Zemindar of Sindh who are remarkable, if for nothing else, at least for their docility, patience and submissiveness- qualities they possess even to a fault should be goaded on to a course which they well know is full of peril is proof abundant and eloquent 0 the extent of the oppression practiced by the Police in Sindh. The reign of terror instituted by the Police in this province has no clearer index and no more powerful commentary that such occasionally desperate action on the part of their victims.

It will thus be seen that the present activities of the Sindh Police area regrettable diversion of their attention and energy from their legitimate and’ necessary duties, which are the real prevention and detection of crime, to a plausible make-believe of such activity, such as has been referred to above. The deplorable result of this misdirection of effort on their apart has been that crime, especially serious crime, has not received the attention it deserves at their hands.

AMENDMENT OF THE CRIMNAL PROCEDURE CODE

As the Bill to amend the Criminal Procedure Code is on the legislative anvil, I might venture to offer a few suggestions in regard to the more important provisions dfthe Bill. Much the most important matter for amendment is Chapter VIII of the Code, particularly Section 110. It is a matter of notoriety that the provisions of this, section are being abused in Sindh, and that there is a general outer against the oppressive working of this branch of the law in this Province. It is, unfortunately, a handy and powerful weapon of oppression in the hands of the Police and of all unscrupulous persons generally. As matters stand at present, there is nothing to prevent any ill-disposed person from ruining the object of his aversion by putting into operation the terrible and easily’ worked provisions of this section. The police, through a mistaken sense of duty and misdirected zeal, are only too ready to play into the hands of every unprincipled person who has a bone to pick with his fellow or a grudge to repay. The result is that innocent persons are being damned every day by the machinations of their private enemies, who make common cause with Police, or y the activities of the ‘Police themselves, who press into service every private means, whether fair or foul, to comtfa.ss the ruin of those who. Have had the misfortune to incur their disfavor. Things have gone so far that pressure is brought to bear even on respectable persons to damn men not only to whose discredit they know nothing, but of whose unimpeachable character they are fully persuaded. Instances of such oppression are innumerable, and are mutinying daily.

Now, unless earth blanche is to be given to the gratification of private malice or to Police oppression than which nothing could have been further form the intention or desire of the Legislature- something needs to be done very urgently in the mater. If the whole section is not to be abolished altogether- which, in my humble opinion, is much the best things that could be done, as it does on the whole more harm Than good to the people-let it at lest be so fended in by proper safeguards and restrictions as to ensure its working for the well-being of the people, and not to’ their harassment, as is unfortunately the case-at present. The state of things is painful and even alarming to a degree and. the need of reform ‘is imperative. . .

Some time ago, an official enquiry had been institute by Government into the working of this branch of the law in send. On that occasion, the public at large were not consulted in any way. I had therefore taken the opportunity of placing some material of facts, opinions and suggestions on the subject before the public and representative bodies and persons, with a view to a final representation on the matter to Government. That representation was postponed till the completion of the Government enquiry. But as we are yet, and will probably continue to be, in the dark as to the results of that enquire, the public representation in this important matte should no ‘longer be delayed.

It will be convenient to refer here to the Law of Confession, though strictly, it does not form a substantive part of the Procedure Code. This branch of the law too works, in actual proactive, under the best conditions, more harm than good, and I would therefore make bold to advocate its repeal in toto. There can never be, I will n to say absolute, but even marl, certainty of the voluntary character foamy confession owing to the fact that the accused are generally in the custody, and under the influence, of the Police prior to the confessions. And every reasonable inference, that inherent probability and practical experience suggest is against the voluntaries of confessions in general. For this reason, confessions do not deserve any evidentiary value being attached to them, and might well be excluded ‘form the law altogether.

Then there are several provisions of the Bill which propose to extend the already wide powers of the police in matters of procedure. My emphatic, if respectful, opinion is that these powers are wide enough in all conscience, in fact much too wide to be safe, and it behoves us to resist tooth and nail any proposal to still further enlarge those powers. For, human nature began what it is, large and all but irresponsible power is peculiarly liable to be abused, and power is only likely to be well used when duly restricted a controlled. And bitter experience has taught us how long a powerful the arm of the Police can be even today.

I am quite aware that some of the measures I have above ventured to suggest are somewhat heroic in character. But I feel, and strongly, that nothing short of such drastic remedies will cure evils for which palliatives can do but little.

PUBLIC SERVICE

The public service is another department in which I feel Sindh has a grievance. The Report of the Royal Public Service Commission is not yet out, and we therefore do not yet know what recommendations have been or will be made, and how their will affect Sindh. Let us, however, earnestly trust that when the Report does come out, it does not prove disappointing to the legitimate claims and aspirations of the people in this direction. Meanwhile, however, I may venture to suggest, with regard to tis province, that certain high appointments, such as those of collector, district judge, district superintendent of Police, etc. which are at present open to Indians in the Presidency, be thrown to Indians in this Province as well. For, in point of competency, Sindh does not, I think, compare unfavorably with the Presidency, and place that can be satisfactorily filled by the people of the Presidency can, I feel, be done justice to by the people of this Province as well. I would also urge that at lest one seat on the Court of the Judicial Commissioner in Sindh be allotted to the Provincial Bar, which. I am sure contains many men who could fill such a place with credit.

DECENNIAL SYSTEM OF SETTLEMENT

Perhaps the most important department of State activity is ‘the Land Revenue administration. On the one hand, it constitutes Government’s principal source of income, and, on the other, it affects the vast majority of the population. The most important matter for consideration in this branch of administration in Sindh is the term of settlement obtaining hirer. In this matter as in so many others, Sindh is dealt with in a measure different from that of the rest of India. For, whereas the rest of India enjoys either a permanent settlement or a settlement of 60 or 30 or 20 years- the last being the least period obtaining elsewhere- this Province is asked to be content with accordingly elsewhere- this Province is asked to be content a niggardly period of 10 years. Now the history of the decennial system of settlement in Sindh clearly shows that, originally, it was a provisional and experimental measure, adapted to the then primitive conditions: though it is remarkable that, even in those really days, the then highest opinion-that of the Commissioner-in-Sindh, the Governor of Bombay, and the Secretary of State for India – was in favor of an extended period. However, whatever justification there may have been for a short period at that early tie, there is no warrant whatever for the maintenance oath period in the present conditions. It has been repeatedly and conclusively shown that there is every reason, whether a priori or a posteriori, whether of experience, economy, justice or policy, against the short period, and every possible reason for a longer period. The resins advanced in support of the present term of settlement by the Government of India and by responsible officers of Government have been so often shown to be quite void of substance or force. On the other hands, the reasons against the present period have been proved to the hit both in theory and in practice. The stability of present conditions, warranting long settlement, the adverse effect of a short settlement on the value and on the improvement of the land. The speedier enhancements- for revisions are almost synonymous with enhancements-it brings in its train, and the countless other hardships and discouragements it entails on the Zemindar have been demonstrated by actual experience. It Was for Government to make out their case for an admitted exception. This type has failed to do; while, on the other hand, the people have succeeded in proving the applicability of the rule. Though the attitude of Government, therefore, in regard to this question has not been very encouraging in the past, it was some satisfaction to the people to know that the matter was finally to come before a Commission. That Commission has now completed its enquiry, and we are anxiously awaiting its Report, which 1 think, is overdue. And let us earnestly trust that that Report will not prove a disappointment to the people of Sindh, who has every reason to expect a recommendation for a longer period-30 years at the very least-in view of the vast mass of competent a responsible opinion in favor of an extended settlement.

REMISSIONS

Next in importance to the question of the term of settlement ‘in Sindh are the subject permissions. Remissions are a necessity born of the seasonal vagaries. The demands of Government are fixed and rigid, while agricultural conditions are as variable and indeterminate. Hence the call for remissions, which are abatements of the claims of Government, intended to afford relief Zemindar in seasons of agricultural depression. Remissions are, therefore, unquestionably a most equitable and benevolent idea. It is, however, a matter for deep regret that in practice they almost entirely fail of their just and kind purpose. The rules regarding remissions are open to the gravest exception, both in respect of their design and their manner of working. On the merits of the rules it is not possible for me to comment at any length, as by far The larger number of the are objectionable, and often on more than one ground. I shall therefore leave their fuller discussion to the mover of the resolution on the subject. One rul3e, however, I think, calls for special criticism. It is the rule that bass the claim for remissions on a certain proportion-less than-2: 1- between the value of the produce and the amount of assessment. But this value must in all fairness be the net value of the Seminar produce, and not its gross value, which is subject to considerable reduction by reason of the haris share, the expenses of cultivation, clearance, etc, and the other multitudinous drains on the Seminar’s finances in the shape of illicit exactions on the part of subordinates of the Revenue and irrigational Departments. These various charges are in much case known to reduce the net value of the Seminar’s share almost to zero. But in any case the net value falls considerably short of the gross. I would therefore suggest that the net value of the produce. Which is the real value, and not the gross value, which is a fictitious value, be the baris’s ofca\culation for remissions. Further, one ratio cannot properly be at once applicable to both flow and lift land, owing to the difference in the basis share of the produce in the two species of land the haris. Share being more in lift that in flow. All these considerations lead me to my final suggestion in this connection, which is, that the proportion between the net value of the produce and the amount of assessment, entitling the Seminar to remi9ssion be fixed at less than3: I in the case of flow and at less than 4:4 in the case of lift. Only then will something be left in bad seasons to the Zemindar, who at present gets next to nothing in most cases, and nothing at all in some.

Coming now to the modus operand of the Rules, I find that certain obvious comments suggest themselves. To begin with, the work of remissions is so heavy that it knees the entire energies of at least one officer for it proper execution. At present this work is generally tacked on to the other multifarious duties of an already overburdened officer, the Mukhtyarkar. The other and more important calls on the time and attention of this officer leave him very little opportunity to attend to this important work. Besides, the work, if it is to be done at ai, must be done within a certain time- the harvesting season. The crops are not going to wait on the convenience of the Mukhtyarkar. They must either be reaped at once- and reaping means the forfeiture of remission- the or the Zemindar must submit to the results of delay, which are nothing short of ruin. For this reason, it is absolutely necessary that certain times should be fixed for the imprecation of the crops inn various places, and, if the inspection is not done within those times, permission t reap should be allowed to be presumed by the Zemindar. It is idle for Government to contend that, owing to the wide variation of the times at which crops come to maturity in differ places or the same crops in different seasons, it is not possible to fix any time for the inspections. For, different times could easily be fixed in different places after due enquiry, and a sufficient margin could be left for variations of maturity in one place in different seasons. This would, of course, entail the enter e labor of a Full-time officer. And my suggestion is that either the Mukhtyarkar should be relieved of his other duties during the important time of remissions, or that a separate officer of sufficient competence and strength of mind should be appointed for this work. In the same connection, I would suggest that ascertain times hold be’ fixed for the disposal of applications for remission, and it should be provided that, if applications are not disposed of within that item, they should be presumed, to have been granted, on the analogy of certain provisions to the smile effect in the land revenue code and the Municipal Act. An other suggestion I would make is that, in a general failure of crops, inspection, should be dispensed with~ For such general failure entails a very large number of applications for remissions, and detailed and careful enquiry into such multitude of cases are not at all practicable or satisfactory. Again, the existing system of danabandi, or assessment of the crop, needs overhauling. At present. It is the merest travesty of appraisement. The 2 ” Amins” who are taken by the Mukhtyarkar to assist in the assessment assist that offll:er only with their silence. They are either too invertebrate, or, perhaps, too wise in their generation to dissent. The result 15th an utmost crops are improperly assessed and the error, we any be sure, is rarely on the side of the Zemindar.

I think it is also necessary for me to refer to the regrettable attitude occccasionaly taken by the higher officials in regard to remission work. Liberal recommendations have been know to rise suspicious regarding the integrity of the officer’s liberality. The deplorable result is vernal demoralization. For, if honest work by subordinates is to beget, the distrust of their superiors merely by reason of this result being unfavorable to Government there must soon be an end of all such hazardous integrity. This lamentable tendency, which has in the past resulted the breaking of a few Mukhtyarkars, has had its natural effect on all officers who have been subsequently entrusted with this responsible work.

Finally, in view of the fact that the assessment inn Sindh is demonstrably a high one, I think that people have every right to expect a more liberal grant of remissions that has hitherto been the case. So far, remissions have only been keeping the word of promise to the err and breaking it to the hope.

It is some satisfaction for the people to know that these rules are at present under the consideration of Government. However, they cannot but regret that they have not at all been consulted in the matter so far, and I therefore hope that Government will not any longer abstain from taking full and free counsel with the people to eb affected by the rules.

FALLOW RULES

Fallow Rules are yet another matter connected with the land revenue administration that urgently calls for reform. In an addition to being indefensible in principle. They are mischievous in practice. They are a clear violation of the proprietary rights of the Zemindar in his land of witch he cannot properly be divested under any circumstances. Hence the resumption of this right by the State is absolutely unwarranted. This proprietary right of the landowner in the soul was clearly re cognized by the old officers of government, and was even acknowledged by the Government of India. In their Resolution No. 2280, dated the 30th March 1874, the Supreme Government, in Sindh distinctly stated that they left the nature of the settlement to the decision of the Bombay Government, provided due regard was paid to the proprietary rights of the people in the soul. His Excellency the governor-General then observed that “he had little doubt but that proprietary rights of the people in ihe soul do crist throughout that province and that it only requires the application of knowledge and experience of the subject to develop and record the,.” But unfortunately that Bombay Government overlooked or overrode the orders of the Supreme Government in this connection, and disregarded the proprietary rights of the Zemindar. This matter was represented to Government at the time, but the whole question was closed by Bombay Government Resolution No. 1836, dated the e25th August 1884 which in intruding the temporary Settlement, held out the assurance that (1) Zemindar would always have at their dispersal all their waste, land without being charged anything, and (2) that Fallow Rules which charged assessment on time-expired fallow numbers ad resumed land in default would be done away with.

A year or two after the question of the Seminar’s proprietary rights in the soil was settled in this manner, the temporary settlement was converted into an irrigational one, and the Fallow Rules were introduced in clear breach of the above assurance on the strength on which the question of proprietary rights had been dropped. It is, perhaps, futile to revive that question now, but I think we are in justice entitled to hold Government to the solemn pledge given tat that time with regard to the abolition of the Fallow Rules, particularly Rule 4, and this irrespective of the merits or demerits of the Rules.

To come now to the merits of Rules 4 of the Fallow Rules which is the principal rule, I shall first take the case for the Rule. The reasons advanced in its support are (I) that the assessment is fixed on the assumption that a holding will be cultivated entire once in every 5 years and that, if the whole land is not brought under cultivation during that period, Government loses in assessment, and must make up the loss be charging assessment on that time-expected fallow numbers: (2) that it acts as a stimulus to the Zemindar, who is compelled to bring his whole land under cultivation at least once in 5 years on pain of its being forfeited or being charged fallow assessment, and (3) that is a cheek on the tendency of Zemindar to take up more land that they are able or willing t cultivate.

Now a little examination will show that these reasons are untenable. In the first place, Government receives not only the deficit of the full assessment, but unduly obtains a great de a] more as fallow assessment through there. Be no deficit at a]l. For Government charges assessment on time-expired fallow number even when the total area cultivated in the 5 years is equal to, or more than; the entire holding. For example, a Zemindar holding 1000 acres will in 5 years have paid the full assessment of his entire holding by cultivating 200 acres a year. But the effect of the present rule is that, even if the Zemindar in this case were to cultivate as much as 400 or 600 acres a year and thus pay Government in 5 years double or treble the full assessment, but were to fail to cultivate during the period any particular portion of is land, say about 100 acres. He would still be charge fallow assessment on those 100 acres. Surely, this is a most unfair exaction on uncultivated land, and I do not think that it was ever the intention of Government that the rule should have this effect. But that it does have this effect in the vast majority of cases is a demonstrable fact. Secondly the stimulus to energy, which, it appears. This rule is intended to be is, I think a stimulus with a vengeance a stimulus so strong that it paralyzes rather, that stimulates. Besides, why is any artificial stimulus necessary? Is not self interest by itself much the most powerful stimulus known to human nature?’ It is altogether fatuous to suppose that any Zemindar would fail to cultivate as much of his land as he possibly could if he could do so with advantage. If he leaves any survey numbers uncultivated for some time, we may be sure that he has the best reasons in the world for doing so, all at government should I think desire is that the Zemindar should cultivate a particular portion, say of his holding, every year. This most Zemindar can do, and actually do in point of fact. But I entirely fail to see why they should be compelled, on pain of fine or forfeiture, to cultivate even those portions of their land which they have good reasons to leave fallow for some time. These good ‘reasons may be (1) exhaustion of the soul which calls for longer rest (2) the land being overgrown with weed owing to excessive rain, a condition which necessitates a longer fallow to enable the land to become fit for cultivation (3) scarcity of water due to the unfavorable set of the river at the mouths of the canals, and a variety of other causes. These reasons clearly indicate a long fallow, which the Zemindar would, but for the rule, have allowed. But the fear of being charged full fallow assessment or having his land forfeited, compels the poor Zemindar to incur heavy expensive on excavation or clearance or reclamation of the soul, and to give it for cultivation to haris on nominal rent, which is often less that the government assessment. In such a case, the cultivator, on the one had, gets less for his time and trouble, and the Zemindar on the other, not withstanding his expense, gets nothing. So much for the effect of the stimulus in question. Were it not for this stimulus, other land in the same holding would have been cultivated, with advantage both to the Zemindar and to the cultivator, and without any loss to Government. Further if the expense of bringing any land under cultivation be excessive, the Zamindar prefers to let it lie fallow and pays the fallow assessment, rather than suffer the loss of his land.

Third]y, the tendency of the Zemindar to take up more land that hi Is able or willing to cultivate could, think, be easily checked by Government ruling that no land should be given to’ a seminar who ha s for 5 years failed to cultivate an area equal to his holding. To secure full assessment in 5 years, the fairest course, if any were needed at all, would, I think, be to make final settlement of assessment every 5 years. The number Shumari being kept for 5 years, the total area of cultivation of every khatedar during 5 years could be made out, and if that were less than the area of his hold, the deficit of the assessment could be charged him, and, in default, a proportionate area could be confiscated. However, as I have said before, such cases are quite exceptional.

Thus it is clear that the rule works most injuriously in practice on the poor seminars. The loss incurred in bringing under cultivation land under temporary unfavorable conditions, or otherwise, by the payment often unfair exaction, plunges the Zemindar into debt. This steadily accumulating year by year eventually compels the Zemindar to part with a portion of what is so dear to a Sindhi and what, to a Zemindar, is the only means of livelihood,- his land.

The futility of these. Rules were even admitted by the Commissioner-in-Sindh in his Circular letter, inviting the options of the various officers in Sindh on the subject. The Commissioner, Mr. .Muir Mackenzie, therein observes that “it has occurred to the Commissioner that the rule might be abolished altogether. In a bad year its operation is always suspended and in a good year. When all land is pretty certain to be cultivated for which water is available, there should ordinarily be little occasion to enforce it. The forfeiture of time expired fallow lands is, moreover, merely nominal since forfeited lands are almost always given back to the original proprietors. The amount of revenue realized in the shape of fallow assessment and the arrears of fallow assessment recovered when forfeited lands are restored to original occupants is not large compared with the total revenue of the province. The abolition of the rule too is likely to result in an appreciable saving of work all round.

In this connection, I may point out that the restoration of fallow-forfeited number to the original holders in the first instance is all very well in theory. But, in practice, great delay, inconvenience and expense are occasioned to these holders in getting back their forfeited land owing to the change of that a, and the consequents necessity for applying for restoration of name, etc. and the countless other practical difficulties in the way. Besides there is observable of late a tendency to disregard the preferential claims of the original holders to their forfeited land, which is occasionally given away to strangers.

Against, there is a clear difference between lift and Flow land in respect of fallows. Hence even if the rule is to be retained with regard to Flow land there is no case for its retention in respect of lift land. In this I am supported by the opinion of such an eminent and distinguished revenue officer as the late Sirdar Mahomed Yakub, who observes in this connection, as follows: – “Whereat Charkhi” number is fanged with “kallar” or in rather sandy or of any reason is of poor soil the Zemindar gets into serious difficulty. Cultivators do not agree to devote their labor and expense on land which will pay in sufficient; their whole year’s subsistence in “charki” tracts depends on “khrif’ cultivation only, and there is always more land than there are cultivators the “haris” refuse to cultivate inferior land. If the Zemindar gives u the Survey Number, he finds undesirable neighbors in the midst of his holding. He pays the follow assessment, or, in some cases, attempts to have it cultivated. The stimulus to energy in those cases compass the Zemindar to give the land for nominal rent; the cultivator gets less for his time an trouble and the Zemindar nearly nothing while remembering that the number of cultivator is shall had the stimulus not been at work, the cultivator would have cultivated a better piece of land in the same holding with advantage to all concerned. In other cases, when the set of the river is against the canal, and there is deep silt in certain bad “karias” and water ceases to flow in the midst of the season the expenses required are too excessive. But the stimulus to energy plunges the Zemindar into debt, the crops fail, his “haris” run away with large advances, and he is left involved ‘in the meshes of the money-lender. For these reasons, I am of opinion that the rule in question should not apply to “charkha” Survey Number.

It is, therefore to be hoped that these important considerations, and the decided opinions of its own most responsible and competent officers will weigh with Government, and induce Government to abolish the rule in toto, or at least with regard to lift land.

REDUCTION OF WATER SUPPLY

The reduction of water supply throughout Sindh by reduction of the size of the sluices which have existed from time immemorial has created great discontent among the Seminars of Sindh. The public works department would appear to have entered upon a veritable crusade. In 1908, they began with the Bagari canal, and within 20 miles of it, went on promiscuously pulling down the old sluices and building their own new ones. This created serious dissatisfaction, and various complaints were made to the Engineering authorities and to the Commissioner-in-Sindh. In some instances, it was found that the complaints were reasonable, and some of the new sluices were demolished.

The Public Works Department, and with it Government, would appear to have overlooked or ignored the whole history of the present. irrigational settlement in Sindh. Before its introduction, a diffused settlement obtained in this Province, under which the land was divided into large nos., and the Zemindar had to pay assessment for the whole land, whether cultivated or not. As the assessment was levied on the entire holding Government was, on its part, bound to supply water for the whole, and it was on that calculation that sluices at the heads of Karias and Canals were built by the P.W.D. at the expense of the Zemindar. The rate of assessment was very light.

The irrigational settlement was intended to curtail the extent of cultivation and to improve its quality. The large S. Nos: were split up into small ones and the amount of assessment livable on the whole and was’ imposed on a portion of it, with an option to the Zemindar to cultivate as many small Nos: as he chose, leaving the rest to lay fallow for which he was exempted form payment of the assessment. The Zemindar cold, if he chose, cultivates all the land contained in his old. No.s against the rate of assessment depends on the species of crops he wants to raise on the land. Thus there is no limitation either on the quality or the quantity of cultivation to be raised by the Zemindar. But the P.W.D has been trying to impose their own conditions on this power of the Zemindar. They base their calculation of water supply on the assumption that the Zemihdar should be provided water for only 1/3 of his holding, and that he has no right to cultivate more, and that, if possible, he should not be allowed to cultivate rise. This is a clear encroachment on the rights of the Zemindar. Law does not impose any limitation the kind proposed by the P.W.D. the law on the subject is contained in the Bombay Irrigation Act VII of 1879, and no power is given then to the P.W.D. to c7urtainl the usual water supply or to cut or confme the cultivation in any way.

Again, the P.W.D. pleads for the lower Zemindar. They believe that all riparian holders have equal rights. This can to be. YOl cannot deprive the higher holders of their rights in under to make provision for the lower holders; possibly nay probably, the lands on the lower reaches were not originally under cultivation. Their holders took up those lands with full knowledge of the disadvantages under whist they were laboring. They paid less for the, they cannot now turn round and call upon the higher holders to make provision fro them. This I~ any thing but equitable. The P.W.D. is encroaching upon the rights of the Zemindar arbitrarily and illegally, and this encroachment should be checked. The infection has spread from the Begary to the fully, the Methrao and other canals in Sindh; and unless steps are taken. It is feared (that this policy of reducing the water supply will produce serious and deep-rooted discontent among the Zemindar.

Mr. Younghusband, one of the most sagacious and farseeing Commissioners that Sindh has had, has struck a note ofwrining on this subject in his letter No. 555 of 5th July 1916, attached to the Government Resolution No. W.I.254/1907.

In Para 3 of that note he observes as follows :

“The irrigation question in Sindh presets marked peculiarities differentiating it probably from every thing else of the kind in Sindh. Secondly, irrigation in Sindh is not in any sense a creation of the British administration. The works carried out by the Engineers have consisted mainly, until the last few years solely, in the development and improvement of previously existing indigenous systems of irrigation, and we are confronted on every side with an ancient usages and vested rights, which have to be carefully guarded against the well meaning encroachments of the zealous advocates of scientific irrigation. Where ancient rights and usages are distributed compensation should be proposed.”

Again in Para 3 of Government Resolution No. 1050 of 9th April 1906, we find the following remarks:-

“Some lands have probably prior rights of irrigation, and arrangements for their supply, in preference to others, must be made.”

In view of these considerations, I think it behooves Governments to respect the rights of the zemindar instead of completely ignoring them by demolishing their existing sluices without their knowledge and behind their back and creating new ounces of much smaller dimensions to their great prejudice.

This attitude of the P.W.D has compelled the quiet and pece-l9 oving Zemindar of Sindh to go to Courts of law against their will. Using Governemnt is not an easy or pleasant task. The person who does so incurs the deep resentment of the whole official class. But the Zemindar has the right to expect Government to afford them the protection against unrighteous encroachment which is their due.

THE SUKKUR BARAGE

The Sukkur Barrage is a projected scheme of improvement on the present water supply which has long been under the consideration

Of Government. It is vital importance to the Province. Let us, therefore, earnestly trust h that circumstances permit.

CO-OPERATIVE CREDIT SOCIEITIES

Co-operative Credit Societies are excellent institutions for mutual assistance. They have done good work in Sindh and this in spite 01 the drawbacks which have attended their working in this Province, to which I shall presently refer, indirectly, in the suggestion I intend the offer. An examination of their records will show that regular, if not very appreciable, progress has been made by them. These institutions were first introduced in 1906-07 when there was one society. In 1910-11, there were 4; in 1911-12.7: in 1912-13, II; in 1913-14, 17; ill

1914-15, 19; in 1915-16 there were 29, and by the 1st of April 1916 there were 30. 1 Mahratta, and I Telegraph office, societies- the last 2 being non-agricultural. This, no doubt, shows progress, but it is still very slow progress.

Perhaps the greatest drawback to their spread is the general ignorance of the people due to their wants of education; The vast mass of the people are not yet in a position to understand or appreciate the purpose or the advantages of these institutions, and are hence unconcerned about them. For this indifference the extension of education will I think do the most. But meanwhile something can still be done to popularize these societies by the appointment of a special Indian officer in charge, who should have no other work, and who should also go about instructing the masses regarding the benefits of such institutions. If that is not possible, an assistant should be given to the present officer, who has done so much of the cause of these societies.

Another suggestion which I would venture to offer is that these institutions should receive not only official countenance, but official encouragement and support. Officials should Endeavour to help the spread of these societies by inculcating their benefits on the people at large. There is very wide scope for the helpful activities of such~ bodies, and no means should be spared which can assist their growth. Finally the work of honorary workers in the cause of these societies should be generously recognized and commended.

THE Disintegration OFEST A TES.

The designation of estates by the operation of law is another matter for anxious consideration by the Zemindar of Sindh. At present the devolution of property prescribed by the Hindu and Mahomedan Law on the death of an owner has the effect of dividing and subdividing an estate continually, till the sub-division reaches a stage at which the estate almost becomes a negligible quantity. For, a very small holding is just as good as no holding at all. By its very smallness it ceases to be an economic holding. This process of disruption is ever at work, and the time will come when holders will be reduced to the condition of peasant proprietors. This is a grave political evil which I think must be averted. I am aware that I stand here on delicate ground, for it is no light matter to think of interfering with the operation of law and the clear rights of parties. I am fully sensible of these and other difficulties in the way, but I think these difficulties must be boldly faced in view of the paramount importance of the preservation of estates

RASAL

Perhaps one of the greatest evils under which the people of Sindh have been groaning is the system of Rasai. This institution is too well known to need description. It is peculiar to this Province, and is unknown in the rest of the Presidency. It had its origin the spirit of hospitality that is at once the pride and the curse of the people of Sindh. The prevalence of the evil is not a point that I need at all labor. It ahs been the subject of almost infinite complaint and representation from every quarter. It has been discussed, almost threadbare, it its every aspect and feature, by responsible officers of Government, by the Press, by public bodies, by public men and by private individuals. And, finally, it has arrested the attention of Government itself. But, beyond the issue OT Resolutions and Circulars, nothing effectual has yet been done by Government towards its suppression. These official orders, as everyone knows, fast become dead letters. At the outset they have some effect, but that effect is very fugitive. Soon they are honored more in the bre4ch than in the observance. They are finally allowed to crystallize and beyond, perhaps, some historic interest and value are void of any listing effect. Hence the evil has only grown and gained strength with the passing of the years and the evident impunity that would seem to accompany it, and has, I might almost say, been sanctioned and hallowed by a long and undisturbed existence. The evil has, indeed, attained the proportions of an open scandal and a public calamity.

As this abuse, therefore, urgently calls for reform, I may venture to officer a few suggestions. The first is the substantial curtailment of official tours to the extent that is absolutely necessary. For Rasai is an evil directly begotten of the touring system? That official touring is a necessity to a certain extent must be admitted. But touring on the scale that obtains at present goes, I think, beyond the actual necessity. The existing tours, therefore, should I am of opinion, be materially abridged. Their present extent is a source of much unnecessary trouble both to the officials and to the people. An official sometimes tours not because it is absolutely necessary to do so but because he is required to travel for a certain fixed number of days in the year, a period which, I think, exceeds the actual requirements of the situation. The people themselves would much prefer to come’ to head quarters for most of their business for the transaction of which hear-quarters afford them greater convenience.

My second suggestion is that the present system of supplies be supplanted by a system analogous to the Military Commissariat. The contracts of supplies could be farmed out to private individuals and neither Zemindars, on the one hand, not Tapadars nor other officials, on the other, should be allowed any hand in these contracts.

In conclusion I should like to acknowledge, with deep thankfulness on behalf of the people of Sindh, the earnest and whole-hearted endeavors of several officers of Government, more particularly our commissioner, Mr. Lucas, Mr. Beyts, Collector of Hyderabad and Mr. Monie, late Collector Onawa shah, to combat an evil which has been wreaking such have in this’Province.

EDUCATION

Last, but not least, is the important question of education in Sindh. Education is, as you well know, the basis of all progress, whether material or moral. It is the key to most of the problems that life presents whether in the social, economic or moral world, and it is almost a sovereign panacca for the ills that afflict mankind. Knowledge is power, indeed; while, on the other hand, there is no greater disability than ignorance. But ignorance is even worse than a mere negative defect. It is a danger and evil, and is the root of almost all evils. Thus most of the evils we have just discussed have their origin in the ignorance of the people. In point of education, our unfortunate country is in the rear of almost the whole of the civilized world. And our benighted Province is in the rear of the rest of India. No doubt, great strides have been made in this direction by the people of Sindh, but by far the greater portion of the ground still remains to be covered. It is therefore the

I bounden duty of all those whose rare good fortune it has been to receive the benefits of education to lose no opportunity, of inculcating the supreme value of education on all those with whom they may be brought into contact and on whom they may have some influence. For in the spread of education alone lies the hope of this Province. However, it is comforting to see that Sindh is fast waking from its long slumber. The wave of progress has passed over the Province, and at least the thinking portion of the people is now athrob with aspiration and astir with effect. But it is for us to see that this enthusiasm does not languish or die, but that it is kept vigorously alive, and is even still further

Stimulated. For, after all, we must remember that our system of education is still a purely voluntary one, in which there is much room for the operation of prejudice or apathy. These are the obstacles in the path of education which we must expect to encounter, and which we must set ourselves strenuously to overcome, as long as the present voluntary methods obtain with the introduction of compulsion, however, a principle which was warmly advocated by the Late Honourable Mr. Gokhale, in the Bill designed to give effect to it which he brought before. The Imperial Council, the educational question will have automatically solved itself. That time must inevitably come, and that it come as possible must be the hope and wish of every one who desires the regeneration of India. For the voluntary system, however successful, cannot secure that wide extension of education which is necessary if a whole people are to be enlightened. The history of other countries has proved this fact beyond controversy, and India must follow in their wake if the general emancipation of her people from ignorance and error is to be secured. In this connection, I would beg leave to refer to a matter, which though sectional in scope and purpose, is found upon a principle of universal application. I refer to the Sindh Mahomedan Education Cess Bill, which I introduced some time ago in the Legislative Council. The principle underlying the Bill was that of voluntary self-taxation by the community for the purpose of communal education. Government, however, while accepting the principle, demurred to give it the force of, law until they were fully, persuaded that the measure had the support of the entire community. There has long been a vast body of opinion in its favour, and the community are in hopes that the time will soon come when this measure of self-help will receive legislative sanction, and their progress be finally assured.

It may also not be inappropriate here to refer to the representation of Sindh on the Bombay University syndicate. It appears that, during the last 20 years, only one gentlemen form Sindh has been appointed on the Senate. I do not think this is sufficient justice to the claims of this Province in this direction. For Sindh has made substantial advance in education, and is still progressing apace. I have, therefore, placed this matter before the consideration of the University, and am in hopes that the claims of Sindh to adequate representation on the Senate will receive the recognition they deserve.

Before concluding this subject, I may say a few words regarding the condition of prifuary and secondary education in this Province. It is gratifying to observe the fair progress made by Sindh in the direction of primary education; However, I think there is still considerable room for improvement, for a thorough dissemination of education among the masses is the consummation that is to be attained. Our grateful acknowledgments are due to Government for what it has already achieved in this direction. But Government will, I trust, itself realize that its duty is by no means done and will push on with the responsible work of universal enlightenment to the end.

Secondary education, I am sorry to think, has not al all received the encouragement it deserves, and is still in a very unsatisfactory condition. This fact has been repeatedly commented upon by the Educational Inspector in Sindh, though his remarks have especial reference to the needs of the Mahomedan Community in the Province. But, gentlemen, I am sure you will agree that the educational advancement of this community is tantamount to the educational advancement of Sindh of which the Mahomedans form the vast majority and are still very largely in the darkness of ignorance. The progress of secondary education can I think, be secured by the increase of muddle and high schools’ in convenient places, by the further grant of endowments and scholarships, and. Above all, by the maintenance of a low scale of fees. The raising of the fees by Government is clearly a measure which must retard the progress of secondary education and I trust Government will realize this and reduce these fees. For, while primary education is, no doubt, the first step in mass emancipation, no great progress is possible without secondary and higher education. Secondary and higher education means the diffusion of the English language among the people, which has been perhaps one of the greatest benefits that British rule has brought to this country. It s influence has been to illumine, to elevate, to inspire, and, above all, to consolidate the people of India, and I feel that yet greater possibilities of good wait n its further diffusion.

CONCLUSION

Gentlemen, in conclusion, I must thank you very much for the great patience with which you have, heard me. But before I take my seat, you will permit me to say that we cannot do better that place before our minds some considerations, which, I feel” cannot fail to fortify and sustain us all who labor in the vineyard of our common cause Brother-delegates, it behoves us all to ever bear in mind that our mission is an exalted one, our responsibilities solemn, and our duties to ourselves, to our fellowmen, to our rulers and to the land of our birth, high and noble. But, at the same time, let us not nurse ay pleasing illusions. Let us not forget that much labor, great sacrifice, probably some disappointment, lie before us. But let us not be faint of heart. Let us pursue the even tenor of our way with a courage that should never flinch, with an equanimity that nothing should ruffle, and above all, with a confidence in the ultimate success of our cause that should never falter. Gentlemen, India wants stout hearts and willing hands. Our advancement is largely dependent on our own endeavors. Our fortunes are largely for ourselves to make or mar. Our fortunes are largely for ourselves to make or mar.’ let us cultivate character, let us foster self-respect, let us cherish a spirit of self-sacrifice, above all let us fully awake to ‘the consciousness of our common brotherhood, and then, and they only, will India have achieved lasting good. It has pleased an inscrutable’ Province to link our destinies with those of Britain, than which no dispensation could have been more propitious to our country. And it is under the’ begin auspices of British rule that we must work our salvation. Let us therefore toil unceasingly, toil cheerfully, and toil hopefully: the harvest must come in the fullness of time.

5th Sindh Provincial Conference, Karachi.

Presidential speech

5th Sindh Provincial Conference Karachi

I fail to find to express the gratitude I feel for the great and the signal honour which you have been pleased to do me for electing me to preside over deliberations on this memorable occasion in our capital city of Province. I realize that this honour is the highest distinction which is the power of my country-men, next to the Congress Presidentship, to bestow. But when I realize the responsibility attached to this honour, I sincerely feel that worthier shoulders than mine would leave better sustained the burden.

When however, I received your mandate in the midst of my humble work at first hesitated, but then I felt my duty to obey and here I am, for better or for worse.

At a time like this, I feel that what is required is a bold, emphatic and respectful declaration of our grievances, desires and aspirations. I shall endeavour to fulfill this task to the best of my ability and will rely on your indulgence for my short-comings.

THE KING EMPEROR

Gentlemen – Our first duty today is to lie at the feet of our august and beloved Sovereign George V king an emperor, our unswerving fealty, our unshaken allegiance and our enthusiastic homage. The throne in England is above all parties beyond all controversies.

It is the permanent seat of the majesty, the justice, the honour and the beneficence of the British Empire.

And in offering our homage and our fealty to its illustrations occupant, we not only perform a loyal duty but also express the gratitude of our hearts for all that is noble and high-minded in England’s connection with India. The late Queen Empress Victoria the Good and her worthy son, King Edward the peace maker are known to have exercised within the limits of their constitutional position vast influences for good in favor of a policy of justice and sympathy towards India. Our present king emperor had announced his resolve to walk in the foot-step of his father and grand mother. We have therefore our fullest trust in him and the British Parliament that a policy of righteousness wills the pursued towards India in the decision of India’s claim to self-government within the Empire, after Mr. Montagn goes lack and submits his report on the subject. “We only claim that we should be in India what Englishmen feel to be in England and in the Colonies.”

Tribute to the Dead

Ladies and Gentlemen- We have every year to mourn the loss of some of our brilliant and enthusiastic workers, who pass away leaving us poorer in the ranks of our public men.

Since we met last at Shikarpur, the cruel hand of death has snatched away from us Mr. Achalsing Advani, a leading pleader of Karachi, a men of great intellectual abilities, undaunted courage brilliant powers of expressions and un bounded enthusiasm. He was the rising star in the political horizon and a man of great personality who took keen interest in unifying political forces in Sindh. It was only last year at Shikarpur, that while addressing you from the conference platform, this young man gave you a promise that he will thoroughly master the Sindhi language at today’s Conference. But it was not to be. It was he who pressingly invited the conference to Karachi this time. He has passed away. How greatly do we miss today his familiar and sweet face from this plat-form!

Next, gentlemen, we have to mourn the loss of that great and towering personality-the Pioneer of modern nationalism, who was our pilot under storm and stress-Our India’s grand old man, Mr. Dadabhai Noureji. He was India’s greatest leader and friend. No language suffice to describe his deeds, and service to his country, his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion in the cause of Home Rule. His name is a bye-word in every family in India. To him is due the word “Swaraj”.

Another great patriot and friend of India, -Sir William Wedderburn has been removed by death. He was the last of that noble trio who for long years and under the most trying circumstances toiled hard and incessantly and unselfishly for the uplifting of India. Most of us knew Sir. William personally as the judge of our Sadar court and then of Bombay high court. Twice was he president of Indian National congress at Bombay and Allahbad. Any one like myself, who had the good fortune to know him personally, will testify how he inspired, elevated and educated those who came under his influence by the nobleness of his nature, his world-wide sympathies, his profound earnestness, his ceaseless devotion to the cause and by his indomitable faith in the British sense of justice and in the principle that right and justice will eventually triumph. He was not daunted in his inestimable exertions even by the clammy end obloquy which is own countrymen heaped on hi head. He was deeply touched and greatly distressed by the sad plight of the poor Indian raiyat and like Mr. Dadabhai his whole heart was taxed upon devising, advising and insisting on measures calculated to alleviate their unfortunate condition. Sir. William at the age of 72 came all the way from England in 1910 to preside at Allahbad session of the Congress in order to cement the bonds of unity between Hindus and Mahamadans.

We have suffered another great loss in the cause of Indian nationalism in the depth of Hon: Mr. A. Rasul of Calcutta. He in his intense passion for his motherland recognized that the cause of Mahomedans was indissolubly bound up with that of the Hindus and took a leading part in effecting that rapprochement between the two communities which has been so valuable in a political unification. And yet another eminent and distinguished Indian, an enthusiastic worker in the cause of our motherland the great promoter of the Hindu University, Sir Sunder Lal has just passed away. His death is indeed a great loss to the country.

Gentlemen our gratitude to those dear and noble souls will be best paid, in the words of our noble leader Mrs. Annie Besant:- “By following in their foot-steps, so that we may win the Home rule which they longed to see with us and shall see ere long from the other world of life in which they dwell today.”

WAR AND HOME RULE

Brother delegates;- The great war still continues. Our leader Mrs. Annie Besant said early in the course of the war. “That the war could not end until England recognized that autocracy and bureaucracy perished in India as well as in Europe”. Did not bishop of Calcutta declared the other day that, it would be hypocritical to pray for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India? The one prominent feeling, that arises in the minds of all of us, is one of the deep admiration for the self imposed burden which Britain is bearing in the world’s struggle for liberty and freedom and a feeling of profound pride that India had not fallen behind other parts of the British Empire, but has stood shoulder to shoulder with them by the side of the Emperor mother in the hour of her sorest trial. In the great galaxy of heroes there are now and there will never cause to be beloved Indian names testifying to the fact that our people would rather die unsullied then outlive the disgrace of surrender to a bastard civilization. Our conviction is firm that by the guidance of that divine spirit which shapes the destinies of nations, the cause of right will ultimately triumph and the close of struggle will usher a new era in the history of human race,

Gentlemen. When England took my arms in the cause of Liberty and freedom, we in India believed whole-heartedly that England was fighting for the course of freedom of all nationalities including India. However, as war went on, India slowly release what it was loath to believe that antipathy towards autocracy were meant only for the west and liberty and freedom were being preached and promised for the white races. India was markedly left out of calculation in the speeches of statesman dealing with the future of Empire. When ministers of Empire and leaders of men in England were waxing eloquent over the new consciousness that had arisen and which would eventually lead to a reconstruction of Empire on an enlarged bases, and when ever part of the colonial Empire was preparing to assert its existence and its opportunity, our leaders in India realized that it was that it was time for them to awaken and lay the claims of their land before the exponents of British sense of fair play. The Congress and the Muslim League then placed their modest schemes before the Government. Naturally this action of our leaders was at first ridiculed , the resented and finally oppose by Anglo Indians. It was said that the step was premature, we were told that we were embarrassing the Government in war times, even our loyalty was doubted. We were told that we were not yet fit for even agitating for liberty, that we were not yet sufficiently educated, that the agitation was only confined to a few and inspired, that we were in fact harming the cause of India. We were then paternally advised to keep quiet and sleep, till the war was over. In India and specially in Sindh, people know the attempt that was made in mislead the Mahomedan mind by telling them that Home Rule would mean Hindu Rule. But our brethren stood firm in the realization that has dawned, that the interest of Hindus and Muslims must rise or fall together. India saw through various obstacles raised and risen in the realization of this scheme but since the united claim of India’s greatest national bodies was expounded. India had already better experience of breach of promises and pledges. But thanks to our great patriots that agitation was nobly continued and sustained and just as India’s trust in England’s goods faith was being strained nearly to breaking point. came happy news for the declaration of policy by the Secretary of state that self Government will be granted to India. The further welcome news gladdened the heart of India was that Mr. Montagu was appointed Secretary of state for India. This was followed by another announcement that at the invitation of Viceroy, Mr. Montagu was coming to India to hear for himself what India wanted and to confer with the Indian leaders. The Anglo-Indians were put in a rage at this. Most mischievous anti-agitation and vituperative language was restored to by the Anglo-Indians in the Press and on the Platform and in Parliament in order to frighten Mr.Montagu. But there tactics failed and the Secretary of state is in India .He and the Viceroy have received numerous memorials and schemes of reforms. But gentlemen our faith is firmed in the righteousness of the true English-men, all this oppositions, all this vituperation conflicting schemes and suggestions cannot obscure the main issue. India’s claim for a free and unfettered development of national existence and its justification at the present stage.

This attitude of the Anglo-Indian element need cause no surprise. It is a war vested and cherished interest. When the Anglo-Indian element both in state service and in commerce have monopolized the Incrative and the paying situation it is not easy for them to be now willing even for the sack of fairy-play and justice to a abandon the situation without an effort of unprecedented magnitude. The effort is being made. We Indians are claming what true English man term a birthright of citizenship. Right Hon. Mr.Montagu is fresh from the seat of liberty and nationalism and of him we expect to see through the Anglo Indian narrow –mindedness and our needs in the Governance of our country. I am confident Mr.Montagu sufficiently realizes by now whether or not Indians do want Home Rule and what they mean by the home rule. The strength that the labour party is gaining in England is reflecting itself on the world’s political situation. India is not free from the movement and at no distant date that movement will be of incalculable gain to the country. This is a result of the war which has created an atmosphere of love, freedom and liberty and given an impetus to the labour movement without whose co-operation successful prosecution of the war is not possible. With them are co-operating the women organizations which now possess six million votes. Our representatives Mr. Baptista and Mr. Polak and other friends have been doing immense service by creating public opinion in England in favor of India by appealing to the powerful masses of that country.

Mr. Henderson has emphatically declared “Further the labour party accepts the principle of self determinations for all people and believes that this can be secured for England and India by a rapid extension of self governing institutions on dominion lines. Again “We all recognize that all dishonourable and unjust ambitions of world domination, whether they be military, political or commercial must be renounced by every nation.

When we recognize that a popular movement gains strength by the volume of its educational propaganda we at once recognize the good that Mr.Tilak’s campaign of educating the masses does .It is being pursued in Sind by men of sturdy independence, Mr. Durgdas, Mr.Jethmal, Mr.Jeramdas, but what should be every body’s endeavour now is that the movement should spread and he popularized , the volunteers may increase and we must therefore set our faces and be right earnest in that direction by suitable organization . We can and shall succeed as the labour party is succeeding. All that is a concentration of all energies to the winning of our ideal – Home Rule in India and a wide organization of all the elements of the population with a definite propaganda of work . I shall therefore particularly deal with industries and Sawadeshism . National Education and local Self-Government as a part of our propaganda .

It is a matter of vital importance and urgency that we should not abate the volume and force of our efforts but continue with additional vigor and we should send a fully representative and competent deputation to England. They should address the great centres of shipping and manufactures and stir the country there to support India’s claims in Parliament. Let our deputation speak out India’s case plainly and definitely. To an Englishman, no begging of boons ever appeals. He values the man who asserts that “Freedom is our Birth-Right.” “India is no longer on her knees for boons but on her legs for rights” so said Mrs.Besaut. When India gets her rights, the tie between India and England becomes a golden link of mutual love, respect and service.

Swadeshi Movement and our Industries

Brother Delegates:- I will now to a movement which had once spread so rapidly and was hailed with so much enthusiasm all over the country in the year 1905-1966- the Swadeshi Movement.

Next in importance to Swaraj I would give place to this question, interwoven as it always is, with our industrial problem. The industrial domination of our people by another, attracks much less attention that the political domination but is nevertheless a great factor. The political domination is visible on the surface as we see a foreign race openly monopolizing all power and authority and keeping the people in state of subjection. These are facts which we see and feel acutely everyday of our lives and in every act and in every restrictions over our liberty, and in the deprivation of our natural rights as sons of the soil.

As it is true that human feelings often matter more then interest we have been constantly thinking and feeling that we are living under a foreign domination. In fact we had been for a long time engrossed in our struggle for political aspirations and status and never gave thought to our industrial and economic question.

Moreover this industrial foreign domination invaded us in an attractive garb. Articles of greater finish and attractiveness tempted us, so that in the supply of our daily wants, we welcomed the foreign domination though quite unconsciously at first, in preference to articles made by our men, from materials produced by our motherland and by our labor. In fact we were so much` tempted by the attractive exterior that we did not look at the quality of the things etc, and welcomed the shadow for the substance. This evil grew a pace and we owe it to another evil that we were disillusioned. Had it not been for Lord Curzon’s ill-planned and ill-advised measure the crowning act o reactionary Viceroy, the partition of Bengal- the Swadeshi movement would still have remained in his embryo. But from evil cometh good, so it was in the case . the amount of indignation and resentment raised up by Lord Curzon put the whole o Bengal in blaze. The nation rose with one voice and when our Bengalee brothers found that nothing would turn the Viceroy from his set purpose of partitioning Bengal. That all their petitions, all their protests in the press and on the platform, all their memorials to him, to the Secretary of State and to Parliament went unheeded, that Government exercised despotic authority regardless of their cherished feelings and interests and that no protection was forthcoming from any quarter, they resolved to have recourse of swadeshism. Under the then circumstances the movement took the form of boycott in afflicted to Bengal but it spreads to other parts of India in the legitimate form of swadeshism.

There could be my no denying the fact that our Bengali brothers rightly used it as a weapon which after all struck the vital interests of the British cotton industries and achieved the object in view. Not only did the movement, in spite of strong opposition from Angle Indian element, draw anxious attention of the people in England to the grievances of our Benagli brothers but it demonstrated the deep resentment of our brothers at the treatment they were receiving. The result was that even though, Lord Morely the then Secretary of State had declined interference and had declared partition to be a settled fact, our wise Emperor was graciously pleased to unsettle the condemned measure in this memorable speech at the Delhi Durbar.

Thus gentlemen, the movement in Bengal was purely a peoples’ Movement and took the form of boycott of foreign made goods as a political weapon for a definite political purpose under an overpowering sense of necessity. In other parts of India though the movement of pure Swadeshism remained, it received no encouragement at the hands of our government. Thou the government has by now realized that encouragement of Indian resources is its only salvation. Can it ever be disputed that swadeshi movement is both a ….. and an economic movement ? Swadeshi means “one’s own country” it implies that we must support our indigenous arts and industries. It is … only an industrial movement but it affects the very existence of a nation. At its highest it is deep, passionate, fervent and all embracing love of the Motherland and this love manifests itself not only in one’s sphere of activity but it invades the whale man. Its very though thrills him and its actual touch lifts one out of oneself. Love of Swadeshism is like the love one possesses and manifests for his chichi just as the pad has truly asked:-

“Breathes there a man with soul so dead,

Who never to himself hath said,

This is my own, my untire land”?

Gentlemen we need today that gospel of devotion which is conveyed by the above. This soul striving devotion should be manifested by the high and the low, by the prince and the peasant, by every Indian in the town and the village, on the hills and on the plains, towards Swadeshim. How soul stirring and sweet is our Swswdeshi- Bande matram- it is Swadeshism which presents itself to the mass of our people in a form which they easily comprehend. It is Swadeshims which turns the thoughts of the masses towards their political status and enables them to take interest in the economic development of their Mother-land. It is Swadeshims which teaches the lesson of unity and co-operation with one another for an national end. It is Swadeshism which inspires all India with thoughts and acts of sacrifice for the sake of the Mother-land. Believe me gentlemen it is my conviction that our political success will in a great measure be accelerated by swadesghism. In fact we shall ultimately find the true salvation of India in this movement.

Let us take the economic aspect of the question. There can be no gainsaying the fact that foreign industrial domination of India under British rule has been the cause of industrial down-fall and consequent poverty of India.

The political and administrative results of British Rule have to their debit the shutting out of a whole race from positions of real trust and responsibility and thus denying to them opportunities for developing their powers of initiative and training. Similarly the forcible disarming of the whole people has a disastrous effect upon their manhood and material spirit and denying to them free education at state expense and distrust of the educated have had the effect of keeping the masses in perpetual ignorance. But in this respect there are some redeeming features and compensating advantages such as the liberalizing effects of western education and institutions, advantages of Railways, Telegraphs, Post Offices and other modern appliances of modern material civilization. There are also the blessings of peace and of order firmly established; so that in the midst of this terrible world war we in India are living quite peacefully.

But I am sorry this cannot be said of the industrial domination, there is not a single redeeming feature in the industrial field. Just glance at history to see what India was before, the statements of visitors from foreign parts of historians, of invaders, and of poets contain ample testimony of the tempting prosperity of India and high standard of it s arts, crafts and industries. Silk goods, cotton goods and woolen goods used to be freely exported form India. The superiority of India’s silk and fine cotton manufactures had at one time attracted the marked attention of foreign countries. In the year 1813 Calcutta reported to London cotton goods alone to the value of 20,00,000/ history shows that only some 300 years back ships built in India sailed up the Thames to London and were regarded with envy and admiration because of their admirable workmanship. We had plenty of good sailors, and enterprising merchants and artisans who enriched the country at the same tiem that they enriched themselves. This same industrial India whose initiative has been the glory of the world at one time has been so crippled that it has become dependent for its daily supplies upon foreign countries.

The East India Company came to India under a Royal Charter to trade. Its first effort was to supplant the industries of the country and make room for those of Western manufacturer and to adopt measures to crush the local industries. This has been acknowledged by eminent English writers. The Campaign began as early as 1769. the directors in their letter dated 17th March of that year sent orders that silk winders should be made to work in the company’s factories only, on pain of severe punishment. In 1828 heavy duties on piece goods from India were in force:-

1. on Colicoes, 3/6/8d on importation and a further duty of 68/6/8d if consumed at home.

2. Muslin 10 on importation and 27 for home consumption.

3. Coloured goods 3/6/8d for importation and so on.

Wilson the historian says that till these prohibitive duties had been imposed by England, Indian piece good, could be sold for a profit in the British markets at prices from 50 to 60 percent. Lower than those manufactured in England. He says further “Had not prohibitive duties existed , the mills of Paisley and Manchester would have been stopped in their outset and could scarcely have been set in motion again even by power of steam. They were created by this forced sacrifice of India. India could not retaliate. This act of Sefl-defence was not permitted her. She was at the mercy of a stranger. British goods were forced upon her without paying any duty and the foreign manufacture employed the arm of political injustice to keep down and ultimately strangle a competitor with whom he could not have contended on equal terms.”

Things had become much worse in 1833 and severe measures were introduced against weavers. Montgomery Marfin writing in 1837 complained in strong language of the cruel selfishness of English commerce. He wrote under the pretence of free trade. “England has compelled the Hindus to o receive the products of the steam looms of Lancashire, Yorkshire, Glasgow etc, at mere normal rates; while the hand wrought manufactures of Bengal and Bihar beautiful in fabric and durable in near have had heavy and almost prohibitive duties imposed in importation to England “ by these means the industrial capacity of India was so ore poured that while Calcutta had exported to London cotton goods of value of 20,00,090/- in the year 1813, the same Calcutta imported British cotton goods of the value 20,00,000/- in the year 1830 i.e. only within a short period of seventeen years. In that year 1930 Sir John Malcome Governor f Bombay pointedly called attention to the ruin of Indian industries and growing poverty of our people, but those in power did not hesitate to pursue successfully the policy of converting India into a land of raw produce for the benefit of England.

Let us quote from list:- “England forbade the cotton wears of our own seat Indian traders, she prohibited them absolutely. She would have no thread of them. She would have none of those cheap and beautiful wares. She preferred to consume her own dear and inferior stuffs……..Enland gained power, immeasurable power— India the very reverse, dependence.” Macaulay himself wrote “The marvelous expansion of English industries was contemporaneous with the impoverishment of India.” Thus there was the Indian manufacturer sacrifieced from time to time.

Even after the Government was taken away from the hands of the East India Company the policy of free trade from England, not free trade between India and England, was persistently pursued.

Another disturbing cause was the alienation, by Government of our country of rich lands and minerals to foreigners. The khopra and coir industries on the west coast were let into the German hands. Similarly several other industries were allowed to be absorbed by Germany. The door of Indian markets was left wide open to the competition of the whole world to the ruin of India, though England’s own policy had been one of protection of its own industries against the whole world, till England had completed building up its vast industrial system.

Gentlemen, the duties of the Government in an industrial country like India are:-

1. Te have a thorough industrial and Geological survey of the whole country and to publish the results.

2. To afford financial and technical aid.

3. To protect against foreign competition

4. To encourage opening of industrial banks.

5. To start model pioneer factories on the report of government experts and hand them over to privates capitalists if successful and to close them it they prove otherwise.

6. To purchase all government requiremen5ts in India, preference being given to locally made articles even if they are little dearer in price or inferior in quality.

7. Establishment of Museums and traveling libraries and holding of periodical exhibitions in different parts of the country.

I leave it to you gentlemen to consider how far our government has performed any of the above duties during its reign of one hundred and fifty years. Though it is aware that our country is rich in it natural resources, its export figures show that abundant raw material is yearly sent out of India.

Is it not therefore surprising that India should be ale to produce all raw materials and supply the European world but should unable to manufacture goods for its own consumption ? while the total imports before the war were over 100 crores, total exports were over 150 crores. Deducting from this precious metals that come to this country to redress a part of the balance and payments for the salaries and pensions of officers in England it will be found that a loss of 2o to 30 crores has thus to be borne by India every year. As the late lamented Hon. Mr. Gokhale had pertinently put the case, supposing 150 crores go from your financial house every year and 120 crores come in, will you be growing richer or poorer? The result is that there is no doubt that India is daily growing poorer. Do not be led away by the fact that a few individual s appear to possess money to invest or a few mills have been built. Consider the case of the majority of 315 millions of the people of India. We are poorest in the world and England (now we may say America) the richest. Production per head in India is Rs. 30/- according to government calculation and Rs. 20/- according to Indian calculation while in England it is Rs. 900/- her head (i.e) 20 times more.

Look at our agriculturist who form nine-tenths of the population in Sindh. Who can ever deny that they are living in extreme poverty ? The men, who till the soul from morn t night, who can hardly afford to have one change of clothes in a year; what are their belongings ? A straw hut, which can give them little protection against the sun and storm, a pair of bullocks often under mortgage, a few earthen pots, a few cattle to give milk, and growing debts, are all they have. They begin the year by borrowing for seed, Takavi and bare necessaries of life and end it by paying either the interest alone or a part of the debt. This goes on year after year. Of course the crushing load of Rasai also lies on their shoulders.

Plague is ravaging all our towns and villages in Sind and who can deny that mostly the people in poverty succumb to the epidemic. Only recently when plague visited Shikarpur, the weavers, the blacksmiths the washermen, the petty hawkers, the day labourers reached a state of starvation within a few days of their being out employment, and relief works had to be opened for them. This then gentlemen is the condition to which people are reduced.

The war stopped the door to German goods getting into the Indian markets and here was the golden opportunity for India. India is poor; therefore without state aid what could be done? Our leaders cried themselves hoarse on the platform and in the press but bas any thing tangible been done by the government to enable India to supply the place of German goods even for its own consumption ? and it was Japan that stepped in and captured Indian markets. The government knows it, and it cannot be denied that it has flooded the Indian markets with Japan made goods.

The Government of Bombay finding that on account of war, the hand—loom industry, match, copper, brass pot, silk and gold and silver thread industries had severely suffered, appointed an advisory committee as for back as 1615-1916 to enquire into the conditions of indigenous industries and to suggest means for improving the existing industries establishing new ones. This committee enquired into the oil- pressing, match, sugar-cane, butter, glass, bamboo, paper pulp and other industries and made in each case certain recommendations to Government. Three years have passed but the Bombay government instead of taking full or partial action immediately, have remanded the report as received for further consideration, and there it rests.

The war has no doubt turned the attention of Government to the wisdom of utilizing India’s immense natural resources. The viceroy has spoken of organizing these resources with a view to making India more self-contained and less dependent. It is a hope; we heartily welcome this but we have grown septic and can get little consolation until we see something tangible being does actually for previous experience and long suffering have made us rather difficult.

The action of the Government of India has been confirmed to the appointment of a commission to investigate the possibilities f Indian Industries. We want to see the good it does; but when this commission declined to investigate the deliberate charges of Sir Pirbhoy Karimbhoy and Lala Herkishenlal concerning the positive discouragement and opposition dealt out to Indian concerns and unfair preference to the European ones, it shook Indian’s credit in its good intentions. It would have been better, if their charges had been investigated; confidence would have been restored and a cloud removed.

The Indian Railway companies do no provide proper transport facilities for indigenous goods and their rates of freight are very prejudicial. Even the sea-port rates are favourable to foreign imports. In the matter of carrying goods, the impression appears to have gone deep in the Indian mind that Indian producers are refused the same facilities by the Railway and shipping authorities all over the country which are easily extended to industries under European management.

Is it any wonder then that can have the power to impose duties on foreign goods to protect itself and permit Indian industries to develop and prosper.

Gentlemen, in this deplorable state of affairs, I appeal to you to help yourselves and come to the country’s help. Let us give whole-hearted encouragement to our Swadeshi movement. The present is the juncture: for even free traders and the Government will have nothing to urge against this ours will be a voluntary preference on the part of consumers to promote our own industries. We have cotton at our own doors and can easily employ any amount of labour of our own. We have about 200 cotton mills at a cost of 20 crores (though Lancashire alone has invested over 200 crores) with five million spindles and fifty thousands power-looms. These are mostly worked by Indian employees and in addition we have about a quarter of a million persons engaged in hand-looms in the country.

Of the industrial population of India very much larger portion is engaged in the indigenous industries carried on in village houses and bazaars. In our efforts to improve the condition of our people, we should help the works in the mills and the dwellers in the cottage; and this we can do only by preaching and practicing Swadeshism. The humble weavers in towns and villages and the braziers, the copper-smiths, the ironsmiths, the potters and the carpenters in Sind who carry on their ancestral vocations in their ancestral homes, all deserve our help and encouragement. Let us make a vow to help these men by giving them that help an protection which has been hitherto refused by Government , by wearing their manufactured goods, by creating a demand for their manufactures and by preaching to all to wear and use in all domestic needs India – made articles. Indigenous industries and Indian mills are already turning out articles of good make and finish and they are bound to improve as the demand increases and they get decent prices. What is needed is only the opportunity. But true Twadeshism lies in consuming indigenous articles in their early stage when their quality is inferior or price higher. In Sind it is a pity there is not a single cotton mill worth the name. We have a small one at Shikarpur owned by Seth Mulechand but there is not much of encouragement to it. We had once swadeshi stores in Karachi, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Shikarpur and Larkana but one by one they closed down for want of encouragement. Let us restart these and have traveling vendors of Swadeshi Goods. It is a matter of gratification that our patriotic men from Sind like Messra Mehta, Lokamal Chellaram, Sri Krishen Lula, Chainrai Virbhandas and others have already opened a Swadeshi stores at Karachi on sound basis and I would appeal to all of you to help this cause whole-heartedly. Let us open a museum of Swadeshi Stores at Karachi where all information on the subject could be had. When England did all I have described above in the name of its Swadeshism, why can not we?

EDUCATION

We now turn to our educational system under the present form of Government.

Education is the foremost factor in the evolution of a nation. The educational policy of our Government has the same disadvantages as I have outlined with regard to the Government of this country. In the words of one of the greatest educationists of o0ur own times Mr. G.S, Arundale, I say most emphatically and without any fear of contradiction, that “Good education is no substitute for national education”. To quote the same distinguished educationalist once more, “India refuses any longer to be an educational dependency of Great Britain.”

Judging by the results that present educational system has produced in India demands the slow and tardy progress that this system has made inspite of our insistant demands for a substantial advance along the lines that have been approved of by Western Nations and our neighbouring Indian states – judging by these facts the impression grows stronger and stronger on our minds that nothing great can possibly be achieved in the domain of education without National system of education. Home Rule and National education must march hand in hand. Both are component part of one whole and India can not be ranked as a Nation unless India possesses both in their entirely. Indiathat had the broad and well-deserved title of Jagat Guru is now on her knees receiving driblets of reforms in education and India to whose shores came several distinguished scholars for the sake of knowledge, has now to send her sonsto foreign countries for education. This deplorable condition has to be remedies or overcome and I venture to suggest that National Education is the only remedy for all these evils. The system of education in India is too much a Government affairs. Sir Michail Hicks Beach, one of the leading English statesmen said the other day at Aligarh that the universities should be entirely free from the Government control an that the Government ought to have nothing to do with universities. What is the system in England and it works well. The Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Durham, Dubliu, Glasgow and Edinburgh have all grown out of private endowments given by kings, nobles and other gentlemen and they all rest on donations from philanthropic men. What is therefore wanted here is that the country itself should build up universities and schools so that the curriculum should be on national lines, for the nation and the institutions should be linked together. That like England, such universities are possible in India and response ample is evidenced by the institution of the Hindu and Mahomedan Universities. The aim of education under the present system seems to be to enter Government service or the learned profession and to this end to pass examinations. This has led to cramming the boys, heads with a lot of disjoined facts poured as if into a basket to be emptied out again in the examination hall and the empty basket to be taken away again into the outside world. Mrs. Besant said in one of her speeches “To exhault the strength, to destroy the energy, to turn out a sickly worn-out man when the youth should be bringing over the life, has been the result of the system of education prevalent here.”

To be truly useful, education must be founded on a knowledge of the past of the country as well as its present and should adapt itself to meet at every point the growing needs of an ever increasing Nation. Education should therefore be physical, moral, mental and spiritual. The colour-bar in Educational service, begotten of distrust, has been a profile source of discontent and has on account of forces inferiority made our Indian Professors and teachers less enthusiastic for work and research. The recent instance of Professor Shahani’s suprecession inspite of his recognized experience and ability – inspite of his educational attainments, in favour of a young man is a standing monument of this colour bar. The Government of Bombay paused for a while over the opposition that the dinner canvassing against Professor Shahani evoked – but after all threw aside Professor Shahani’s claims.

In addition to these defects, the so called “serene atmosphere of eduction” produced by Lord Gurzon’s retrograde policy and by subsequent Government orders and circulars, this atmosphere has turned teachers into spies or cowards and superintendents are suspected of having assumed the role of C.I.D. officers. The Hon. Bobu, Ambiea Charan Muzumdar, as President of 31st Indian National Congress said, “the sanctity of the temples of learning has been violated and our boys and young men are brought up in the unhealthy atmosphere of what may be called insecure jails. This the people sorely resent and here the first conflict has taken place between a sensitive subject race and autocratic Government, each believing the other to be in the wrong and several other wrongs were embosomed for a considerably long time and several attempts were made for healing them up but a united and determined effort was necessary for the purpose and this was supplied by our revered leader Mrs. Annie Besant with the co-operation and consultation of almost all the leading elite of India too numerous to mention and yet some of them are too illustrious to be omitted. She drew out the Poer Laureate of India, Dr. Sir Rabindra Nath Tagore from his secluded corner into the noble field of action and made him the Chancellor of National University and she picked out Dr. Sir Subramama lyer the ex_chief Justice of Madras and forced him to accept the post of Pro-Chancellor; Lokamanya Tilak’; C.P. Ramswaim Tyer, G.S. Arundale and our worthy patriot Hon. Mr. Bhurgri also answered the call of Bharat Mata, and have lent their support to this movement whose living illustration is granted to the educationally advanced city in Sind viz. Hyderabad where now exists a National College affiliated to the National University. Our official year 1917-18 whereof I have as President of this Conference to chronicle the principal events, has thus been the most memorable and historical one in the domain of education in Sind, Another notable event o the year under review is the passing of Hon, Mr. Patels Free and Compulsory Education bill for Municipalities. This measures will if carried out by all the Municipalities concerned touch one-length of our population only, for nine-tenths live in villages where this Act will yet have no operation. Inspite of this and other disappointing features of the Act, this step forward ought to be counted as a victory. I am afraid very few Municipalities in Sind will take advantage of this Act in the near future on account of their financial difficulties. Gentlemen, after 150 years of British Rule, you find 50 percent of the people are uneducated. On 31st December 1915 out of total population of 310 millions we had only 5.5 million of scholars in primary schools and 1.1 in secondary schools.

While other countries spend 30 percent and more on the education of the people our Government which professors to be so anxious for the welfare of the feeming millions of this ancient land are unable to spare more 5 than P.e. of the State revenue, that is to say, hardly 1/40th part of what is spent in England.

On primary education the expenditure per head of the population is only a few annas. America, with a population has only 5 universities.

To get an idea of the proverbial illiteracy of India, one has only to remember that one of 1,000 males only 110 can read and write : while out of 10,000 females, only 10 can do so.

Comparison of figures has proved that even American negroes are better off than ourselves in this respect.

In the midst of this terrible war, entailing tremendous pecuniary burden on England, Government have sanctioned the new educational scheme of Mr. Fisher involving an additional cost of crores of rupees. Now, I should like to offer a few suggestions for consideration.

1. Sind depends mostly on agriculture and the great bulk of its population is devoted to agricultural pursuits. No satisfactory arrangements appear to have been made hitherto for the amelioration or education of the agricultural masses: In addition to the provision for free and compulsory education, there ought to be agricultural schools, colleges, farms and shows where scientific system of education should be imparted and the ultimate object ought to be to fit the peasants concerned for practical agricultural work on improved lines. Agricultural colleges should be open to all classes and not “restricted to zamindars or any particular class. One of the main problems that agitates the world today is food-power. This problem depends mere upon intensive agriculture than upon extensive. It is by means of this intensive agriculture based on scientific knowledge, that Germany was able to supply food to 75 people out of a hundred acres, whereas England can supply to 45 persons only. In India where agriculture is carried on in a primitive style the yield is negligibly small. Every town and big village ought to be able to teach agriculture on modern lines.

2. Next in importance comes technical education and neglected here is mutual. The two technical schools at Sukkur and Jacobabad are not attractive to students and prospects of advancement in after-life are considerably limited. These schools should impart information and instructions and give training that would help the students in opening small village industries wherewith they may be able to earn their livelihood.

3. Commercial education on sound lines is also a very great necessity at the present juncture when large number of India’s youth must turn their energies in the direction of development the material resources of the land. A chemist or an engineer with mere technical knowledge of industries can never run a successful industry because it should not only be a technical success but the production should be on a commercial basis and for this latter part a sound commercial knowledge is essential. In India, where industries have to be build up, if at all, against powerful rivalry of foreign countries, the case is much stronger for systematic business training. In fact the American principle of vocational institutions should be adopted without any delay.

4. Education in all primary and secondary schools ought to be imparted through the medium of vernacular of the Province for it will smoothen the way to knowledge which the child will tread, leave his intelligence free and enable his observation and reasoning faculties to work on the subjects presented to him without fetters of a foreign tongue.

5. Religious education is imperatively necessary-where religion is not apart of the education given to the youth of a nation, there the nation has no literature worthy to be called great i.e., original. Everywhere history testified to the close relationship between religion and literary genius and the inspiration that the former gives to the latter. Religion is necessary also as the basis for morality and as the inspiration of art. What kind of nation can ever be without literature, without morality and without art? When India was mightiest in peace and war, when here industries were most productive and here commerce most enriching, she was above all a religious nation.

LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT

(All Figures quoted under are pre-war)

In India, Local Self-Government may be divided under two heads – urban and rural. Under the first come the municipalities and notified areas and under the second the District and Taluka Local Boards. The Bombay Government started Local Self-Government in its present form in the Presidency in 1860 by starting Municipalities in urban areas and in 1863 in the rural areas by starting rural Boards. Unfortunately District Collectors and other officials in their over-activity and over-zeal subordinated the views and wishes of non-official members to their own notions of what is best for the people and this state of affairs necessitated the passing of the famous resolution on 18th May 1882 by Lord Ripon.

The important functions of these bodies within their respective areas are to take care of people’s (1) Health (2) Education (3) Communication i.e. roads, streets etc.

These local bodies are constituted by nominating or partly by elections and partly by nomination. In our consideration of these representative bodies we must direct attention to (a) the constitution of these local bodies (b) their powers and functions (c) the resources at their disposal.

There are in the whole of India 717 Municipalities, 897 District Local Boards and 517 Taluka or Sub-District Local Boards. In the Bombay Presidency we hae 457 Municipalities and 25 notified areas with 2166 members of whom only 963 entrusted to their care and they had an income of Rs.1,24,73,669. The population in the Municipal areas is about 16 million i.e. about 7 percent of the total population. This is the urban population and the remaining has the highest urban population i.e. 18 per cent while Bengal the lowest i.e. 2 percent .

These bodies are thus of greatest importance as they have charge of the people’s health and education i.e. the two things essential for the uplift of any country.

These institutions of great importance also because they form a stepping stone to Self-Government in India.

In the speech from the Congress platform at Bombay Mrs. Besant said:-

“The training for Self-Government is of vital importance to the nation today. For the Government of States is at once a science and an art: and in order that it may be worthily exercised, the lesson must be learnt in Local Self-Government, than in Provincial autonomy and finally in the Self-Government of the nation, for the work of Government is the most highly skilled profession upon earth………..what then should you do? You should take part in the Self-Government wherever it is possible. As it is, take it and practise it, for you will gain experience and you will gain knowledge; and only that experience and knowledge will guide you when you come to speak in large Councils and make your voice heard in larger areas, So I will plead to you – face this drudgery – it is drudgery, make no mistake, understand the details of local administration and understand how to manage your own drains particularly your water-drudgery, no amount of enthusiasm and love for the country will make your administration a success.

Lord Morley in his Reform Dispatch dated 27th November 1908 said:-

“The village in India has been the fundamental and indestructible unit of the social system surviving the downfall of dynasty after dynasty. I desire your Excellency to consider the best way of carrying out a policy that would make the village a starting point of public life.”

Here then is a vast field in which we can in co-operation with the Government work heart and soul for the amelioration of the conditions of the masses of the people. Let us start with the village Panchayat. The Decentralization Commission in their report recommended the constitution and development of the village Panchayat, possessed with certain administrative powers, with jurisdiction in petty Civil and Criminal cases and financed by a certain portion of the land cess, special grants, receipts from derate recommendation has not been given effect to, in any shape in our province, though several years have since passed.

Another recommendation of the Commission was that the District and Sub-District Boards should contain a large preponderance of elected members. There are 26 District Local Boards and 216 Taluka Local Boards in Bombay Presidency with a member-ship of 3690 of whom only 1644 are elected by the people. These bodies administered to the wants of 1,80,12,044 souls and had an income of Rs.83,39,701. All these Boards without a single exception had official majority and ex-officio Presidents. Only recently about 16 or 17 of them have been given non-official majority and 3 have been given non-official presidents, not elected but nominated. Thus the machinery of Government proverbially slow, moves still more slowly in this direction.

As regards the constitution of elected Municipalities, I consider that time has come for these bodies to consist entirely of elected members. The introduction of the new system of communal representation in the Sind Municipalities does away with the necessity of nomination powers.

The Decentralization Commission recommended (para 6 of Government Resolution) that Municipal Boards should be ordinarily constituted on the basis of a substantial elective majority and that nominated members should be limited to a number sufficient to provide for the one representation of minorities and of official experience. The new rules have already made provision for the “due representation of minorities.” Then here remains the question of official experience.

I think there are good many retired officials of experience in every Municipal area and they manage to get elected on the Board. Moreover experts are good for advice and not for deliberation or decision. Nor are they necessary for every day working of Lord Hinches. See 31 of the Bombay District Municipality Act provides for calling in the aid of express whenever necessity arises. If however the Commissioner in-Sind cannot see his way to give on the whole power of nomination all at once, he may be least, in principles preserve me in the than two seas for experts to be nominated by him on each Municipality . From gratefully acknowledge the progressive steps ………in this direction by our present Commissioner. The Franchise of an elective member and un-official president have been conferred on Rohri and Larkana Municipalities and the other important Municipalities in Sind have been given the right to elect un-official president by ordinary majority . The number of voters has also been ……………………………………in each Municipal area for election purposes.

The present tendency of the Sind Local Government is to foist Government servants in the Revenue Department as Chief Officers on Municipalities. Thus Shikarpur Municipality must have a Deputy Collector as its Chief Officer and Larkana and Rohri are to men from the Revenue Department for employment as their Chief Officers. While recognizing that it is really difficult, for various reasons, for a Municipality to secure a really suitable man by advertisement, the proper remedy lies in establishing Local-Self-Government service on the lines suggested by the Local Self-Government Conference held at Poona, on 27th July last under the Presidency of Hon. Mr. Patel.

In Sind the sanitary condition of our towns and villages is disgraceful. Plague, malaria and other diseases have taken root and mortality has risen to a tremendous figure. While in England mortality is 14 per mile, in Sind it is 40 per mile and in some parts of India it is seventy per mile. The infantile death rate in England is 130 but in India it is 213 for males and 196 for females. Large schemes of sanitary reforms and town planning should be taken in hand in every town and village. Fullest and immediate advantage should also be taken of the compulsory education Act. Our friends Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and Hon. Seth Herchandrai have already taken the matter of compulsory education for Sind seriously in hand.

You will agree me, gentlemen, that considering that these local bodies have to provide for primary and partly for secondary education of the population entrusted to their care, that they have to provide for sanitary requirements and drainage and water supply of the areas in their charge, that they have to provide for adequate means of communication by constructing widening roads and streets and maintaining them, that they have to provide for the medical relief of human beings and animals in their areas and generally speaking that they are responsible to a considerable extent for the well-being and orderly progress of the population within their areas – considering all these duties, the sources of income at their disposal are most inadequate. Unless Government comes to their aid by largest recurring grants, it is not possible for those bodies discharge their lies efficiently- nothing could be done with an empty exchange. We are told we should take ourselves more and increase our income; but is there any margin life? ………………….. say in Sind is that we should impose the House tax in pleasant …………….has not been introduced. I shall take my town for the sake of this ………………………………………….Shikarpur a population of 54,000 souls. Our present Municipal ………………………………………3,20,000 i.e over Rs.4 per head of population. The figures of population ……………………………….for the whole of British India work out an supposing we introduce ………………………………….will it bring? Not more than Rs. Ten of fifteen thousands, deducting ………………………recoveries and other incidental expenses. Will this amount enable as to come……………… a system of drainage and water supply costing over ten lacs or will it provide sufficient funds to carry out costly town planning schemes, or to undertake primary and compulsory education of the masses or to build a central and upto-date hospital?

The bonafide of this form of taxation is considerably detracted from , when, gentlemen, we consider the instance of Larkana where House-tax was imposed by the so-called Municipality (consisting of officials and outsiders) by resorting to objectionable methods in the teeth of united opposition of the people, it was done under the cloak of raising of Municipal income so as to provide for sanitary reforms, and run a High School etc. But the scheme was unmasked, when however simultaneously the Halalkhore cess was cancelled, a cess which light in its burden brought nearly as much income as the proposed House tax was expected to bring and there never had been any complaint against this cess. The purpose it now serves is to molest the people than to benefit them.

The House tax is opposed by the people not because the rich don’t want to tax themselves, not because they don’t take to increase the resources of Local Bodies , not because they have no mind to introduce sanitary reforms etc., but because it is a tax most unsuitable to local conditions. Our officers unfortunately cannot see eye to eye with us – they cannot enter into our feelings – may they even decline to see it or be convinced. In the consciousness of their power “their over –activity and over-zeal they want to subordinate our views and wishes to their to their western notions of what is best for us”.

Gentlemen, you all know that except in some parts of Karachi, in all cities and villages in Sind, house building is taken up by the people for their personal and family requirements and not as a financial enterprise. In 95 percent cease, houses (hardly sufficient for their own needs) are occupied by the owners themselves. Not even 5 per cent of the houses are let out on rent. The rents are extremely low, and bring hardly one per cent on the outlay. This system has its own advantages. While we on our side are enjoying the beneficial result of this ancient system of each family living in their own dwelling houses, residents in Karachi, Bombay and such other places have to face enormous difficulties in the way of extortionate rents, scarcity of houses etc.

The Government of India in their resolution on the Report of the Decentralization Commission pare 14 say:-

“This tax (House and Land tax however is difficult of assessment in many places where it is the custom to men rather than to rent dwelling houses because in such cases the house affords no indication of the financial status of the owner. Many aristocratic but impoverished families live in large buildings which are merely relies of vanished prosperity, while the rich trader often remains content with the humble dwelling in which he was born.”

Again in para 17 it is said:-

“The Commission were of opinion that Municipalities should have full liberty to impose or alter taxation within the limits laid down by the Municipal laws”.

In the face of these opinions of highest authorities I cannot understand how such ill-advised pressure was put upon Larkana and Rohri Municipalities to introduce House-tax in the teeth of united opposition from the people. In his famous Durbar speech at Sukkur on 18th February the Hon. Mr. Lawrence the Commissioner in Sind remarked. “There has been a great deal of talk in some of your towns in Upper Sind about the levying of some small taxation of some Rs. 5,000 or Rs.10,000 by one method in place of another.” No doubt the taxation (house tax) proposed by the authorities was petty in as much as after all it could not bring to any Municipality more than the figures laid down but how can it be said that the good deal of talk of the people was unnecessary. Beyond condemning the talk as it diametrically opposes his own hobby the House-tax, the Commissioner-in-Sind laid not materials before his audience to convince them of its usefulness.

It is the first principale of Local Self-Government that local bodies should have full liberty of selecting their methods of taxation according to local conditions. This has been recognized by the Government of India and the Decentralisation Commission – but discarded by the local Government in Sind.

When this sound principle was deliberately departed from , when the cherished rights and wishes of the people were trampled upon, when very questionable methods were employed to secure majorities to gain a hobby, when the measures was being hastily rushed through just when the elected representatives were about to come in when the protests and petitions of the people were un-headed, the question became one not of House-tax only but of the general rights of liberty of action of what in name was termed Local Self-Government. How can it be said in fairness that under these circumstances the great deal of talk of people was unnecessary.

I am sorry I am unable to agree in the proposition that the House-tax falls upon the rich and not upon the poor. The above cited opinion of the Government of India and the Commission fully bear me out in this. Gentlemen, the keynote of the learned Commissioner’s speech was that in order to secure for our towns the advantages of good sanitation, water supply, electric light and other public amenities we should raise Municipal revenue very considerably.

While I do agree that there is a great necessity of raising the Municipal revenues or the purposes indicated, I am of opinion that the additional revenue must come, in the shape of recurring grants, from the Imperial Government, which takes away all the Income tax, Excise revenues, Stamp duties etc., etc., and land assessment from citizens residing in Municipal areas.

Those who advocate that local bodies must tax themselves more to provide the necessary funds, do so on the ground that the incidence of local taxation is much less in this country than in the west. But they forget that taking the local and imperial burdens together, the people of this country relatively to their resources, contribute no less to the taxation that the people in the western countries. The real truth is that the Imperial Government retains in its own hands very much larger portion of the total taxation than the Imperial or central Governments in the west and there lies all the difference and the inability and poverty of the local bodies to meet their expenditure for improvements.

In the Western countries there are three systems of Local Self-Government; (1) American (2) English and (3) Continental. In America the local authorities have absolutely independent revenues and they also enjoy complete immunity from the control of the state in this respect. In England the local bodies derive a large part of their revenue from their own rates and in addition to that, certain revenues have been made over to them by the Central Government as Assigned Revenue. They also receive certain grants from the Exchequer.

In France the local bodies derive a large part of their revenue by the very simple process of being permitted to add extra centuries to the taxes levied by the Central Government like our village cess of an anna per rupee. Our system of local Government is more on the lines of the French system.

In England it is one of the Local Governments to maintain their poor while in India it is the private people who have to bear this burden in addition to other taxation.

The average income per head in England is $40 and population 45 millions. The total taxation raised by the local bodies and Central Governments was 200 million I.e, 11 percent of the whole national income was raised as taxes for use for all purposes- local and Imperial.

In British India our population is 230 millions. Income per head may be taken at £2 as fixed by Local Curzon though the late Mr. Dadabhai Noaroji calculated it to be £ 1 only. This gives us a total national income of 460 millions.

Total taxation is 50 million i.e. 9.15 percent. Add to this the duty of maintaining our poor private which will come to about 1 percent i.e. 10.1/5 per cent.

That while in England taxation people’s income is 11 percent, in India it is nearly as much. But which we consider the proportion of distribution of the taxes for expenditure between local bodies and Imperial requirements, we realize the magnitude of disproportion and the injustice done to local bodies.

In England out of 200 millions raised by total taxation, the local bodies get in all 70+28=98 million that is to say about half of the total revenue is spent by local bodies and the other half by Government.

In France two fifths of the total revenue is left to be spent by local bodies and three fifths by the Government : but in India out of the total revenue of 50 millions, 40 millions are at once taken by Government for their own purposes. Out of the remaining 10million nearly two thirds was administered by the State itself and only about a third was left to be spent by the local bodies i.e. one sixteenth of the total revenue, Here then is the root of all evils. This is the tune reason why our town cannot have sanitary reforms, free education and good communication.

Gentlemen this injustice in the distribution of revenue has gone on too long and it is high time that we should now be given a definite share of what are called the imperial revenues for our municipalities and local boards, or we should be given a great share of the imperial taxes of all sorts levied within municipal areas or be permitted to add extra centimes as is done in France. I should not be understood to mean that we should not exert ourselves to tap the remaining sources of income at our disposal but what I do mean is that it is absolutely necessary for Government to recognize our immense needs and let the local bodies spend at least a third, if not one half of the total revenue derived from India.

You might give the best constitution in the world to local bodies and yet Local Self-Government will never be a success unless their financial resources are improved. On this point the official and the non-official opinions as well as the opinion of the Decentralization Commission are all agreed that the resources of these local bodies are pitifully unequal to a proper performance of functions which have been entrusted to them. The suspension of the Hyderabad Municipality was therefore a great blunder.

Any one who has read the charges laid by Government against that municipality and the replies on each charge, will be struck with the fact that the blame laid by Government at the doors of the municipality should have in fairness been laid at their own doors. The charges, hollow in themselves , simply amount to this, that the Government sanctioned elaborate and costly schemes of town improvement and of removal of congestion without providing the necessary funds as they ought to have done. In carrying out these schemes, the municipality with the approval of the Collector and in some cases for the Commissioner-in-Sind spent a part of the sale proceeds derived from the sales of municipal plots. Instead of appreciating this laudable work done by the municipality without touching the pocket of Government, they have been condemned for an inability not their own. Then all the sins of commission and omission of whomsoever, whether of the Chief Officer or his assistant or the District Court or the Collector have been foisted on the municipality. If the doings of the official presidents or of the present municipal Commissioner of Hyderabad were to be construed and judged of in the same way, they will all have to be summarily dismissed.

Government should never forget that “Self-Government implies the right to go wrong, for it is nobler for a nation as for a man to struggle towards excellence with its own natural force and vitality, however blindly or vainly, than to live in irreproachable decency under expert guidance from without.

FUEL AND SALT

The prices of fuel and salt had gone very high and continued complaints were heard from all parts of the Province. But I am glad the Commissioner-in-Sind has kindly interested himself in the matter and arrangements are made through municipalities to sell salt at the rate of one anna per see and fuel Kaudi at a little over 8 annas md, and lai a little over 6 annas a maund throughout the year. If the municipalities can take up coupes according to their requirements direct from the forest department, they will be able to sell fuel still cheaper to the people, I am sure Government will make reasonable concession in railway charges in such a case.

INCOME TAX

The new Income tax Bill No.21 of 1917 has been passed by the Imperial Legislative Council. Instead of lessening the burden of the tax upon the people, it has augmented it. In India both among the Hindus and Musalmans there is the family system. The head of the family earns and feeds not only his own children but also his father’s, brother’s and sister’s children if they have no other means of support. In these hard times when famine prices of necessaries of life prevail in the market, or oven in ordinary times an income of a thousand rupees per year or Rs.84 million, leave aside their clothing, education and other expenses. To tax such a case amounts to depriving the family of a part of their daily bread.

In England there is not much of family system like India, yet the Income tax law of England exempts incomes under £ 700 as under:

Income not exceeding Amount of abatement

£ 400 £ 160

“ 500 “ 150

“ 600 “ 120

“ 700 “ 70

It also grants an abatement of £ 10 per child under 15 years of age if the total income does not exceed £ 500 i.e. Rs. 7500. It is but fair that in section 12 of the present bill therefore, a scale of graded abatement should be similarly provided and an abatement of at least Rs. 60 per minor child or widowed female should be made if they are dependent for their maintenance on the assessee.

In the new bill an attempt was made to indirectly tax agricultural income but the united action of the elected members saved the situation.

Gentlemen, you will be surprised at the present procedure of assessment. A special Deputy Collector of income tax has been appointed – an officer who has no acquaintance with the local condition of sale and purchase in Sind or of the people. He has to justify his existence. In the method of assessment, a fictitious rate of profit is supposed to accrue to the assessee – and on this rate, the figure is assessed. The intention of the act is that the actual profits should be assessed. May I ask, where is the provision to enable an assessing officer to assume that on a particular commodity the rate of profit should be a fixed quantity. We are told that on provisions 2 to 3 annas profit is assessed and so on various fancy figures on different commodities. We are told that the rates of profit in the Presidency are supposed to exist in Sind. On such fanciful conjectures and figures of sale and profit are calculations made. And again it is a travesty of justice to convert an assessing officer into an appellate authority to stultify itself by reducing income tax if the actual rate of profit shown is lower. The legality of this power of appeal too is doubtful.

In Sind the poor and middle class people are groaning under the weight of this tax. Take the figures of Income tax in shikarpur. The total Income tax was Rs.32,018 in 1916, Rs.43,530 in 1917 and Rs.1,53,711 in the present year!

Before the present year the assessment used to be made by Mukhtiarkars who were thoroughly acquainted with the people and their means and were well-versed in the mercantile system of accounts in Sind. This year at Shikarpur though the people were already crushed by one calamity after another – heavy rains followed by cholera, malignant type of fever and plague, though for over six months all their business had been dislocated and ruined, though they were still morning the loss of some dear relatives, who had been a support of the family, though many had not much left to restart their business, though famine prices are raging, the new income tax officer, specially imported from the Presidency has raised the income tax to a fabulous figure of a lac and seventy three thousand rupees i.e. more than four times the previous year’s figure. I assure you gentlemen, several men of the lower and middle class who were actually driven by calamities to the painful necessity of begging for relief to feed their families, and are not able even to pay off their debts, have been assessed. In 1903 Lord Curzon in his durbar speech at Delhi announced that he was granting a loan to the people by raising assessable income from Rs.500 to 1,000. But what was done in actual practice? The same men who formerly paid Rs.10 as income tax had many of them to pay Rs.20. What has been done in Shikarpur this year, was done in Hyderabad the year before. Sukkur has shared the same fate.

Inability to produce any regularly kept account books is visited with penal assessment. The general public in India and the small dealers are not in the habit of keeping any regular accounts and those who keep them are not in a position, for very good reasons in some cases, to make up a profit and loss balance sheet at a time when wanted to do so, by the assessing officer; and this is visited with heavy assessment.

Unjustified pecuniary burdens are far more bitter than temporary aberrations of justice; and when people just groaning under various diseases and calamities are brought face to face with these conditions, the situation becomes harder, and therefore it is our function as a united body to raise our voice and tell the rulers the facts as they are. In the new act there ought to have been:-

(a) Abatement clauses on the lines of the English Act as shown above; allowing deduction of Rs.10 per child and widowed female relation besides graded abatement.

(b) The assessing work should be done by a board consisting of one Government assessing officer and at least two mashirs like what government does in the case of grant of remissions of land revenue.

(c) The appeal should lie to the District Court or to a board, or at least the Judicial Commissioner’s court should have ample powers of revision.

(d) The assessing officer should be required to state in writing in each case detailed figures, and brief but intelligent reasons, for fixing each assessment so that the assessee should be able to know and meet the same. In England there is a right of appeal to the Court of Appeal and the Parliament.

(e) The assessee should have the right to get copies, on payment, of the assessing officer’s order containing facts and figures of assessment.

(f) The right of appeal or revision should not be made conditional on the assessee’s having made a return or having complied with all the terms of notice as section 22 purports to do.

(g) Section 35 empowers the Collector to charge double the amount of income tax in case of default. This should be done away with altogether. At the most a notice fee of annas 8 or utmost interest for the period of default may be charged. In many cases default is unintentional. When people run away from their houses owing to the outbreak of any epidemic or other cause, or fall ill, or do not know that they have seen many such cases of poor people who are made to pay the penal amount of the tax for no fault of theirs and they are condemned unheard for having made default.

In this speech in the Imperial Legislative Council on 27th February 1912 the Hon. Mr. Gokhale pressed the same pints, and said- “ The principle of abatement should be introduced in this country. It is a just principle and is found in operation in many civilized countries …………………….The chief grievance with income tax is the manner in which it is collected. The assessments are notoriously haphazard and there is no real relief in the shape of appeals as they are now hard. Some better machinery has got to be devised in order to give relief to those – and their number is very large – who suffer from the vagaries of the assessing officers.”

RASAL-LAPO-CHER

Gentlemen, you all know very well what these abuses are and what great hardships and misery they work upon our peasantry, upon the zamindars and the village banias.

Can it be denied that during the cold season every year, contribution in the shape of kids, lambs, goats, grass, fuel, grains and cash are levied from the peasantry and the zamindars according to a fixed scale for the officers touring? Who has not seen stores and depots where all the collections are kept for being used for the year. These of us who are zamindars know well weather these contributions are cheerfully given as presents for the use of the officers, for their private revenue, for their often establishment including the peons, for their horses, riding and loading camels and for the host of attendants; or whether they are submitted to through fear of consequences. So about cher and lapo. Tapedars and the supervising tapedars have not given up levying the lapo or anangi. But why to blame them? They can’t be expected to make heavy rasai from their meager slaries. Do they not say so plainty? Any one who has been in the country just before any high official is expected to encamp there, will have observed how hundreds of the poor peasantry are dragged from their homes and cultivations and made to toil not only the whole day but over night to finish the work of preparing roads, landhies, and camping grounds in a given time which of course is short. It is awful to imagine the misery entailed on these unfortunate beings by an officer suddenly changing his campus from those previously notified. I had once an occasion to witness such a sight. The cher had to work the whole day and night by torch light to prepare the new command the new road. Little do the officials know or realize the attendant misery: of course when I informed the official concerned, he was really sorry for it.

There have been efforts made by individual officers in the past to cheek the almost, by issue of circulars and by themselves setting the example; and in this respect I must give credit to the Hon. Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Martin, Mr. Monie and Mr. Rothfield. But no united and sustained efforts have been made by the Government of Sind to eradicate the evils.

A soon as any officer who has interested in checking the abuses, leaves his charge and is succeeded by another whose tendencies are not known, the subordinates again resort to rasai in order to please the new officer who happens to look upon it indifferently, with the result that the practices begin again and are in full swing.

Thus the evil has never been crushed or abolished but it has only occasionally diminished by individual officers. It is also to say that touring officer can’t purchase food, stuffs except through the tapedars or the zamindars. Even in towns and big villages where every requirement could be purchased in the bazaars, it is the tapedar who is made the supplier. It is equally idle to say that the provisions etc taken at any camp are adequately paid for. This under-charging is resorted to by the supplier not because he does not want full payment but because he fears the frowns of the officers and thinks that it will otherwise cost him either his service or his promotion. Their fears on occasion are not unjustified.

Inspite of circulars’ of the Commissioner in Sind, the rasai continues and the tapedar or ther supervising tapedar does levy rasai contributions and lapo from the zamindar, who in his turn, collects from his haris. I am very glad that our indefatigable and energetic representative the Honourable Mr. Bhurgri has already moved this matter in the Bombay Council and succeeded in having got a committee appointed to investigate the matter and it is indeed a matter of gratification that we have officers amongst us who are prepared to co-operate in the eradication of this evil in Sind. The members to be appointed on this committee should be men of independence and education from Sind. Some independent men in touch with raiyat and the zamindars should be on it. With the co-operation of such officers and the committee I am sure the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri will find his task made easy and some effective remedy will soon be found to root out the abuses. Only the other day some police servants staioned in a small village in Garhi Yasin taluka had exacted so much of rasai from the villagers that after 3 days the shopkeepers had to shut up their shops and run away from the village. On their approaching the D.S.P. Mr. Kirkpatrick, a genuinely sympathetic officer, the police were ordered to clear out from the village. The culprits ought to be severely punished in order to warn others that it is not legitimate even for police to exact such rasai.

FALLOW RULES

Follow rules are peculiar to Sind only. Ordinarily such numbers as are brought under cultivation are liable for assessment : but rule 4 empower the Government to levy assessment even without cultivation the 5th year, if the land has remained fallow for 4 preceding years; the unjustness of such a rule is apparent and works great hardship in practice. Though in their resolution No. 1836 of 25th August 1884, the Government of Bombay, clearly held out a definite assurance that follow rules which charged assessment on time expired fallow numbers would be done away with, yet the pledge remains still unredeemed of course.

Mr. Muir Mackenzie, the late Commissioner is Sind while inviting opinions on this from various officers observed : “It is occurred to the Commissioner that the rule might be abolished altogether. In a bad year its operation is always suspended and in a good year when all hand is pretty certain to be cultivated for which water is available ordinarily there will be little occasion to enforces it. The forfeiture of fallow lands is moreover merely nominal since forfeited lands almost always given back to the original proprietors. The amount of revenue realized in the shape of fallow assessment recovered when forfeited lands are restored to original occupants, is not large compared with the total revenue of the province. The abolition of the rule too is likely to result in an appreciable saving of work all round.” There could be no better denunciation of this rule than this opinion of the head of the provinces.

The maintenance of this rule involves untold hardship on the zamindars. When through circumstances over which a zamindar has no control such as the exhaustion of land or over-growing of weeds, land which has remained fallow for four years could not be cultivated in the fifth, how could the zamindar be asked in fairness to make a gift of one assessment to Government. In consequence of this rule in the fifth year the zamindars try to induce haris by extra payments in addition to seed etc. to cultivate the unfit land with the result that very often there is total failure of crop entailing tremendous loss to the zamindar in addition to payment of Government assessment.

The grounds upon which Government claims the maintenance of the rule have been discussed thread-bare by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and the Hon. Seth Harchandrai in their presidential addresses in 1916 and 1908 respectively and it is not necessary for me to cover the same ground over again. By cogent arguments and by citing chapter and verse they have made out a strong case for Government to abolish the rule and I fully endorse their views.

If Government can not see its way to abolish the rule altogether they should atleast make the payment of one penal assessment co-extensive with the period of settlement instead of five years. It is also worth while for our honourable representatives in the Council to bring up a motion on the subject every time till the rule is abolished.

BANK SIDE TREES

Among the chief grievances of the Sind zamindars the orders of the Commissioner in Sind about the bankside tress on private water courses, in one. The karias are excavated and cleared by the zamindars themselves at their own cost and the trees are planted, nurtured, and maintained by the zamindars similarly. The produce of these tress is also enjoyed by the zamindars. The incidents of ownership lie with the zamindars. There is thus no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the portion of the land no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the portion of the land covered the karia is deducted from the area of the land for the purpose of assessment but the land revenue charged includes the water-rate of the zamindar to the trees grown and maintained by him and not by Government though the usufruct is admittedly the zamindars. Government claims ownership of the land under the water courses but Government similarly claims to be the power paramount of all the survey numbers and yet the tress grown in the survey numbers are recognized to be the legitimate property of the zamindar. For many years there was no interference by Government with the rights of zamindars over these trees and no permission was required for cutting them. Latterly however a circular (No.29) went forth and warned the royat that such trees no longer were their property. This circular seems presumably to be based on the view that the Land Revenue Code had vested the proprietorship of all the soil in the power paramount. But this inspite of Sind Sadar Court deciding in 1883 as against Government assertion of such a claim “that though there may have been originally nothing proprietary in he character of some zamindars the position was one wwhich readily developed in a proprietary form.” I think in fairness to the zamindars Government should now uphold their rights to these trees and issue clear orders to that effect so as to save the zamindars from unnecessary presentations in Criminal Courts and harassment at the hands of revenue officials.

Form of Government in Sind as it is and as it ought to be

Sind in comparision to her eister-provinces stands on a lower rung of the ladder leading to the destined goal of Swaraj. Her position in the presidency is peculiar : she has therefore, to work harder and more strenuously than other provinces for the purpose reaching he desired goal.

Even India’s political rishi late Mr. Gokhale in his political testament teated Sind with scant attention and for this treatment Sind is mainly responsible on account of the inactivity and inertia displayed by her. But now the same state of things can not be permitted to continue and Sin refuses to be called a “Benighted province” or a “sleepy hollow.” She is an integral and non-negligible part of India and is prepared tocontribute rateably to the Indian culture.

This subject had very recently been a matter for discussion at the last Special Sind Conference held at Hyderabad a few months ago. As it was the legitimate and special province of that Conference to deal with it, my task is considerably simplified so far as this subject is concerned and I have thus to make a very few observations only.

It is an anomaly that Sind is still on the list of “Scheduled Districts” although with Karachi rivaling Bombay, it has been advancing commercially and though in consequence of Mesopotamian consequent, its geographical importance is an assured and unprecedented one.

Whether be the view adopted with respect to the political status that Sind may occupy in the proposed reforms, we all are unanimously agreed that Sind Commissioners Act of 1868 that has remained with us for half a century ought to be abolished and one man’s rule out to end. This Act confers powers of the Governor-in-Council on the Commissioner-usually of the Indian Civil Service and trained to be an autocrat, and his acts remain uncontrolled and unquestioned by the Bombay Government. That Government has voluntarily parted with its power to cheek the actions of each occupant that comes and goes. His will is supreme for good or for evil and absolute. Sind feels sequestered. It has a poor representation on the University – her educational advancement is slow-her development of Local Self-Government stunted and her agricultural, irrigational and industrial condition unsatisfactory. I cannot refrain myself from observing that this system is repugnant to the democratic principles that have now surcharged the political atmosphere all over the world and that at present the autocratic system cannot inspire that confidence in the minds of the governed that would otherwise be done in the case of a representative Government wherein “Self-determination” has a part. What is done in the province, be it in the dispensation of state service, be it in the nominations of municipalities and local boards, be it in the forests or in the judiciary, never reaches the ears of the Bombay Government.

With the repeal of this Act where-with a pre-anti-diluvium form of Government is carried on, arises the question of demand for a suitable and satisfactory form of Government.

The only possible suggestions for consideration are:-

(1) Should Sind be autonomous with a Governor and Council?

(2) Should Sind be linked to the Punjab?

(3) Should Sind be made a part of Baluchistan?

(4) Should Sind remain annexed and Sind be given a Commissioner with the same powers that other Commissioners in the Presidency have.

Brother delegates, these are all momentous questions-on the right determination of which the future of Sind depends. All the above suggestions have been fully considered at the last Sind Special Provincial Conference. Mine will be but a feeble voice in endorsement of those views. But the importance of the question is such that the ablest and the most thoughtful men of Sind should meet in committee to consider the various aspects of the questions. Difficulties there are in every course-but they have to be met. Under the present system Sind has not gained any thing from the introduction of Morley-Minto reforms. Sind unless it rises to suggest its fate will I am sure remain untouched by any changes that the Parliament may introduce at the bureaucratic rule with “wooden, in-elastic and iron” machinery cannot go on any longer. Before these changes are introduced let this Conference or its specially authorized committee prepare a scheme of reforms for the administration of Sind Government.

Internees, Detenues and Political Suspects.

That the British power so well established in this country with its High Courts, its Penal, its Criminal Procedure Codes, and let us not forget the Press Act, should have resorted to the arbitrary step of internments must be proof of its utter lack of statesmanship. The application of the Defence of India Act, a measure designed “for the purpose of securing the public safety and the defence of British India” and “powers primarily required in the military interests of the country”, in the case of constitutional and law-abiding citizens of India is entirely a misuse of authority.

In winding up his speech on the Defence of India Bill, in the Imperial Legislative Council, on the 18th March 1915, the Hon. Mr. Surendranath Bannerjee made the prophetic observation, “I hope and trust that it will not be a weapon in the hands of the enemies of Indian advancement for the purpose of blasting those prospects and frustrating those hopes which have been roused in our hearts by the loyal devotion of our countrymen consecrated by their blood on the battlefields of France.” The non-official members who were induced to give their sanction to this “ dangerous addition” to the repressive laws that have been enacted during the last few years, may well complain of breach of faith on the Part of the authorities who have made such un-authorized use of it. It will not be far from truth to say that what was styled as a purely war measure had been used as a weapon by the authorities for gagging and oppressing the political workers and in a majority of cases the persons who are rightly or wrongly suspected by the police or by the C.I.D. To deprive any person of liberty without even a semblance of public trial and proof of guilt is a grievous wrong and a grave offence against the spirits of fairness, freedom and democracy, for which the allies are professedly fighting at present.

The year that has just closed has witnessed several instances in which on the word of a spy many young men, several of them being brilliant products of university, or self-developed workers in the service of humanity, have been interned without trial in prisons or far-off inhospitable places and left to brood in loneliness without the freedom to communicate with their kindred. Some of them are reported to have gone mad or committed suicide.

Some few have been liberated but they are still shadowed and persecuted with the result that they find themselves unable to do any business.

By this method the careers of several blossoming youths have been blasted. This atmosphere of suspicious and distrust has penetrated the schools and colleges where a move serene atmosphere of love, trust and reverence ought to have away. Heart-rending tales are wafted to us from Bengal about the miserable existence that these detunes are passing through and the cruel indifference that is shown to their health and comfort and the treatment that is meted out to them in the jail of their detention. The relatives of the internees are not allowed to see them nor is timely information sent to the relatives about the health or place of residence of the detunes. The latest information is about hunger-strikes and this is the highest point which misery can reach. How long is the government going to play with the lives of our peoples?

Any further indifference on our part would mean that we attach no value to human life. Even if these detenues are revolutionists; as the Government would have us believe, the treatment that is given to them, in the name of peace and security of the country, is more in keeping with the middle ages than with a civilized Government of the twentieth century. Even hardened criminals and murderers receive better treatment than these detenues. To them at least a fair and impartial trial wherein their guilt is tested by cross examination is given. This shows that Government wanted not the co-operation of the public or their inquisitive gaze.

Gentlemen, I fail to see why Government should refuse to disclose the charge and evidence on which a man is deprived of his liberty indefinitely and why should the friends and relatives not be allowed to visit periodically?

In the name of justice, in the name of humanity and in the name of civilization all this must end and every effort of ours should be directed to the betterment of this state of things. I am glad to learn that a Central Bureau for the help of the Muslim interness has been formed very recently at Delhi and from Sind Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and Mr. Ghulam Ali Chagla, our worthy patriots have enlisted themselves as its members. Time has far advanced when to this movement an All-India character irrespective of caste, colour or creed should be imparted.

In this respect Sind has also paid its contribution in a direct form. All appeals for mercy and justice have failed to secure the release of the interness.

Our worthy patriot Diwan Wadhumal Oadharam has sent, as president of the public meeting, telegrams and petitions but without any success.

Things have instead of improving gone from bad o worse. Brother delegates, language is but too poor to convey to youths sorrowful accounts about the life that our brothers are made to live in purgatories and prisons. With all her efforts and provisions Mrs. Annie Besant has failed to secure the release of two Mahammadan interns-brothers-Mahmed Ali and Shaukatali. Te spectacle of a vacant provincial chair at the last meeting of the Moslem League was a lving and burning emblem of the injustice done to them and yet a very powerful index of the reverence that Mahmed Ali’s co-religionists have for him. The Hindus also possessing equal reverence for these two immortal brothers. Some thing must be done to secure liberty of person and in indefatigable exertions for their release, Hindus and Mahammadans must unite.

ARMS ACT

This act of 1878 is another great grievance of the people. Its existence on the pages of the Indian Statute Book ever reminds us of the gloomy fact that Indians are not citizens of the British Empire. This impression gathers support from the one dismal fact that non-Indians, so says the Arms Act, are tree to carry and use arms without a license. This obnoxious distinction based on race, caste and creed none counter to the spirit of Magna Charta of Indian liberties which has been ratified in several sovereign and distinguished statesmen. This act virtually proclaims aloud to the world that Indians from the highest to the lowest are not to be trusted in their own country and creates doubts against their loyalty. But the part India has played and the blood her sons have shed on all the battle –fronts prove the response it has given and remove all doubts of her loyalty. Loyalty to the sovereign and his representatives is inbred in Indian nature. The absence of the arms from Indian homes has left the Indian manhood untrained and emasculated. Little did the powers think that in 1914 will be launched on the European world a gigantic struggle for liberty that will tax England and Allies, resource to the full and that will necessitate England to call on India for help and yet if they had been trained in arms, have easy it would have been to send millions in the field and turn the tide of war. In its times, Indian’s sons and heroes have fought for the land – but an age of emasculation has killed the Kabtrya –hood and the material spirit within us. One of the main reasons for insufficient response to the Indian Defence Force Act is the operation of the Arms Act – and the feeling that we are not trusted.

Raja Rampalsing in the Congress of 1885 prophetically raised a voice of protest against the policy of distrust pursued by the Government. He said:-

“Nor is it only we who shall have to regret and suffer for the mistaken policy that our Government is unhappily pursuing in this matter. Look where you will remind you in the world and you will see gigantic armies and armaments. There is trouble in steps for the whole civilized world and sooner or later a tremendous military strength will commence in which assuredly before it terminates, Great Britain will be involved.” There prophetic words have come out to be true.

India’s position necessitates that she should be made strong as well as free otherwise not only does she become a vulnerable point in the Umpire but also procession to be battled for.

Let these responsible for the safety of British Empire including Indian Report given realize the grave situation and repeal the Arms Act.

Apart from the political aspect of the question, can any deny that possessing alarms is right of self defence and is the birth-right of every individual citizen. Nowhere in the world, is the possession of arms fettered.

The most comic feature of the Act is the granting and renewal of licenses. This unhappy function is no doubt entrusted to the District Officer viz, the Collector, but world know that he relies for the purpose of selection on the reports of the C.I.D. and police officers.

The worst effect of the Arms Act is that it stunts the growth of a people and citizens them of their sense of national self respect. The Arms Act has failed to achieve its object in as much as the lawless few are never in want of fire arms, but it is the law-abiding many that have been deprived of the use of them. Illustrative of this era the numerous decoities and robberies that visit Sind at the time of non-abkalani season. Dacoits and robbers somehow manage to get fire-arms and swords and attack the unarmed people to the disgrace of the Arms Act.

The recent disturbance among some frontier tribes created so much of alarm and unsafety that Government had to requisition police from all departments in order to protest the people and property. The people themselves are helpless in their homes and have to rely for their ordinary protection on a handful of policeman.

LIBERTY OF PRESS

BROTHER DELEGATES,

Indian Press in India labours under several difficulties and impediments and the heaviest of those is the Press Act of 1910 that hangs like Damocles Sword over the heads of editors, journalists and keepers of the press. This Act, conceived in a spirit of repression, and ostensibly intended at first to be sparingly used, carries within its bosom the deadliest weapon that cuts at the very root of independence of any paper that comes within its range. The press, instead of being an independent critic of Government as it ought to be and is in all other countries where British flag flies has been reduced to a state of meek submission and terror and is permitted to exist on itself. The vesting of such altimited power on the Executive Government is undoubtedly a serious encroachment on the freedom which the press in India enjoyed before the passing of the Act.” There cannot be severer condemnation of the measure and its existence than the above words.

The Press Act, I dare say has been in the hands of the Executive a convenience weapon for repressing inconvenient criticisms which they could not bring under the operation of the sections of the Penal Code. The fate of the editors of journals circulating in a small area is veritable as they with very small income and capital and mostly depending for their existence on official patronage and advertisements have more often than not to live under the perpetual tutelage and arbitrary censorship of local or district official in the interests of the public or incurs the displeasure of local police authority, he is called upon to show cause why security should not be demanded from him. The taking of security is a foregone conclusion. It often happens that the magistrate demanding the security and sitting on judgment is the very person whose views had been severely criticized by the editor concerned or an immediate subordinate of him. Thus the complaint, the witness and the judge merges in one – a principle abhorrent to every judicial measure.

It is well-known maxim of law that every one is to be presumed incept until guilt is proved. But in the operation of the Press Act the two important words “innocence” and “guilty” have changed places and the maxim has been reversed. As the Defence of India Act trenches on the liberty of person without trial, so does the Press Act snatch its freedom from the press. Under the Press Act, the pressman is often called upon to prove his innocence without a affording him even an opportunity of knowing contradicting either the contents, or the source of confidential reports that may have been made against him by the C.I.C. or the police nor is he allowed in certain cases, where security is demanded, to know the objectionable passages or articles. The use rather the misuse of the Act and solemn promises given by Government at the time of the passage of the act as to the use or intention there have proved illusory.

The non-official members were told by Sir Herbart Risley “the Pill does not prepare to confer any power on the police, they will be absolutely outside it and will have nothing whatever to do with its administration” – what a poor realization of fact. Mr. Merniman in supporting the resolution on the repeal of the Press Act at the ……………………….of the Congress said “ I say – I am prepared to justify it-I say from this platform that the police come in at every step in the administration of the act. The whole question of the respectability if I may so put, it, of the proprietors of a newspapers or the proprietor of a press rests in the hands of the Criminal Intelligence Department. This stands un-contradicted till this date. This with respect to the first safeguard Another safeguard held out to us is the appeal to the High Court against any order for forfeiture and the late Sir Herbert Risely described it as ‘a very complete cheek upon any hasty or improper action by a local Government.” On the basis of such an assurance the framers of the act had ‘barred all other remedies.” But an order demanding a deposit of security does not carry with itself this safeguard, so the highest judges in the land tell us. Even in the case of forfeiture the Madras High Court in the “New India” case while holding that the Magistrate’s order was administrative and not judicial. Thus the appeal against forfeiture is meaningless and our High Court are powerless.

Experience has shown us that this safe-guard is illusory and a sham. Press is thus left at the mercy of the executive assisted by the police and C.I.D. and as long as human nature exists adverse criticism will always place the press under the head of a single executive officer.

Another disappointing feature of the Act is the unfair manner in which it is being administered as, between certain classes of journals. While Anglo-Insane journals that vilify the people of this country and create class-hatred are immune we hear but too often that the Indian papers advocating national views are ordered to deposit heavy securities with the result of forfeiture in several cases.

I have brother-delegates, laboured over this problem at great length for two reasons. One is that I regard free press to be the strongest bulwark of the Empire and a tower of strength to the reformer. Milton the great seer of England proclaimed the truth that the one essential of good Government is to keep in touch with the governed, that its ear should be placed near the ground so as to hear the rumblings of the populace. This essential truth can be realized only with a press free and not muzzled as in India.

The second reason for me is that Sind has during this year been greatly victimized by the Press Act in as much as “New Times” “Home Ruler”, Trade Advertisement” and Hindvasi” have been asked to deposit securities within the space of a few months. “Sindhi” was already under this has at the very start of the Act for the curious person of having changed its editors.

The “Trade Advertiser” was not allowed even the benefit of seeing the objectionable articles or passages and action against it was admittedly taken on police information which was not disclosed. In the case of “Hindvai” the Magistrate refused to follow the ruling of the Madras High Court and sought to get support from a Magisterial judgment in preference to the Madras High Court. “Home Ruler” was made to deposits a pre-natal security. The Press Association of India and the public must try all legitimate and constitutional methods in their power to resist the operation of this arbitrary and oppressive measure. The Press Act must be repealed and be amended. The safety of the Press in Sind will until the repeal of the Act depend upon the public support and more upon an organization, of which all the Press aware should be members, and in the event of a particular Press being harassed by the Executive all support must proceed from this organization.

Conclusion

And now brother delegates, I have placed before you to the best of my light what we wish Government should do for us and what we should do for ourselves so that we may have an India of the future answering our ideal, satisfying our aspirations and rising to the height of our noblest emotions. And towards this end the war and other forces of great moment are fast helping us onward. The war has created a new spirit of self sacrifice the highest imaginable-shedding of blood-and this being abroad throughout the British Empire there appears to prevail an atmosphere of good will and mutual service. It seems to me that under the benign dispensation of an inscrutable Providence our beloved Motherland will occupy an honoured place in the Empire with which her fortunes are indissolubly linked and we shall be the free and equal citizens of that great empire bearing its burden, sharing its responsibilities and participating in its heritage of freedom and glory as comrades and brothers. With a liberated manhood, with buoyant hope, with a love that over-leaps all bounds, renovated and free India will take her proper rank among the nations of the world and be the master of the situation and of her own destiny.

This is the goal to be reached – This is the promised land.

Happy are they who see it in distant vision; happier those who are permitted to work and clear the way on to it; happiest they who live to see it with their eyes and trend upon the holy soil of Bharat Mata and Sindhu Desh.

WELCOME ADDRESS

OF

THE HONOURABLE

Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, C.I.E.

Chairman of the Reception Committee

Brother-Delegates, Ladies & Gentlemen,

On behalf of the Reception Committee and the citizens of Karachi, I tender a hearty welcome to you all for having done us the honour of gracing this, the Fifth Sind Provincial Conference, with your presence. Although, Karachi being the capital of Sind, in the normal order of events she would be expected to take the lead by holding the First Sind Provincial Conference, as Fates would have it, in fact the exact opposite has been the case. Of all the principal cities she has been the last in this respect. All credit to Sukkur for not only taking the place of honour but also for conceiving and initiating the idea of Sind Provincial Conferences. That city, conscious not only for its picturesque hills and magnificently shaded river bank, its river girt islands with palatial shrines but also for its parks, its broad avenues and thorough fares and sanitary lanes and its go-ahead civic administration, threw the rest of the Province into the shade by calling the First Sind Provincial Conference in the year 1903, the second, third and fourth being held at Hyderabad, Larkana and Shikarpur respectively with a break of six years between the second and third conferences. These breaks, however, are not an uncommon feature of Provincial Conference, the first of three years from 1897 to 1899, the second of three years from 1904 to 1905, and the third of seven years from 1908 to 1899, the second of three years from 1904 to 1905, and the third of seven years from 1908 to 1914. The explanation that Karachi has to furnish for this apparent remissness is that the invitation for the first two conferences were rushed, she being given od chance and afterwards she was in the midst of preparations for the far more exacting and ambitions assemblage of the National Congress which happily did materialize in 1913 and whereby was redeemed the honour of the province which was being twitted with unconscionable neglected in its primary national duty. Whether this apologia is valid or only an argumentum she solicits forgiveness and offers this Conference as her quota for what it may be worth. If you find any shortcomings in the actual performance of our hospitality (which will be many) you will kindly over-look them and accept the will for the deed.

Sir William Wedderburn

We deeply mourn the death of Sir William Wedderburn one of the fathers and founders of our great National Organization, who dedicated his noble life to the relift of this country, whose services this country specially towards her political and economic amelioration were too numerous to mention, who spent lavishly a considerable portion of his wealth for this country and worked wholeheartedly for it up to his death. It is impossible to give an adequate expression to what he has done for our motherland. “The picture of this great venerable rishi of modern times,” said Mr. Gokhale, “who has done this work for us is a picture too venerable. Too beautiful, too inspiring for words: it is a picture to dwell upon lovingly and reverentially, a picture to contemplate in silence.” It is a matter for bitter sorrow that he, who so patiently suffered with us in the days of adversity and did no much to help us to the onward march of progress, should pass away at this critical juncture when India stands at the threshold of momentous charges.

He was specially connected with this city in the early seventies of the last century as the Judicial Commissioner of Sind from which post he was transferred to Presidency proper in 1875.

Loyalty to the Sovereign

We vow our profound loyalty and devotion to the King Emperor and answering questions to the British connection. We sincerely pray for an early and victories …………of Great Britain and her Allies from this stupendous and insane war busted on green fields and smiling pastures of the Earth by the criminal avarice, the said bombed and blood-thirst of wicked man whereby the innocent bleed of ……………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………….

………………………………………………………………………………………….

Self-Government

What has been proved by History and held true for all times that Government of the people by themselves makes by far more for the welfare and happiness of nations than the rule of one or of few, has never been more clearly demonstrated this than during war. Some of the belligerents who have had no axes of their own to grind have been dragged into the vertex by the inexorable exigencies of the situation. These Nations entered the war to remove the deadly menace to those righteous methods of governing people which make life worth living and ensure the safety of the weak living side by side with the strong. The statesmen of these countries have made “Self-Determination” as their watch word. Peoples must be left free to choose their own machinery of Government. Not only has this doctrine an a priori application to India but she has been specifically declared to be a country whose goal should be the attainment of Self-Government; and Self-Government within the British Empire has been our cry for a long time.

Mr. Montagu’s Visit

The most absorbing event of the year which will vitally affect our political status and be a land mark in the history of our country was the coming of Mr. Mongagu in pursuance of an announcement in Parliament that the Secretary of State should visit India for the purpose of consulting official and non-official opinion on the changes to be effected for establishing Responsible Government, as enunciated on the 20th August last. Mr. Montague has come and gone. He has had innumerable deputations, addresses and interviews. After his return to England it is expected that he will publish his scheme about the end of May next, and after it has seen the light of criticism, it will be submitted to Parliament. The immence of Mr. Montagu’s visit necessitated that we should focuss our attention upon the problems connected with the peculiar administration of Sind and place our mature views before him. To that end we assembled in Special Session of the Sind Provincial Conference in Hyderabad in November last and embodied the decisions reached there in a Memorial which was duly presented to the Secretary of State by the deputation appointed for the purpose. In addition to backing up the Congress-League scheme relating to the whole country, proposals suggesting the lines for the government of this Province in particular, were made; the key-note of which was that of the various conflicting schemes of re-adjustment, preference was given to the present connection with Bombay with the important qualification that the super-Commissioner of Sind be brought to the level of the ordinary Commissioner and in every respect this province be placed on a par with the other divisions of the Bombay Presidency.

Sind Mahomedan Association

You must be aware that following close on our movement some members of the Sind Mahomedan Association set to work counterblast to our representation. The deputation of the Mahomedan Association took ticket after us to Bombay and presented their address which you must have seen. The aim and object of that deputation and address were to whittle down our demand for Home Rule. This is not the place to refute the reasoning of that address. But the exotic forces that were at work to organize resistance to our movement, the protests and defections of the advanced section, the establishment of the Sind branch of the Muslim League to counteract the reactionary policy of the Sind Mahomedan Association, that however they may act, we have no quarrel with them and harbour no ill-will towards them. We realize that they are our countrymen and have interests identical with ours. Their progress is our progress and their down fall our down fall. We are at all times prepared to extend the hand of fellowship to them. We realize, as some of the most enlightened among them realize now and others will realize hereafter, that their present circumstances render them an easy prey to those whose interest lies in diverting and wheedling them away from the path of true advancement. Whaever share of Home Rule is acquired by the country, in Sind the Mahomedans, consisting as they do the majority of the population, will receive a substantial portion of the same. When the present walls of illiteracy are broken and the doors of education opened wide, the members of the Mahomedan Association wore misguided in their present attitude and thereby missed a mighty opportunity for serving their community and country. But in this history repeats itself. The same was the case with the Mahomedans of the U.P. and the North. So long as they were under the spell of false guides they kept aloof from National Movements, which attitude however vanished like mist before the sun as soon as they received Higher Education and found out how misled they had been in the past.

We are confident that the Secretary of State and those who will have the final shaping of the Reforms to be introduced will not fail to comprehend the genesis and the true inwardness of the Sind Mahomedan Association’s attitude. Because, when I demand a benefit not only for myself but also for my brother and that that brother not only fails to support me but vigorously shouts his protest against the grant of the benefit, it would naturally arouse the suspicion of the deciding party that there must be something behind the protest.

But the humour of the situation consists in this that the Mahomedan Association in their Memorial, while condemning the grant of Self-Government as forcing the pace, still claim the bulk of it in the event of its being conceded. Now if there were any consistency in the Association’s case they would have said that the Mohomedans of Sind would have nothing to do with Self-Government even if it were granted. However, this playing fast and loose, leads to the inference that the Association at heart are in favour of Self-Government, but have been reluctantly impelled into their repudiation by some extraneous force.

We are extremely grateful at the grant of one lac by Government for the Education of Sind Mahomedans. And I am glade of my support of Mr. Bhurgri’s Bill for the levy of Educational cess on Mahommedans of Sind which unhappily, owing to technical difficulties and the opposition of elements of Sind Mahomadens did not come to fruition. In the education of this community, which constitutes the for-fifths of the entire population of Sind, lies the political salvation of the Province and albeit that in every acquisition of political or administrative right the Mahomedans would naturally get a lion’s share, we of this Conference are of opinion that the Hindus of Sind would none the less enthusiastically hail and accept the same catholic spirit in which they have accepted preferential distribution of Government posts to Mahomedans.

Sind Branch of the Moslim League

We welcome the Sind Branch of the Moslim League recently started as a healthy sign of the progress of the Province as we trust that this body like its parent institution will appreciate the benefit of making common cause with the Congress party and co-operate in their political activities.

Our Opponents

On what reformed lines the Government of India should be carried on in the future must naturally take the front rank in all important deliberations of the country until the question is finally settled by the passing of a Parliamentary Statue, Likewise, the future Government of Sind in particular should occupy the thoughts of us all Sindhis until final solution. Meanwhile, it should be the duty of the country to support the deputation which will proceed to England to plead our cause before the bar of the British electorate and parliament after Mr. Montagu’s scheme is published, so that judgment may not go against us by default.

We should exercise the utmost vigilance to meet the mischievous campaign conducted against us by our opponents in England under the leadership of that Goliath of the Philistines, Lord Sydnenham, who will leave no stone natured to thwart us. As a sample you may look at the manner in which the Resolution of the Labour Conference with regard to India was distorted. Lord Sydenham has rushed on to the stage with the brief of the bureaucracy in his hands. One is agape with astonishment at the spectacle that, whilst British minister as well as other great statesmen of the world have in the most unmistakable terms declared in favour of Self-Rule for India, and these declaration have been given effect to and sealed up by the authoritative and final announcement of the 20th August last, the bureaucracy under the advocacy of Lord Sydenham and Madras Mail should keep on beating the big drum and denouncing Self-Government for India making use of the well-worn shibboleths and stock-in-trade pleadings. They say Congress-League scheme would result in government by Oligarchy? And supposing the insinuation well-founded, which really it is not, would not a change from an alien to an indigenous oligarchy be for the better? They harp upon efficiency. Lord Curzon was an apostle of efficiency. And still what was the legacy, he left behind? The most crushing reply to this plea of efficiency was the remark of the President of the last Congress when she said “would German Government be considered best because it was most efficient “. The emphatic answer would be “Certainly not”. Another can’t trotted forth is the smallness of the number of Educated Indians and those who are demanding Reform. Mr. P.C. Lyon, a late number of the Bengal Copuncil and once a lieutenant of Sir Bamphylde Fuller, in the course of a debate on a paper read to the East Indian Association in London effectively disposed of this objection. He said that from his experience he had gathered that the Nationalist movement had spread out in all directions and had influence in schools and colleges of the country. When he had a conversation on this point with Lord Morley, that statesman reminded him that it was not the people of England as a whole who wanted to cut off the head of King Charles I. Real revolution in any country in the world had been brought about by strong vigorous men, energetic men, before they had persuaded the people as a whole to rally to them.

The long and short of the story is that we have to reckon with a citadel of vested interests. Men do not willingly surrender great power and privileges. The following words of Mr. Gokhale are very apposite:

“ The main difficulty arises from the fact that the Government of this country is really in the hands of the civil service which is practically a caste, with all the exclusiveness and love of monopoly that characterize castes……………… And as they (the members of the service ) happen to be practically the sole advisers of both the Viceroy chance of being adopted ………………..In a general way they seem to recognize that some advance is now necessary, but when you come to a discussion of different measures of reform, a majority, thought not necessarily composed each time of the same individuals, is to be found arrayed against every reform that may be proposed …………….And thus we move round and round the fortress of official conservatism and bureaucratic reluctance to part with power without being able to effect a breach at any point. This kind of thing has going on for many years, with the result that the attitude of the public mind towards the Government has undergone a steady and, of late years, even a rapid change”.

Another grave danger which looms largely in front of us, and which we should spare no skill or pains to guard against, is what is known by the name of the Curtis Scheme. You may be aware that this scheme against a solving the problem of achieving Responsible government by successive stages. It has a very plausible exterior. But it is like Dead Sea apples goodly to behold but dust and ashes within. You know that the outstanding features of this scheme are that Government is divided into two sections. The Executive power with regard to one section is to vest in people’s representatives. This section will consist of the portfolios of Education, Sanitation, Local Bodies & e. It will receive allotments of funds for expenditure. The experiment will be tried for a certain number of years, at the end of which, if successful, it may be extended to other portfolios. The scheme, whilst on the surface appearing as if it answers to the two criteria of Responsible Government and successive stages, betrays fundamental drawback and has therefore been condemned by the leaders of the country as unacceptable. The scheme does not confer a substantial power on the elected of the people, nor does it give them financial autonomy. The department as assigned to them will be fed doles from the Revenues of other departments. They being spending departments, if their conductors are invested with the power of taxation, their they will be serving their apprenticeship with the brand of odium upon them.

Nothing can satisfy our legitimate and reasonable aspirations short of the following essentials i.e., elected majorities on the Councils, half of the executive members elected by our representatives on the Council, and the power of the purse.

Propagandist Work

Whilst having our eyes constantly fixed upon the movements of the hands of the Clock in England we should pursue with redoubled zeal and energy the work lying at hand at home. Educating the masses is a most important work which should never be slackened. The Indian proletariat should be enlightened as to their needs, their claims and rights. We are eminently grateful to that great lady who has done so much for us within a comparatively short space of time, for inter alia, not only vigorously preaching but untiringly practicing propagandist work. Mrs. Aunie Besant, after her advent on the Congress, laid stress on the colossal potentialities of this item of the programme and by incessant example and precept succeeded in making the whole nation throb with the pulsation of the new ideal of Home Rule, a word with which the peasant no less than the prince has become familiar. We in Sind must not forget this but must carry this but must carry on propagandist work with greater regularity and energy than we have hitherto been able to do.

Local Questions

After having treated in its different aspects the all engrossing topic of the moment, the Reforms in the Government for the whole of India in general and Sind in particular, I proceed with the limitations, necessary to be observed in an address of this kind, to pass in review some subjects of local interest.

Mr. Bhurgri & Congress

I consider this an opportune place for referring to an event which is of no little significance to Sind in its relation to the Indian National Congress. That event is the election of the Honourable Mr. Bhurgri to the Joint General Secretaryship of the Congress, for the current year. I opine that this conference with one voice, will congratulate the Congress on the excellence of their choice and thank them for the recognition they have vouchsafed to this province. Mr. Bhurgri is a shining example of patriotism of the purest ray serene. He has translated into practice the maxim that the country is above self, above family, and above everything. He has not only spurned away all allurements to self-aggrandizement, which every Mahomedan of position and education in Sind has had dangling before his eyes, but has, at great obloquy, sacrifice and personal risks, stood staunch by Congress and country while others have exulted in the intoxicating pastime of launching thunderbolts against their own country’s demand for Self-Rule. All honour to him, and may God grant him life and health to continue in the service of his Motherland.

Agricultural Problems

Sind being an agricultural province, there are several problems affecting the prosperity of the Agricultural population, which we have to deliberate upon at every session of our conference. These problems may be exhaustively dealt with in the Presidential speech and will be submitted for your consideration in detail in the form of Resolutions, and I will only briefly glance at some of them.

Extension of Settlement Period

Conference after Conference it was resolved after discussion that the present Decennial period of Settlement should be extended to thirty years r more, as a short term Settlement was detrimental to the development of land retarded agricultural progress, and that in this respect Sind was being treated unfavourably as compared to the rest of the whole country.

The agitation in this behalf culminated in the appointment of a Commissioner on the motion of the Honourable Mr. Bhurgri in the Bombay Legislative Council, who took evidence and made their report recommending extension to 29 years, which was adopted by Government in their Resolution 8118 of the 4th July 1917. Wheather things for the present should be left at that and acquiescence there in pending further experiment or agitation should be still further prosecuted is left to this Conference to decide.

Fallow Rules

The hardship which the present Fallow Rules impose upon the agriculturist has been variously pointed out. The sum and substance of the Rules, which have invoked universal criticism from the landed proprietors is that, when a survey number is left out of cultivation for five years successively, it must pay assessment for the fifth year, in default of which it would be forfeited, that is, removed from the proprietor’s name to that of government in the occupancy Register; with the proviso that it may be later be on re-transferred to the proprietor’s name on his paying assessment for the year of default and the year of resumption. Now, this system is wrong in principle, and inequitable. It involves waste of labour and unnecessary redtape and harassment to the zemindar. Prominent and highly placed Government Revenue officers have in no uncertain voice pronounced against it. This system being avowedly a commutation of the one, whereby assessment was distributed over the whole area on the assumption that one-fifth would be cultivable every year, there would be no justice in levying fallow assessment in cases where on making quinquiennial computations, it can be shown (as it can be in most cases) that the one-fifth ratio per year or even more of the holding has been brought under cultivation.

Further, there is no occasion or justification for taking the number of the name of the registered occupant when it is admitted in the first place that it is his by birthright, and in the second that he is entitled to its resumption as a matter of right whenever he chooses : forfeiture being merely nominal. That it causes needless expenditure of energy and red-tape, is evident from the inconvenience, delay and expense people have to endure in the process of mutation of names in Revenue Registers. The hollowness of the ground, that the dread of forfeiture operates as a stimulus to activity, is apparent when we consider that self-interest would act as a much greater incentive to the zemindar to make the most of his holding than the dread aforesaid. This dread would rather tend to misplaced activity in driving the zemindar to cultivate for the mere purpose of averting forfeiture, without getting a due return for self or Hari. This is not merely hypothetical argumentation but the mature opinion of high big officials based on personal experience.

Remission Rules

Is another allied subject which has engaged the attention of Conferences. While admitting the spirit of justice in which these rules have been conceived viz., relieving the cultivator of the burden of Government assessment on failure of crops due to calamities, experience has revealed their defects in actual working. Antecedent to the grant of remission, there must be inspection by the Revenue Officer, whose multifarious occupations prevent timely inspection of all lands claiming remission. Belated inspections create the dilemma of no harvest or no remission. Then again, the ratio in which remissions are calculated calls for revision. As it is, the ration of remission is struck between the gross value of the produce and the assessment, whereas equity demands that it should be between the net value and assessment; it being reasonable to make allowances for hari’s share, cultivation expenses, clearance & c.

Rasai Chher and Lapo

No enumeration of the agriculturist’s woes will be complete without mention of the hydra-headed monster of Rasai with its off-shoots and companions Chher and Lapo. The latest and most exhaustive contribution to the discussion of this subject is contained in the debate in the Bombay Legislative Concil at its meeting of December last raised by the motion of the Honourable Mr. Bhurgri for the appointment of a Committee to suggest means for the suppression of the evil – a debate which has been immortalized by a comical and at the same time striking episode of a non-official Sindhi nominated member of the Council delivering himself of the dictum that Rasai had disappeared from Sind. As this dictum received an unequivocal contradiction from the Commissioner-in-Sind, who confessed to the existence of the evil, it provoked the mirthful outburst of another Honourable member to the effect that the Honourable Sindhi seemed to be more loyalist than the King himself. Notwithstanding that, the terms used may bear other constructions, the sense in which they are attacked as evils can not be misunderstood by any one. This is the distinctions shown by the Honourable Mr. Lawrence in the Council between the different significations of the words. It is also superfluous, after so much has been said in the press, conferences and Council, to describe the practices or to point out and prove the oppression and the grievance they constitute. Suffice it to say that with will and determination it will not be impossible to exterminate Rasai and its branches. The farming out of supplies to independent men like banias, removing completely the hand of the zemindar and the Revenue Officer from the business, and effective supervision of the touring officer will scotch the evil in a short time if not kill it. If every Collector and Assistant Collector sees at every tour that neither the tapedar not the zemindar has anything to do with the supplies, and impresses on them the penalties attending on breach, besides the grave displeasure of Government, I think the system can be brought to an end in a year or two. If on the other hand, as was disclosed in the Council debate, one Officer issues a Circular condemning and prohibiting the practice, another officer thinks it pious to honour the Circular in the breach, a third shows a pathy, and a fourth despairingly yields to a long established usage, things will merrily drift on as usual and redress will recede further and further from accomplishment. Now the matter will be in the hands of a well constituted committee; let us trust that public attention will be concentrated on the subject and some measures devised for successfully eradicating this abuse. It is hoped that in making appointments to the Committee care is taken to select only such officers as have made themselves conspicuous by putting down the evil.

Compulsory Education

The passing of Mr. Patel’s Bill in the Bombay Legislative Council authorizing Municipalities to introduce primary Compulsory Education within their areas is an epoch making event. It will mark the era of continuous progress and Reform-Everybody observes in his every day life that most of our drawbacks in political, social, economic, industrial and domestic spheres are due to ignorance and illiteracy-Education will open the eyes of the people to the many ills they have been suffering, darkness and superstition will vanish and give place to light and knowledge. People have come to realize that there was no greater blunder and disservice to the country than opposition to Mr. Ghokhle’s measures seven years ago. Some of the bureaucracy, who were loud and insistent in opposing Gokhle’s Bill are now declaiming against our acquisition of responsible Government and a larger share in the administration of our country, because of our illiteracy which it was the object of that bill to remove. The country is very much beholden to Mr. Patel for the remarkable zeal, industry and for-thought displayed in successfully launching this legislative. His example has been followed in other Presidencies by similar measures being introduced there. It is hoped that education in urban areas will be the forerunner of eduction in rural areas, and by degrees there will be a net work of educational institutions all over the country, and a time will come when almost every Indian male and female will be educated, as is the case in all the foremost countries of the world. It is true that it will be tedious and wearisome journey towards the promised land. We shall have to contend with difficulties, meet with opposition and make sacrifices at every successive stage. But we should not be daunted by these. We should not flinch from the financial burdens we shall have to carry, always bearing in mind that in education lies the germ of every form of advancement and uplift of India.

Every body will rejoice at the manifold of blessings which Compulsory Education will confer upon the Mahomedans of Sind with their preponderating numbers. The Moslim zemindar will learn to practise economy and shake off his present aloth and extravagance. He will understand how to make his present impoverished soil rich by the use of chemical manures and more scientific means of ploughing and tilling. We expect to see pauperism turned into affluence, waste and improvidence into prudence and thrift. The services will also receive their share of benefit. In order to raise the number of Mahomedan employees in the services commensurate with their enormous proportion of population, Government are obliged to put up with raw material at the expense of efficiency and risk of public discontent. But when Education spreads, the supply of solid material for services among Mahomedans will exceed the demand.

We should not rest content with the spread of elementary education but lose no time in tackling the problems of Higher and Scientific, Economic and Industrial Education.

Conclusion

In conclusion, earnestly appeal to all the people of Sind to constantly bear in mind and heartily exert towards the fulfillment of what was announced as one of the most cherished objects, for which the Sind Provincial Conference was instituted. That object is I may repeat the oft quoted aphorisms “Unity is Strength.” “United we stand and Divided we fall.” There was time when Sind was torn by divisions. That time happily is no more. But still thing remains to be desired. We should sink all differences; differences between Hindus and Mahomedans, between Hindus and Hindus and so on. We shall not be true to ourselves or to our country if we do not banish rivalries, fling away ideas of self and work together for the service of the Motherland and for amelioration of our countrymen. There can be no higher conception of duty than that.

With these remarks, Brother Delegates, I once more tender you a hearty welcome to this Conference. May God crown its deliberations with success.

The material/data/information can be provided on request.

3RD SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

1916

SINDH PROVINACIL CONFERENCE

HELD AT LARKANA

Opening Proceedings

The session of the third Sind Provincial Conference commenced at 8 a.m. today (April 21, 1916). The president was escorted to pandal by the volunteers and members of the reception committee. Among those on the dais were the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, Seth Lokamal Chellaram, and Messrs. Mathradas Ramchand, Gopaldas Jhamatmal and Chagla. About 800 were present.

After songs of welcome, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai, chairman of the reception committee, read out his welcome speech, the main points of which were as follows:-

LARKANA CITY

Larkana can not lay claim to the pretensions of the two towns wherein the first and the second provincial conference were held, neither can it compare with the beauteous sights and river bank of Sukkur nor the ancient association of Hyderabad, the former metropolis of Sind. Its history goes so far back only as the reign of the Kalhoras. There exists to this day the ancient dome called the shrine of “Shah Baharo” situated on the North of the “Ghar” canal which reminds you of the architecture of those times. “Ghar canal” the northern boundary of the two proper is a navigable channel through which we carry our agriculture produce to, and hold commerce with several parts of Sind. The picturesque scenery on its bank and the shady groves of trees afford rest and relief to the wayfarers during the heat of the summer. Larkana shares with the rest of Upper Sind the extremes of heat and cold. But during the inundation season the strings of country craft which line the two sides of the canal present a very attractive spectacle and Larkana is well worth a holiday trip during the fruit season.

Once there flourished here the art of scene painting as can be witnessed in the Library building which is the handiwork of an old Sindhi painter. But it exists no more owing to the lack of encouragement. So also town market exhibits species of the old art of engraving on brass and alloyed metals.

Larkana is rightly described as the “Garden of Sind” the proof of which you find in the tall and shady trees scattered round about everywhere. They are conspicuous by their presence even in this pandal, providing you with shade and comfort. The south of the town presents to you a modern look with its red bricked dwellings which marks its latest growth owing to the town being raised to the dignity of the head quarters of a district and a seat of the district court.

You may be aware Gentlemen, that Larkana was once only a part of the Shikarpur District, afterwards renamed as Sukkur District, and has been only a few years back made into a separate self-contained district, thus gaining considerable in importance. It is expected that it will one day realize the long deferred hope of possessing a (Solemnly promised) Government High School.

LARKANA DISTRICT

The District as you all know is the most fertile area in Sind and therefore the principal exporting centre of agricultural produce through the port of Karachi abroad. Gentlemen, the great world war has made its effects felt here as elsewhere. The cramping of the agriculturist’s credit originally brought about by bank failures has been intensified by the disruption between capital and labor caused by the war. At the same time it must be recognized that conditions would have been hopelessly worse not only in this district but all over the British Empire, the entire trade would have been crippled and exports and imports come to a standstill had not the British Navy, with its traditions of invincibility, kept the seas clear and immune from the enemy’s devilish sea craft for which the world is exceedingly grateful. Let us therefore send forth our united and devout prayers that success may ultimately attend the arms of the allies who are fighting the cause of righteousness and justice for the protection of the weak against brute force.

CONFERNCE

Considering how the Indian National Congress has firmly stood its ground after so many vicissitudes, it would be superfluous to justify its existence and recount its manifold achievements. Provincial conference like this not only serve as feeders of the congress, but also are intended to deal with local and provincial question which for their multitude and variety would be too impracticable for discussion in the congress, which should confine itself to questions of all importance, whilst admitting that in getting local grievances redressed and local needs satisfied a good deal depends on the sympathetic attitude of the authorized, I may also be permitted to say that moderate and considerate methods and perseverance will go a long way towards accomplishment. To this and joint action by assemblies like the present conference is a great necessity. The justification for a separate conference for Sind can be described in no better terms than those of the President of the Sind Conference of 1908. He observed “you will thus realize that for its peculiar land tenure, agrarian conditions and special maladies like Rasai (to which I may be permitted to add the cursed dacoities), and more specially for its isolated position from the presidency proper, Sind is so circumstanced that it can not have its grievances adequately ventilated, if it were lumped together with the rest of the presidency in a provincial conference, where the interests of the whole presidency, would have to be taken into consideration.”

We are no doubt a part and parcel of the Bombay presidency but with the least intention to offend and with the utmost deference to the leaders in the presidency. I must say we are neglected part. Gentlemen, we are known there as people of the desert and little wonder that sunshine or rather moonshine in the open is the only thing they can spare for us. I am more sorry than any one else that we have not availed ourselves to the full of the benefits of our conferences and failed to follow the advice of our popular President of the Sind Provincial Conference of “1908 That the torch of patriotism lighted to-day might be kept burning for ever” He continued. “For I put you in the words of the strongest recommendation not to allow your energies to die out on the termination of this gathering but to continue holding such meetings year after year changing the venue according to circumstances and to enable all parts of the province to take their proper share”. It was good of Hyderabad, indeed to have kept loyal to this exhortation; Karachi went even farther by holding a session of the Indian National Congress in the year 1913. But we Shikarpur and Larkanaies have no defense for our remissness except the ordinary “Better late than never”.

SPECIAL OF THE CONEFERNCE

The prophetic words of our late lamented R.S. Pessumal Zoukiram in his address as chairman of the reception Committee of the Sukkur conference have come to be true. Describing the relations between the two great communities of Sind the Hindus and Muhammadans “The two eyes of India” he observed “Education is spreading far and wide and the work of enlighten is spreading a pace. If but one indigenous Muhammadan of the purest ray serene rises amongst the Muhammadans they will soon be made to realize that we shall be one in heart and soul and act in union. Gentlemen, this is being realized in the present conference. You have before you the cream of the Muhammadan community of Sind shouldering the wheel side by side with their Hindu brethren. The new awakening is coming and the old relations of amity and accord are returning. We stand united on one platform on our way to the realization of our common destiny under the guidance of a leader whose singleness of purpose and public spirit have won for him the admiration of all communities in Sind. This, Gentlemen is the special feature of the present year’s conference. In this connection I must congratulate my friends Serai Shah Mahomed Lahori the General Secretary whose sincere exertions at all stages of preparation for this conference have been invaluable.

CRIME AND UNREST

It should not be the province of this address to run through the entire catalogue of topics to be considered at this conference. That work more appropriately comes within the purview of the President Elect and the other speakers. But I shall not be trespassing upon the domain of those speakers if I touched upon some of the question that concerned my district.

Pax Britannica is the legitimate boast of the British rule in India. Ever since the establishment of that rule people of this country have regarded the protection of life and property as their most priceless heritage. But that protection as received a rude shock in the spirit of lawlessness and crime abroad in this district. People live in a constant state of terror and panic. Dacoits have torn the district from one end to the other. Turn to any direction and you hear the wail of the people that villains and vagabonds are let loose on us. The darkest feature of almost every dacoity is the burning of bannias account books. What may be the cause of all this? In the Sind conference of 1908 question came up for discussion. The crime was then in its infancy. Dacoities committed could be counted on one’s finger’s ends. Now they are beyond enumeration. The main cause then assigned was the increasing poverty of the agriculture classes and the absolute loss of their credit resulting in their resort to plunder rather than economic adjustments to satisfy their wants. Government was asked to appoint a mixed committee of officials and non-officials to determine the root cause of this diabolical crime and suggest measures for its extirpation. Nothing came of the request and thing have gone from bad to worse. Dacoits are known to say that of all crimes under the penal code the easiest to commit and the most difficult to detect is dacoity. You have only to wear garb of a wolf and lamb has to give way. The inefficiency and the corruption of the subordinate police and the lowering down of the standard of magisterial independence have contributed not a little to the permanence of this state of things. The covering attitude of the subordinate magistracy, their absolute dread of the police carrying tales to higher quarters of their refusal to regard themselves a check on police or a protection against their vagaries are some the main springs for this state of affairs. It serves the police to have their record of convictions kept up and it serves the magistrates to have no trouble with the police and there the matter ends. It is for Government to lay its fingers on the plague spot and administer the remedy. We can not make our cries sufficiently loud this monster of evil. The Arms Act places our people at disadvantages. Taught from their infancy to look upon arms as forbidden things intended only for the chosen and the elect, bannias have long since ceased to regard themselves as entitled to their use. A stray shot from a gun boy’s hands frightens them out of their wits. Arms intended for the benefits of the innocent and the honest are employed as instruments of oppression against them. It is only the respectable man who lacks arms. A villain has them by the score. The repeal of the Arms Act or its modifications enabling honest people to avail themselves of their protection is a question in the hands of the Congress. We shall let it be discussed and solved there. On the present platform we only ask that Government should undertake to familiarize the respectable classes of people living in outlying villages with the use of arms and fit them for defending themselves. Till this is accomplished, measures should be concerted to protect their person and property by the employment of additional police and the patrolling of important roads and thoroughfares. Some of you will be tempted to ask “But how many police patrols can be provided and after all to what good. Bannias have after all to be thrown on their own resources and left to fight out their own battle in moments of emergency. I concede the justice of this. I only urge that while on the one hand the process of training villagers in the art self defense should be kept in full swing, on the other hand the provision of adequate protection to safe guard them till they are able to safeguard themselves should not be neglected. Gentlemen, when bannias go to District officers for licenses for arms it is often amusing to know the answer flung at them. They are told in all earnestness that fire arms are dangerous things and will explode in their hands. They are also assured that they will be weapons in the hands of dacoits themselves. It is time that these excuses ceased. Men are men when they are taught and trained. Fire arms cease to explode of themselves and dacoits are kept at arm’s length from them when they are handled by men who know how to handle them. Able bodies respectable villagers are anxious to provide themselves with arms and use them for purpose of defense only if they be given freedom to possess them and opportunities to handle them. Is this too much for Government to allow? Is it too much for District officers to issue free licenses to decent people and provide them with means to learn the use of arms? A little effort put out in this direction will raise a host of voluntary workers anxious and able to stand out and save the situation.

CHAPTE VIII CRIMINAL PROCEDURE CODE

I pass on the consideration of the Badmash chapter in the Criminal Procedure code as a subject cognate to the above. It is said to be our savior at the time of need. The stock argument always advanced is that where crime is freely committed the police should have a free hand in hauling up individuals as badmashes. The argument is all right when you have the might of the executive to manifest only once that is when you want momentary consternation to have a momentary effect. But when crime persists and you proceed to substitute amateur inferences for skillful investigation and arm your selves with powers continuously to punish for things which you can not prove, it is time to cry half. Gradually but with certainty you are sliding into the abyss of inefficiency and power in the hands of inefficient is worse than no power at all. This must stop. You know how many innocents are sacrificed at the alter of this chapter VIII every year. Lately the Commissioner in Sind issued orders limiting the operation of the chapter to individuals spotted by higher class police officers on personal investigation. The results show little improvement. Only the ostensible mover of the machinery is now different but the real mover is the identical Sub Inspector, his staff and his advisers. Patient and deliberate consideration leads only to one conviction viz that if the chapter is to stand, the police should have nothing to do with working it. The experiment would be worth trying to have a Taluka. Jigra headed by the Taluka magistrate to investigate and spot an individual as a badmash and then sent him up for trial. The present cry of the police to hound every one who in their view is obnoxious must cease. It is true that Jirga will in turn be subjected to insidious influences but combination of disinterested individuals as umpire from different place are most likely in the long run to outlive those influences. What is wanted is public opinion, educated and enlightened being brought to bear on the subject to clear the cobwebs of confusion and misapprehension. To sum up, embolden and train villagers to fight the dacoits, pending training, afford them adequate safeguards of increased police patrols, improve the efficiency of the police, withdraw the portentous power vested in them by chapter VIII Criminal procedure code, remind that wrong conviction is a most pernicious substitute for skillful investigation. Let the magistracy realize their responsibility and duty to the protector of the poor, and I assure you Gentlemen, nine tenths of the battle will have been won. Brethren you will pardon my dilating on this subject a little longer than would be permissible but the acute distress of this district in this regard is my only excuse for this tax on your patience.

JUSTICE

The administration of justice on the civil side also needs attention. The cumbrous machinery is clogged and grinds slow. The draft on one’s time and purse is enormous. Some agency effective economical needs to be discovered to release the civil courts of a portion of their fighter works and have judges time to handle more important work. The revival of panchayat system is likely to be of use in this direction. The experiment is undertaken at Mardas. It might be undertaken in Sind. The village panchyat system is not yet extinct though with the growth of individualism it threatens to dissolve. In the present unorganized condition the panchayts are doing an amount of useful work. Given life, status and definite scope for action, their activities will be fruitful. The development of the principles of Local self Government proceeding now at a tardy pace will receive a marked impetus.

AGRICULTURE

Our needs on the Revenue side of the administration are many. Ours is an agriculture district and agrarian problem need tackling. Our president elect has in hand some of the most important of these subjects vize the extension of the10 years terms of settlements, the abolition of the fallow rules, the revision of the remission rules and kindred matters. I will only touch on one matter viz the baneful practice of Rasai.

RASSAI

Rassai is yet rampant in Sind. we are rebuked that our Zamindars are responsible for it. While this is partly true. We can not say that this is the whole truth. The receivers are more responsible than the givers. The position of the givers is weak and they have an eye to their interests. The receivers have low paid agents who have of necessity to act as intermediaries. The vice still continuous as merrily as ever. Only lately after the Hyderabad scandal, the Commissioner in Sind issued a drastic circular enjoining all concerned to see the last of the thing, but human foibles have a knack of lingering. The thing shriveled and showed signs of decay but did not die at the root. With the next season it had more of life infused in it. We know that in some districts strenuous efforts were put forth by the District officers to grapple with the problem and the results achieved were hopeful. Unfortunately the disease is again showing signs of a relapse in some districts, but might be saved by timely action from above. The strain of times is making things unbearable and the hateful system needs to be stopped at all costs.

CONCLUSION

Brethren! I will not detain you longer with my address. Various other matters affecting the material prosperity of Sind and the advancement of its people, their manifold aims and aspirations will be the subject matter of deliberation by you all. Once again, I offer to you a cordial welcome to our own town and hope that your deliberations will lead to fruitful results and the general amelioration of our condition. Before I sit down, I must tender my warmest thanks to our worthy and saintly Collector Mr. Blathwayte for the readiness with which he has given us what help we have required of him. My thanks in a large measure are also due to my colleagues on the various committees especially Mr. Virusing Kimatsing who have spread no pains to make the arrangements as satisfactory as it has been possible for them to do. (The daily Gazatte, dated April 24, 1916 page 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

The Hon. Mr. Harichandrai proposed Mr. Bhurgri to the chair in the following terms:-

“Mr. Bhurgri stands at the top of political life in Sind. he has been chiefly instrumental in bridging over the gulf between the two chief communities of Sind, Muhammadans and Hindus. He belongs to that band of great devoted patriots of the type of Messrs. Gokhale, Mazhar ul Haque and Jinnah who strenuously worked for bringing about a better understanding between these two communities. There stands a good deal more to his credit. First he was a zealous and devoted follower of the late Hon. Mr. Gokhale and loyally supported him in the imperial council in the cause of free compulsory education. In those days the opposition was too great and the measure for free compulsory education did not pass. Since then it has become evident that free compulsory education is necessary. Next the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is always present at every meeting of the Bombay Legislative Council and there has been no occasion when he has not been ready with a suggestion, an amendment or a resolution during the last 8 years. His services for the improvement of the condition of the agricultural community have been great and the agriculturists have every reason to be thankful to the hon, gentlemen for his endeavors. He was chiefly instrumental in getting the appointment of the Commission for Settlement and it is hoped that the period of settlement will be increased to what extent it remains to be seen. In him I see the realization of the prophetic words of the late R.B. Pessumal Zoukiram who said “ I look forward to the time when the two communities, Hindus and Muhammadans, will join hands and met on a common platform”. Yesterday he was taunted with being pro-Hindu. That instead of being a reproach is, I, believe a recommendation. Another great and invaluable service that he can be credit with is that as a Zamindar and as a business man he has introduced many improvements in agriculture and thrift in the life of the Hari. The other Zamindars are lacking in that spirit. I firmly believe that in him we have a leader who deserves our utmost confidence”.

Mr. Lokamal Chellaram who seconded the resolution said:- “I second the proposal with the greatest pleasure, I invite all present to join me in requesting the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri to take the chair. In him we have a leader who is always foremost in the cause of public weal. I remember that when he joined the Congress at Karachi he was submitted to a most scathing attack by the English daily of Karachi; but when has that paper ever desired to see any eminent Indian doing anything for our country? I trust the representative of that paper is here and if he has not heard I shall repeat it for him that the Daily Gazette never wants any Indian to interest himself in the cause of India. But its attacks are worthless and fit to be thrown in the waste-paper basket. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is one of those Indians who disregarding their comfort and ease, throwing their pleasure to the wind have taken upon themselves the arduous task of serving their country. He ranks with our great patriots, the late Sir P. M. Metha, Gokhale and Dadabhai Naoroji. India is passing through a most critical time, I mean the war. War is one of the greatest scourges that can be sent by divine displeasure to devastate this world. Yet at this terrible time India has an opportunity of showing the most devoted loyally. At such a critical time the barque of our affairs should be under the control of a skillful guide of the type of Mr. Bhurgri so that our work yields rich fruit. In selecting him as our president it is not we who honour him but in accepting it the confers an honour on us.”

Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal rising in support said:- “this pleasant task has been entrusted to me. I suppose because I hail from the same place as Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, I mean Hyderabad which he has made fragrant with good works. He is a barrister and had he cared to earn he could have easily enriched himself. It is true that he is rich, but there are few rich men who conquer their desire to accumulate more. It is his to this credit that he possesses no such desire. His work in the cause of Muhammadan education has been specially praiseworthy. Moreover he is a staunch Congressman having his opinion on truth and experience. We Hyderabadis have special reason to be grateful to him for his earnest endeavors to avert the disgrace of suspension of the Hyderabad Municipality. He sympathized with us in our sorrow then and I trust that he will shortly share our joy when we get this suspension removed. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri is guided by the same motto as Mr. Mazhar ul Haque which is ‘An Indian first, and Indian next and an Indian afterwards in short nothing but an Indian.”

Seria Shah Muhammad Lahori rising in support said :”The Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is one of whom we Zamindars have every reason to feel highly proud. No Zamindar has as yet shown himself possessed of as lofty a purpose as he. He has served India loyalty in company with the great Gokhale and Sir Pheroze Shah Mehta. I have personal knowledge of his popularity and the esteem in which he is held. During the last few years I have traveled widely and in connection with my election matter. I have had go to every part of Sind and in these travels I have been struck with the influence his name has everywhere.”

Mr. Bhojsing:- “Though the Hon. Mr. Bhurgari is not known to me personally yet fame has blown wide enough for me to be aware of his good qualities and great abilities. When opinions were invited in the Press about the selection of a president, the unanimous choice fell upon Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, and I am convinced that it could not have fallen upon a worthier man. The reason of his unanimity of opinion is that as soon as he entered public life he honestly endeavoured to unite the Hindus and Muhammadans. Many difficulties must have crossed his path and at time he must have felt discouraged at the antagonistic attitude of many of his friends, but may it be said to his credit that he remained staunch to his purpose and proceeded unwavering on the path of duty. Time was when our officials even did not regard the idea of union with much favour, but now even our Government is ready and willing to help to bring about a better understanding between the two communities. This may be solely attributed to the Hon. Gentleman. In all the commissions and committees of inquiry appointed during the last few years in Sind or the Bombay Presidency. Mr. Bhurgri has had a hand. He was the father of the Muhannadan educational Cess bill which had to be withdrawn. Though he failed he has been end endeavoring his utmost in cause of Muhammadan education, and as a result of his efforts 36 male scholars are receiving education free of cost. He has interested the Government from the Viceroy down to the Commissioner in the cause of Moslem education. Beneficial results are bound to accrue therefrom.

Mulchand Pessumal, Kishendas and Abdul Aziz who followed said a few words eulogizing Mr. Bhurgri.

The proposal was put to the vote and unanimously carried. The Hon. Mr. Bhurgri took the chair amidst loud applause. He was garlanded.

Mr. Bhurgari commenced the proceedings by calling upon the secretary, Serai Shah Muhammad Lahori to read the letters and telegrams from some distinguished people who pleaded their inability to attended. A telegram from Mrs. Annie Besant and letters from Mr. Wacha, Mr. Gandhi, Mir Ayub Khan, Hon. Mr. Paranjpye, Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoolah and Dr. Dhalla were read. Hon. Mr. Mr. Paranjpye wrote “……… I send my best wishes for the conference. A complete network of conference is needed for political and educational progress. Sind which has been spoken of as being backward is doing well to hold a conference. These are signs of progress.”

The President read his speech.

Mr. Hafiz, bar-at-law, read some important passages from a Sindhi translation of the president’s speech.

The president declared that all proceeding would be in Sindhi.

A subjects committee was elected and the sitting of the conference adjourned to 5.30 p.m.

Later on the following business was transacted:-

Resolution No. 1. – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loyalty to the British Government and prays for its success in the present war” was moved from the chair and passed unanimously with all those present standing.

Resolution No.2 – “That this meeting records its deep sense of loss sustained by the community by the death of Gopal Krishna Gokhale and sir Pherozshah M. Mehta” it was moved from the chair and passed unanimously, all those present standing.

Hon. Mr. Harchandrai proposed — “That this conference is strongly of the opinion that as the Government of a Governor in Council is more desirable than the Government of a single individual and as the reasons on account of which by Act V of 1868 the powers of a Governor and council were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind have disappeared and are non existence. Act V of 1868 be repealed and the Government of Sind carried on as in the rest of the Bombay Presidency.”

Hon. Mr. Harchandrai said:- “This is not the first time that this resolution has been put forth by me. The Bombay presidency is divided into four parts viz. the Southern Division, The Central Division, the Northern Division and Sind. the first three parts had Commissioners but they were not invested with the powers of a Governor in Council. It is only in Sind that the Commissioner enjoys such power. I will briefly tell you how the Commissioner came to have such powers. In 1843 when Sind was first conquered, Sir Charles Napier was appointed Governor. He left in 1847 and a Commissioner was appointed in his place that was invested with full powers, Revenue, Judicials. In 1868

When Mansfield was Commissioner, Act V of 1868 was passed. The reasons given by Government were that Sind was very distant from Bombay. The Sind Gazetteer has it that Sind was”……….. an uncivilized, unimproved place, difficult to get at and difficult to get away from.” Gentlemen these conditions do not hold good now. Railway communication has brought Sind considerably near to Bombay and with a direct line from Badin we would be nearer still. In spite of this, this Act continues in force entailing great hardship on us. Under a Governor in Council we will certainly be better off than we now are. No doubt some commissioners have been very good, but when the question lies between a civilian with the powers of a Governor on the one hand and a Governor in Council on the other, certainly the latter would be the better of the two. This question has been often considered, and a Governor in Council has been preferred. Moreover, Dharwar, Belgum and Ratnagiri are more distant than Sind. At the last Bombay Provincial Conference at Poona it was brought to the notice of the Government that better communication with Ratnagiri was urgently needed. These places are being governed directly by the Bombay Government and it is difficult to understand why it should be otherwise with Sind. Karachi has risen considerably in importance so much so that some thought it fit to be made the metropolis of India, and yet this important place should be under the control of a single individual is something hard to understand. It will be better if we are separated from Bombay than remain as we are and join Punjab as the President said in his speech”.

Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal while seconding Mr. Harchadrai said:- “By the preamble of Act V of 1868 it is provided that the Commissioner should be invested with only some powers of the Governor in Council, but in effect the Commissioner has been given virtually all the powers e.g. under the Bombay Police Act, under the Bombay Municipal Act, under the Civil and Criminal Procedure codes and also under the Defense of India Act. As a result the destinies of Sind are placed under the control of one single individual un helped by any Council. If remaining with Bombay was possible only on these terms then I for one would prefer to have Sind joined to the Punjab. At one time Act V of 1868 may have been necessary but the times are changed and now no such necessity exists. Sind has not got sufficient number of representatives in the Bombay Legislative Councils. As regard the Imperial Council we get the right of representation by turn. It seems as if the Minto – Morley reforms were never calculated to do us any good.”

(The Daily Gazette, Dated April 25, 1916 page No. 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

Discussion was continued upon the motion proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchandral Vishindas with regard to the desirability of government by a Governor in Council rather by a single individual and advocating the repeal of the Act whereby wide powers were delegated to the Commissioner in Sind.

Mr. Abdur Rahman said:- “It must have struck you as curious that three pleaders should be entrusted with his resolution. You must by no means presume that they are the only class aggrieved. All classes of people are much affected by the present system and the sooner it is removed the better. No doubt lawyers can understand better than any others the defects and beauties of any administrative system and they are the most competent to criticize it. On former occasions Indians have dwelt upon the necessity of governors and high officials of state possessing Parliamentary experience. That experience is desirable one, because the British Parliament is reputed to be the best and most efficient administrative body in the world, a body of which the British people are justly proud. It is presumed that one having Parliamentary experience must possess the highest administrative qualities. Sind is unfortunate in not being governed by one possessing the above qualities from Parliamentary experience. Another thing that strikes me as most ridiculous is that Sind should send its representative to the Bombay Legislative Council to advise a Governor on the government of Sind when he has little to do with that province, the actual government being in the hands of the Commissioner. The rule of a Governor in Council is a form of Government and no matter how able Commissioner we may have had, it is desirable that the rule of a single individual should cease. The president in his speech referred to Sind being joined to the Punjab. God keep us from that union! You all know the familiar proverb about Punjabis, and the benefits some Punjabi officers imported here have conferred on us are no secret from you. Next as to Baluchistan. The raids of Brohis have robbed us of our peace, and were we placed under the same government as those savage people. I have little hope for our future. We must remain joined to Bombay, because all our educational progress is due to our being a part of the Bombay Presidency. By a separation from Bombay our educational progress would be blocked, a result which should be avoided at all costs. The only thing we want is to be governed by the Governor in Council as the rest of the Presidency, and I hope that you will heartily join in passing this resolution.”

The president:- “Before I put this resolution to the vote I may tell you that a few days back, a high official of State was traveling with me. From him I learnt that the question of separating Sind from the Bombay Presidency and joining it either to the Punjab or to Baluchistan was receiving the serious consideration of the Government of India. As between the Punjab and Baluchistan the former would certainly be preferable.”

The resolution was unanimously carried.

Dacoities

Mr. Bhojsing moved the fourth resolution:-

“Whereas serious dacoities have created a panic in Sind, particularly in the Larkana district, this Conference desires to draw the attention of the Government and humbly suggests that a mixed committee of officials and non-officials be appointed which may investigate and find out means for preventing this form of crime.”

Mr. Bhojsing said: “This question has a special importance for Larkana, for the people of this district have suffered more than any other from these dacoities. It is not easy to lay one’s finger on their root causes, neither is this the fitting place to say what changes are required in administration to check this terrible crime. At present we think it fit to ask for the appointment of a committee of inquiry, and no more. In every civilized country it has been the duty of the police to maintain order and investigate crime. In this district, which has a very severe officer as District Superintendent of Police, commonly called the “Captain Sahib” whose honesty and energy can not be questioned, and when the police force is larger than in any other part of Sind, it is not easy to understand why dacoities should be such common occurrence. My experience of twenty years as lawyers has taught me, and Mr. Lal chand Navalria (chairman of the reception committee) agree with me, that dacoities are the most serious kind of crime. Murders are matters of the moment – sudden provocation, an ill-directed blow or drunkenness may well bring them about. But a dacoity is always premeditated, and causes great disturbance in the public peace. The D.S.P. is honest energetic and has been doing his utmost to check this crime, but without avail. Perhaps greater vigilance and honesty is required from the subordinate police and greater firmness on the part of the magistracy. I regret to say both are lacking. It is the business of the police to challan criminals. It is the duty of the magistrate to administer justice. If a magistrate sees no case against accused he must discharge him. It is also his business to expose the vagaries of the police. But a magistrate has the apprehension that he will displease his superior officers by discharging a police case, the result will necessarily be disastrous. Injustice will be done by just the person whose sacred duty to administer justice. The weakness of magistracy, the corruption of the subordinate police must be inquired into. The condition of the Zamindars is growing more and more wretched. It is well known by what means they are terrorized. All this has led an increase in crime, and a committee of inquiry is absolutely necessary. To a very great extent the remedy lies in the hands of the District Magistrate. You all know that some time back, when the cry against dacoities became loud and general, Mr. Hudson was as Collector. During the three months of his office peace to a great extent was restored. This is an instance of what a district magistrate can do. If a committee is appointed, as we hope it will be, the Zamindars should be given distantly to understand that no harm will befall them for stating their opinions freely and boldly before the committee. It will be well if government nominates some pleaders also on the committee for as between the people and Government they are not afraid of speaking out the truth. The pleaders and the Zamindars should be taken into confidence. Even those suspected under S. 110 Crime. Pro. Code should be consulted for this indeed is a serious question and Government ought to avail itself of information and suggestions from every possible quarter”.

Mr. Virusing, who seconded, said that he belonged to the district where dacoities were most rampant. He had been to several villages with cases before Mukhtiarkars, and his inquiries had made him fully aware of the terror under which the villagers live. The condition of the Banias was pitiable. Not a night passed but they had the constant dread of a visit from dacoits. Many people who could had left the villagers and gone to towns, leaving houses and lands behind them. The case of those who could not avail themselves of the expediency of shifting from villages could readily be imagined. These dacoits commenced in the year 1902. In 1906 there were 8 dacoities – in the first which occurred in Johi Taluka documents and books of account of Banias were destroyed. In the second, who took place in Kakar Taluka, the police was robbed of a rifle. In 1907 there were 10 dacoities. In 1908 there were three and one in 1911. In 1915 and 1916 there have been dacoities one after the other, in which rifles have been used with frequent loss of life. Some labor under the wrong impression that pleaders take pleasure in the increase of dacoities. It is not so. The pleaders are as ardently desirous as others that this sort of crime be put down. Let a committee be appointed to find out the causes and suggest measures.

Mr. Shumsoodin Balbul said that Government was not doing all that it could be stop these pernicious dacoities. The severest punishments have been inadequate to check the crime. It was necessary that the question should be carefully sifted by a committee of inquiry. The committee should not consist of officials only but non officials, men of character and trust, should be appointed and not mere Jo-hukums. He further suggested that it would be better if those dacoities were tried by Jirgash, which might be formed where none existed at present.

Mr. Jan Muhammad Juneejo, bar-at-law, said that two causes were generally attributed to these dacoities. First that the Zamindars were at the bottom of them, and second that the police were at the bottom. Twenty years ago the Zamindars were much respected by the Government officers and they commanded an influence of which they have not even a shadow at present. Day by the Zamindars were being thrust backwards, though they had more education now that formerly. This might be attributed to the police who have its eyes constantly on the pockets of the Zamindars, not infrequently threatening them with prosecutions under S. 110 of the Crim. Proc. Code or with deprivation of the privilege of carrying arms or getting a chair. The poor Zamindars by these means were easily black mailed and they did not mind paying hundreds of rupees to be left alone. The right of carrying a sword or getting a chair was much prized. A Zamindar did not mind bearing false testimony in police cases to secure these privileges (heavenly in his eyes). It could not be imagined how this class of people would have courage to encourage dacoities. That the police were corrupt and a veracious was an admitted fact. A committee of inquiry would certainly find out where the abuse lay and discover speedy means of checking the Dacoities.

The resolution was carried unanimously. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 26, 1916 page No. 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

The fifth resolution discussed by the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana was:-

“In view of the most unsatisfactory way in which Sec. 110 of the Criminal procedure Code has been used for challenging Badmashes, this Conference is of the opinion that the police should be deprived of that authority under S. 110 and instead the Mukhtiarkar be vested with those powers, and, further, a committee of non-officials be appointed (for each Taluka) to work with the Mukhtiarkar for the purpose of bringing badmashes to book”.

Mr. Santdas Magharam, moving the resolution, said that the Section had been often misused by the police. Some might criticize the pleaders who wanted dacoities to be checked and at the same time wished to deprive the police of those powers. But looking to the way in which that authority has been used by the police, and remembering the salutary principle of law that it is better that a hundred criminals go free rather than one innocent man to suffer, he urged those present to pass the resolution. Few of the real badmashes were ever brought to book. This Section was largely used to satisfy private enmity, to blackmail innocent people and in cases even to deprive poor Muhammadans of their lawfully wedded wives. He was engaged in a badmash case when he had freshly become a pleader, somewhere in Thar. At the Mukhtiarkar’s manzil he learnt that only a few away there was a regular settlement of criminals who committed thefts and dealt in stolen property which they sent off to Jaisalmere for disposal, getting in exchange stolen property to be disposed of in Sind. He learnt to his surprise that the members of the police there each received a fixed sum monthly. It was a hold statement to make but he made it, as the record of that would prove that that was the defence urged by the accused in that badmash case, a defense which substantiated by poor. The police officer had asked for a bribe of Rs. 300 which the accused refused to give. It would be better it Chapter 8 of the Criminal Procedure Code disappeared altogether. But if the existence of the chapter were deemed necessary the Mukhtiarkars should be given power, which they should use only in consultation with the committee of non-officials.

Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio seconded, agreeing with Mr. Santdas on every point. The present state of affairs was intolerable and if power is given to the Mukhtiarkars with a committee of non officials to help them, it was hoped that considerable improvement would be effected.

The resolution was carried unanimously.

Rasai

Serai Shah Muhammad Lahori moved the following resolution:- “While thanking those officers who have endeavored to stop the pernicious system of Rasai, this Conference expresses its disappointment at the continuance of this system, inflicting great hardship on the Zamindars, and strongly recommends that the touring period of officials in all departments and the strength of their establishments should be decreased. Also contractors should be appointed from the headquarter of each Taluka to supply provisions to the officers in the Taluka, and revenue officials and their subordinates should cease to have anything to do with the matter of supplying provisions”. He said that the condition of the Zamindars was no secret from anybody. All were aware of the dread and fear which the Zamindars entertained during the touring season. It was the business of the district officers to allay their grievances. The circulars of the commissioner regarding Rasai had produced no perceptible result; on the contrary the rule had gone up from 1 to 1 ½ annas to 2 to 2 ½ annas. The Zamindars were given contracts, but they did not know how to recover the money, neither had they been taught how to use the Bania’s

Balance in weighting provisions. There should be contractors well versed in these affairs. As regards the benefits derived from the tours of district officers the least said the better. No one would regret the total stopping of tours, which should at least be curtailed and confined to Taluka headquarters, just as Col. Alfred Mayhew, a very popular officer, used to do. Those gentlemen never moved outside the district headquarters with more than two or three servants, and never gave more trouble to the Zamindars than he could possibly help. The Tapedar’s lapa was also a serious burden on the Zamindars. The only means he could think of to stop it was that the Tapedar, like the Zaildar in the Punjab, should be appointed from one of the Zamindars of the Taluka to collect rent and hand it in to the treasury, or in the alternative the Zamindars should be given free postal money orders to enable them to send in their revenue assessment free of cost direct to the treasury without having anything to do with the Tapedar. The farce of going and saying to the Mukhtiarkar that the Tapedar has taken no lapo was still more annoying. There was absolutely no sense in that procedure, Rasai had sucked the blood of the Zamindars dry, and the Government ought to adopt the suggestion of the resolution put into practice for the sake of the Zamindars.

Mr. Madhoods, of Garhi Yasin, who seconded the resolutions, gave a practical illustration from his personal experience. There being some difference of opinion between the sub-inspector of police of his Taluka and himself, the Collector thought it necessary to visit Mr. Madhoodas’s lands to make personal local investigation. Mr. Madhoods had got a particular spot cleared for the Collector’s camp, but the peons would not pitch the tent there. Another spot was selected which was got ready. The peons wanted bukhsheesh which Madhoodas declined to give. Thereupon began his troubles. Milk jar after jar was spoiled by the peons and Mr. Madhoodas finally ordered all the cattle in his village to be taken to the Collector’s camp to be milked under personal supervision. Then it was that peons were brought their sense. The Collector came to know of his peon’s mischief and expressed his regret to Mr. Madhoodas’s. The matter was decided in Mr. Madhoodas’s favour. But such officers were rare. Had there been any other officer but the one actually there Mr. Madhoodas’s position would have been critical indeed. The evils of Rasai were manifold and should be stopped by all possible means, so that Zamindars may be ably to breathe freely.

The resolution was unanimously carried.

Self-Government for India

On the proceedings being resumed upon the second day the president moved the following resolution:- “That this Conference sends hearty congratulations to the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League which are meeting at Allahabad to day and sincerely prays for the success of the resolution of self government for India, which these two association have to consider and pass. The president is request to wire this resolution to them at Allahabad”.

On being put to the vote the resolution was unanimously carried.

The next resolution was also moved from the chair on the question of allowing Indians to be volunteers and giving them Commissions in the army and navy. It also was unanimously carried.

Mr. Mathrades moved that this Conference is of the opinion that the time has arrived when according to the Congress rules c1. 1, steps should be taken for advancing local self-government i.e. reforms should be introduced in the administration of the country so to as give a greater control to the people e.g.

(a) Provincial autonomy along with financial autonomy.

(b) Legislative councils should be so increased and reformed as to properly represent all classes of people, and they should have greater control over the executive councils.

(c) The present executive councils should be reformed and provinces not possessing executive councils should be given executive councils.

(d) The India Council should either be abolished or reformed.

(e) Provinces not possessing legislative councils should be given legislative councils.

(f) The relative position of the Secretary of state and the Government of India should be definitely determined.

(g) Local self-government should be more encouraged than it has been up to now.

Mr. Mathradas said that the resolution was one which had received considerable attention at the last Congress, where it was duly passed. India had rendered great service to the Empire during the present Armageddon which had been appreciated throughout the world. There was talk of the change of the angle of vision and expectations ran high that political reforms of a far-reaching character would be introduced in India after the war. India wanted nothing more than what had been given to Ireland and the colonies and that was self-government within the Empire under the suzerainty of Great Britain. The resolution had met with the approval of the Moslem League, and at Allahabad the All India Congress Committee and the Moslem League had met to prepare a scheme. The function of the conference was not to do that but only to make suggestions. The resolution was divided into seven parts. The first concerned financial autonomy. It was anomalous that those who paid the taxes should have no voice in the deliberations of those who spent the money. The principle “no taxation without representation” should be followed. The people should know how the public funds were spent. The second part was about Legislative Councils. As constituted at present Legislative are hardly representative. Officials and nominated members always outnumbered the elected members so that the elected members had not the hardest chance of carrying any proposal. There should be a larger number of elected members; otherwise the people would never have any control. As to executive councils, it was true that one Indian was appointed on each executive council, but the selection had generally been of a man of no abilities, a more statue like sort of person who did no work and had not the capacity to do any. India did not want more figure heads to represent it. That was no representation whatever. Persons who commanded the confidence and trust of the people by their high abilities and independent character were alone worthy of filling such placed. Moreover there should be two Indians instead of one, on each executive council and where executive councils do not exist it was desirable that they should be created. Next as regards the India complaints about that body. It seemed to be a great hindrance in the way of political reform in India. It consisted of retired civilians who had remained in India for 15 years or more, and only two Indians. It was time that the Council, if not altogether abolished were at least considerably reformed. Next, Sind was not the only province without a legislative council; there were others where legislative councils should be brought into being. The position of the Secretary of State was included in the question of the India Council. The last part of the resolution dealt with local self government. The condition of municipalities and local boards was known. There should be more municipalities, which might afford a training ground for self-government. Suspension as of the Hyderabad Municipality, were measure which deprived the people of an opportunity of training themselves. No doubt faults would occur, but it must be remembered that experience teaches and in the end all would come right. Public spirit was inculcated by the presence of public bodies and not by their absence. Local self government in the form of municipalities should be greatly encouraged. Local boards should be given wider powers and freed of official control. Virtually the district officer did everything in the local board. The other members merely bowed to his will. Another

strange thing about local boards was that the Deputy Collector, who was the vice president, was also secretary. He held two conflicting posts, one as master and another as servant. If things went on thus there would be no improvement even in a thousand years. In the report of the Local Boards committee to be published soon, it was to be hoped that something would be done to mend matters.

Mr. Virumal Begraj of Sukkur, who seconded, was unsparing in his denunciation of so called public leaders who looked more to self interest than to the public good and who made a football of their country to be tossed about here and there at their wills. Talking about the Huzur Deputy Collector he reminded them of the Sukkur Municipality in which a Huzur Deputy Collector had been elected chairman of the managing committee of that Municipality. He said that the Congress had harped for thirty years. On that string i.e. the grant of self government to India. The Indian and British press had cried itself hoarse. All the great Indian leaders Dadhabhai Naoroji (Cheers) Gokhale, (Cheers), Sir Pherozeshah Mehta (loud cheers) and others had demanded self-government in unmistakable terms. John Bright, the great Englishman, had declared India worthy of self government. Indians were often told that they were not yet fit for it. If India had not become fit after 150 years of British rule whose was the fault? Look to Japan. See what immense strides she has made within fifty years. In what way were Indians inferior to the Japanese? Man by nature was born to be free. Each strove for freedom and there was no crime in asking for self government. There was no question of separating from the British, or driving them out. India wanted self government within the empire; R.C. Dutt had shown in his book how India suffered in trade. If India had self government it would immediately stop that. In this war Indians had shed blood and treasure on the battlefields of France. They considered it a duty to stand by England in the hour of her severe trial and had been unstinting in their sacrifices. Did not such loyalty deserve greater trust from our rules? Indians should have greater control in the Secretary of State for India’s Council; they should have a greater control in the budget; and a greater control in the Railways, where the Europeans enjoyed privileges altogether denied to the sons of India. In this country a dacoit could wield arms while an honest man could not. Many Indians had been interned under the Defence of India Act. These anomalies would disappear were India given self government. Liberty and the prosperity of India should be the motto of each Indian, and to realize these, Self-government was essential.(The Daily Gazette, dated 27th April 1916,p.p.4&5)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

In continuation of the discussion at the Sind Provincial Conference at Larkana on the self Government resolution Mr. Shah Nawaz Pirzada, B.A. , said the resolution meant

Nothing more than asking for gradual progress to the goal of self government for India, on the same lines as the colonies has it, within the Empire. The interests of India would continue to be bound up with those of England, Self government did not mean severance of interests, as could be seen from the example of the colonies, which though self governed had rallied round the Union Jack in Great War. India wanted self government not of the type advocated by Bepin Chandra Pal and Aravindo Ghose, but on the lines advocated by Dadabhai Naoroji. Self government could be had by respectfully asking for it from Government and not by fighting. The argument that Indians were not yet fit for it and that they required time was one not worthy of consideration. That argument could be advanced for ever if India continued as it was. Serious attempts should be made to train Indians by giving them opportunities to manage their local affairs. They would never be fit if no opportunities were given them. It might be asked what Indians want self government for. All high posts were denied to Indians. However able and clever they be, their ambition could not rise to being more than subordinates. No Indian could ever aspire to be a Wellington or a Ghatham or a Pitt, over and above all these considerations of monetary gain there was the predominant consideration of national prestige. Indians must be able to hold up their heads. Gokhale had said “The tallest of us must bow down to the exigencies of time …..” That must cease. Muhammadans might think that they would not gain by self government, and some self interested persons had been telling them all government would be in the hands of Hindus and they would be driven out of India, as the Moors were from Spain. Let the Muhammadans be disabused of that mischievous impression. Indian history had it that during the days of Muhammadan rule, Hindus held very high posts in the army and in other departments of state. Jaswant Singh, a Rajput, held the post of Governor of Kabul, a place peopled solely by Muhammadans. Even during present times Muhammadan states had had Hindu prime ministers. For example Hyderabad Deccan. Thanks to education, the spirit of bigotry was disappearing. Those who had studied the Hindu religion, not with the object of criticizing but with the object of gaining knowledge about it, had found Hinduism an excellent religion. The difference of religion, of which so much advantage was being taken by selfish persons, was due to sheer ignorance. With the increase of education it would disappear, and Hindus and Muhammadans would be benefited in equal degree by self-government for India within the Empire. There was no desire on the of India to separate itself from England. Indians owed a very great deal to England. Education and advanced ideas had been given by England. The Conference pandal contained a motto “Deserve and then Desire”. If the motto meant that Indians did not deserve it was a bad motto Indians deserved, and this childish motto should be discarded. The late Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, Premier of Great Britain, had said that any kind of self government was better than any other rule, Indians should not be afraid of mistakes in the beginning. They could be rectified with increased experience.

Mr. Shersing said that the ancient history of India showed that the Hindus had a very superior civilization. The vicissitudes of fortune had played strangely with the destinies of India, and for a long time it remained under foreign domination. It was a matter of joy that now they were governed by the British and that British statesmen, such as Lord Ripon, had thought of educating and training Indians for a greater share in their government, Municipalities were instituted in India solely with that object. The time had now come when Hindus and Muhammadans should unitedly ask for self government.

The resolution was carried unanimously.

Elected Representatives on Municipal Boards.

Mr. Virusing moved: “ That this conference is of the opinion that Larkana and Rohri should be given the right of electing their representatives on the municipal boards without the least delay and that the same right should be given to towns possessing a population of 5,000 or over, so that the people may be trained for self government. He said that before the people got self government, it concerned them more nearly to get local self government in the form of elected municipalities. Larkana asked for no special favour. It made a legitimate demand, to which it was legally and morally entitled according to the District Municipal Act, which lay down that towns having a population of 3,500 or over should have the right of electing their municipal councilors. Larkana had a population of 16,000. The District Municipal Act further required that for every 1,000 people there should be 20 voters. For 16,000, 320 voters would be necessary, but Larkana had three times that number. All the necessary elements for qualifying Larkana to elect its municipal councilors were there. There could be no reason why the right should be deferred. The present state had continued since 1885 without any change. Form 1885 to the present day the people of Larkana had progressed considerably in education, commerce and other walks of life. The place had been thought fit for having the honour of holding a conference. Neither could the people of Larkana be accused of indifference and laziness in asking for their rights. They had sent petitions which remained unanswered. They had agitated in the press. The only result so for had been that the Government invited the opinion of the existing Municipality which as a matter of course was averse to the granting of the franchise (cries of “shame”). A meeting was then held and the question thoroughly discussed. Some of the municipal councilors were converted and brought over to the side of those who favoured election. The Commissioner was interviewed, and said that the Larkana people were inviting discord but he would consider. No result had been announced of that consideration yet. As regards quarrels, were the framers of the Act so much wanting in foresight that they did not anticipate what would happen in the beginning? Nothing had been provided in the Act that where there was a likelihood of quarrels, the franchise should not be given. That argument had no substance. Quarrels engendered healthy public opinion, Larkana had waited long. When would Larkana get this right? Would it be for the next generation?

Mr. Tulsidas, of Rohri, said that the complaint of Rohri was similar to that of Larkana. The people had lived in constant hope which had remained unrealized. A elected municipality was the first step to self government. The members of the Bombay Legislative Council there present should move in the matter and urge government to confer this long deferred privilege on Larkana and Rohri. Rohri had made immense strides. It was next to Hyderabad in education and the first in industry in Sind. It possessed a mill manufactured silk, which had a demand throughout India to such an extent that the mill could not supply the cloth in sufficient quantity. It might be that Larkana, having a larger population was standing in the way of Rohri. Let them both have the cherished privilege as soon as possible.

Mr. Pessumal Tarachand declared that Larkana had considerably risen in importance inasmuch as it was a district town and possessed a District Court. They should ask again till they get the municipal franchise.

Mr. Jethmal Parsram said that the congress ideal was to attain self government. It might be that people were selfish and in municipalities looked to their own gain more than to that of the public. But this was because the people had few privileges. Had they more a strong public opinion would be created and the leaders kept under proper control. Moreover, the presence of the official and nominated element was a serious hindrance in the way of municipal work. Just as an army was split into two by a wedge and its power of co-operation taken away to the utter destruction of the whole so did this undesirable element act in the municipality. It was a wedge between two parties preventing them from co-operation and doing useful work. That was why the municipalities had not succeeded so well as they ought. Hyderabad was not to blame. Municipalities should consist of elected members.

This resolution was also unanimously carried.

Mr. Rijhumal Isardas moved: “that this conference request the Government to repeal (1) the rule which empowers government to take into possession any survey number of agricultural land which has remained uncultivated for four years unless assessment under fallow rules is paid (2) those sections of the Land Revenue Code and rules farmed in accordance therewith by which government is empowered to refuse to give back such survey number to the original occupant or to put such conditions of fixed period or restricted tenure as government thinks fit in case it allows the original occupant to take the holding”. He remarked that the British had continued the Moghul system of land revenue. The means of collecting land revenue were not then fixed and in default of payment the Moghul rulers used to deprive the occupants of land. The British Government seemed to be of the opinion that the land belonged to government and it could impose any condition it liked. That position was fallacious. The means of collecting revenue had been fixed, and the government had wide means of recovering it. Under these conditions the present system required to be modified. Fallow rules applied to Sind only, where the ryotwari tenure, as in the Bombay Presidency had been wrongly brought in force. In Sind the lands were in the hands of big Zamindars and their tenure was quite distinct from that which prevailed in the rest of the Bombay Presidency. Sind is depended on irrigation. The fallow rules deemed to have been framed with a view to prevent laziness on the part of the Zamindars. But as a matter of fact no Zamindars in these days of keen competition and struggle for existence want only forsook any survey number. Survey numbers which remained uncultivated for five years remained so through no fault of the Zamindars, but on account of the dearth of water. In these circumstances the rule worked very harshly on the Zamindars and government would win ever lasting gratitude if this great hardship were removed. Next as regards the government refusing the land to the original occupant. Proprietary rights of occupants had been recognized in many decisions of the Bombay High Court. It was but fitting that the government should formally recognize those judicial decisions and declare its rights in accordance therewith.

Mr. Shumsuddin seconding drew the attention of the audience to the ways of the P.W.D. and the insufficiency of water. He cited the instance of Western Nara which had been silted up to the extent of ten feet in height. When there was only one foot of water the indicator showed II feet. Only those survey numbers remained uncultivated which could not be supplied with water. It was the bounden duty of government to supply water and when it failed the Zamindars should not be made to suffer. Fallow rules should be applicable, if at all, to those lands which had been cultivated continually for last ten years and not those which have never seen water.

Rais Abdullah Khan Tunio cited the instance of the Ghar Canal, which used to be 23 to 24 ft. board and which was only 12 to 13ft. board at present. Fallow rules were a real hardship on the zamindars and required to be repealed. Also the proprietary rights of the zamindars should be recognized by government.

The resolution was unanimously carried. (The Daily Gazette dated April 28, 1916 Page 10)

FURTHER PROCEEDINGS

Mr. Naraindas moved: “That this conference is of the opinion that the rules as regards the remission of revenue, though be speaking the best intentions of Government, have been found bad in principle as well as practice, and therefore this conference recommends that (a) at the time of recommending remission the total produce should be taken into consideration and not the area under cultivation; (b) For the purpose of remission, there should be a fixed time for the inspection of crop so that the Zamindars may be able to have the fullest advantage and if the crops are not inspected within that time the Zamindars may be taken to have received the permission of reaping the crop; (c) Remission should be granted liberally, and at times when there is a general failure of crops, general remission might be granted without inspecting any survey numbers”. Mr. Naraindas said that under the present system remission could be had only with the greatest difficulty. At the time the first revenue survey was made and the assessment on each survey number was fixed the legislature had in view the granting of liberal remission in proper cases. That was the only reason why the assessment was so heavy in Sind. But those good intentions of the Government had not been put into practice. Many technical difficulties existed in the granting of remission, for example, if a Zamindar cultivated less than 100 survey numbers he could not get remission. Moreover, the revenue officers could revoke remission on the lightest pretexts. The remotest suspicion that the crops had been touched had been held as sufficient reason to revoke remission. Moreover, the Zamindars could not reap their crops they were inspected. The Mukhtiarkar often had to deal with 1,000 to 1,500 applications for remission each, and it often happened that many Zamindars were forced either to forge remission or their crop, it being impossible for their Mukhtiarkar to inspect the crops in time for harvesting. Further the Mukhtiarkar had grown very timid in the granting of remission. The collectors were very suspicious and as a result great hardships result on Zamindars in many cases. It would be better if Government appointed special officers for the purposes of remission.

Kazi Abdul Karim, who seconded, urged the desirability of fixing a period for the inspection of crops for the purpose of remission.

The resolution was unanimously carried.

Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal moved: “That this conference, while thanking the Government for appointing a commission to consider the question of the period of settlement in Sind, emphatically prays the Government to increase the period of settlement from ten to thirty years at least also fixes a maximum of assessment for the benefit and well being of the Zamindars of Sind”. he said that this question vitally concerned the people of Sind, as agriculture was their chief occupation. The condition of Zamindars of Sind was unenviable and was growing sadder day by day. They were immersed in debt, and the haris were starving and getting poorer and poorer as time went on. The existing rate of assessment was heavy, and left only a bare sustenance to the Zamindars. In Greece, Persia and China the Government did not get more than one sixth of the total agriculture produce. There was a time when in India the share of the Government was no more than one twelfth. Justice required that a maximum rate of assessment should be fixed by Government, beyond which it should not go. Next as regards the period of settlement, Sec. 102 of the Bombay Land Revenue Code allowed a period of thirty years only. The longer the period of settlement the better it would be. To ask for more than thirty years as the period of settlement would properly be a matter for the Congress to consider. He confined himself to asking for a period of thirty years only. It was rumored that as a result of the Settlement Commission, Government would increase the period from ten years to twenty years, but he hoped the Government would do better than that.

Mr. Rijhumal Isardas, seconding, said that the short period of settlement was highly unsatisfactory. It was based on the theory of unearned increment and the Government acted upon it very strictly. The doctrine of unearned increments was a matter of controversy between economists of the greatest repute. In the interests of the people it was desirable that the period of settlement should be as long as possible.

This resolution was carried unanimously.(The Daily Gazette, dated 29thApril 1916, page 10)

FINAL PROCEEDINGS

Mr. Hashmatri L. Chablani moved: “This Conference draws the attention of the Chancellor of the University of Bombay to the inadequate representation of Sind on the Senate of the University of Bombay and requests that the claims of Sind be satisfied by nominating a sufficient number of Fellows from Sind on the University Senate”. He said that Sind had long had cause to complain about the step child treatment it had been getting from the Government. The same complaint could be made with greater reason as regards representation on the senate of the Bombay University. The Governor, who was the Chancellor, had the right to nominate eighty Fellows and up till now one man from Sind had been nominated and he was a European and an official. Sind could boast of a sufficiently large number of educated persons to claim right of greater presentation. Sind formed one fourth of the Presidency and was clearly entitled to have twenty Sindhis nominated as Fellows. The Senate determined the lines on which education should proceed throughout the Presidency and it was intolerable that Sind should have no voice in it.

Mr. Kishendas said that unfortunately Sindhi graduates did not themselves registered though they were entitled to do so. If there were many Sindhi registered graduates they could elect a representative, but till then Government should be approached to nominate some Sindhis. Sind had one college and it was hoped that there would be two more colleges shortly. Sind possessed 12 high schools, and primary education had made great strides during the past few years.

The resolution was unanimously carried.

SUKKUR BARRAGE

Mr. Tulsidas moved: “Whereas the quantity of water in the Indus has not been sufficient of late, this Conference is of the opinion that the project about the Sukkur Barrage and Rohri canal should be immediately taken in hand and until then no fresh canals should be allowed to be dug from the Indus in the Punjab”. He said that the question of water possessed special importance for Sind, relying as it did mostly on agriculture. The Punjab had been taking away a good deal of water during the past ten years. Formerly the water level used to be 5ft. 3 in at Bukkur. Now it was 3ft. only, and it was feared that even that level would not be maintained, as the Punjab government were projecting fresh canals. The Punjab ought not be allowed to thrive at the cost of Sind.

Wadero Sahib Khan said that the Zamindars had complained before. A durbar was held in which Government promised to approach the Punjab Government and settle the question once for all. The Collector of Sukkur,too,had been promising to move in the matter,but all these promises had no result.

The resolution was passed unanimously.

WATER SUPPLY FOR AGRICULTURE

Mr. Mathradas moved: “Whereas the present policy of the Government as regards the supply of water to agriculture lands, especially the narrowing of many water courses and the insufficient clearing of canals, has caused serious loss to Zamindars, this Conference humbly requests the Government to adopt speedy means of removing this hardship”. He said that the Government laboured under the impression that water was being wasted and that it should be economized so that new canals might be dug. On account of that old canals were being narrowed, the Bagari Canal being the first so dealt with. After complaints a committee of inquiry was held which resulted in partial restoration of the old water course. The Fuleli canal was now being similarly narrowed. The narrowing of canals was against public policy, and the P.W.D. had no right to narrow canals which had existed since the days of Kalhoras, long before the advent of the British. Moreover the Engineering Department refused to supply more water than was sufficient for cultivating one third of the land any Zamindars, on the ground that no Zamindar was entitled to cultivate more than one third. This was an infringement of the Zamindar’s rights, who was surely entitled to cultivate his whole land. If he did not, he became liable under the Fallow rules. At present a test case was pending in which the P.W.D. had taken up the above position. Beyond doubt the Government did not favour rice cultivation and hence the restriction about water, a policy which was causing much the discontent. The Conference ought to bring it to the notice of the Government so that the suffering of the Zamindars might cease. Moreover the revenue assessment includes the water assessment, the latter forming a substantial portion of the former.

Mr. Jotumal, seconding, compared Sind to the Punjab, dwelling upon the prosperity of the latter and the poverty of the former. The collector, Mr. Sale, when asked about the cause of this difference said that the Punjabis were very particular to meet and ask for what they wanted while the Sindhis quietly let things go. Time was when the Ghar canal used to be flushed with water to the extent of 15 feet in level. Now the water level was hardly 8 feet, with the result that lands having rich rice cultivation could not grow even Bajri or grass for cattle. Rich Zamindars had been made poor, some had been forced to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their to become haris themselves, many had been made to leave their lands altogether. The lands on the Upper Ghar Canal had suffered the most and strange to say though reduced from Class 1 to

Class II, the assessment on them had been increased. Government records showed that cultivation had decreased 70%.

Mr. Joonejo supported the resolution which was passed unanimously.

OWNERSHIP IN TREES ON PRIVATE CANALS

Mr. Mathradas moved: “This Conference is of the opinion that trees on private canals should be declared to be the property of the persons owing the private canals without any right of interference on the part of government and that the present attitude of government as regards the right to such trees is improper”. He expressed the opinion that as the people had the right to the land through which the canals passed they obviously had the right to the trees growing thereon. He had been prosecuted for felling trees on his private canal but he got off by proving with the help of a circular of a former Commissioner that he was entitled to take the trees of his own use. He further said that the Tapedar and their kotars often troubled Zamindars and threatened to prosecute them for cutting these trees. A definite declaration and recognition of the Zamindars rights would put an end to a good deal of trouble and annoyance. He further cited a letter from Mr. Giles, Commissioner is Sind, dated 3rd May, 1882, which purported to recognize the Zamindars right to trees.

Mr. Mulchand Pessumal said that the position taken up by the Government was inexplicable. The right was first asserted some years back, but in a suit which followed, the judgment of Mr. Dayaram Gidumal, the judge, laid down in clear terms that the Zamindars were entitled to the trees.

The resolution was unanimously passed.

SWADESHI

Mr. Virumal Begraj moved: “This Conference is in favour of Swadeshi and asks all the people of Sind to support the movement by encouraging local arts and industries and using Indian made things, in preference to foreign things even at in reused cost”.

He said that there was a time when India was very prosperous but now the sun of prosperity shine over Japan. To bring back prosperity to the country it was necessary to encourage native industries. The trade figures showed that foreign cloth worth 124 crores of rupees was yearly imported into India and only 68 crores worth of raw material was exported, to be brought back to India and sold at ten times the first value after undergoing transformation in Europe. By buying foreign cloth money was being sent out of India; by

The encouragement of Swadeshi goods the money would remain in India. What did it matter, therefore if Indians paid more for Indian goods than for foreign? To check the growing poverty of India the only means was the encouragement of Swadeshi. Indians should cease to be slaves of fashion and help their own industries, and should also ask the Government for help. Japan had progressed so rapidly only with State help. Fortunately at Shikarpur and Rohri cloth mills had been started and they ought to be helped as much as possible.

Dr. Choithram said that when America separated from England, there were no local industries. Felt was the only cloth manufactured, but the Americans in their great love of Swadeshi wore only felt and no other kind of cloth. Indians should show a similar spirit. Comparing statistics one was struck with the fact that while in England the yearly income per man was Rs. 600, in India it was only Rs. 15. India possessed no industries worth name, as former industries had disappeared. The absence of industrial education and the taxation on local manufactures made it impossible as was being done in Japan.

The resolution was unanimously passed.

CONGRESS COMMITTEE APPOINTED

The following resolution was moved by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri from the chair and carried unanimously:- “This conference resolve that a Congress Committee be formed for the province of Sind which may transact all business concerning Congress matters and may also arrange for Sind Provincial or District Conference. Further another committee of the following gentlemen :- Messrs. Harchandrai, Jamshed N.R. Mehta, Gopaldas Jhamatmal, Hashmatrai L. Chablani, Virumal Begraj, Mulchand Pessumal, Virusing Himatsing, Shah Mahomed Lahori and Mr. Pirzada, with Mr. Jairamdas Doulatram as secretary, be formed which may frame the aims and objects of the Sind Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference and send the same for approval to each District Congress Committee in Sind by August 1, 1916, to be subsequently presented for discussion in the subjects committee of the next Sind Provincial Conference.

RIGHT TO CARRY ARMS

Mr. Hafiz moved: “The Arms Act 11 of 1878 which had placed the people of this country under a disability resulting in intolerable hardship is repealed”.

The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai moved an amendment that with the exception of the section prohibiting manufacture of powder, cartridges and arms, the Act be repealed.

Mr. Hafiz accepting the amendment said that from time immemorial every community has possessed the right to project itself and maintain a military class. The nation which did not possess a military class could not exist. It was soon conquered and enslaved. India was no ordinary country. It has produced some of the greatest heroes and warriors in history and even at the present day it possessed many warlike tribes. During the present war Indian soldiers have elicited the admiration of the whole world by their conspicuous bravery in the field. Yet in India there is quite a large number of people who had never seen a gun or a sword, and who would be frightened to death by the sound of a gunshot or the glitter of a sabre. Had Indians been trained to the use of arms the present war would have been already over. India wanted to be a worthy asset of the Empire.

Mr. Lokal Chellaram, who followed, said that the present resolution was indissolubly connected with that of self-government. Indians could not be worthy of self government until they could lay claim to a certain degree of manhood. Indians could not be called men until they were able to guard themselves and their dearest possessions. No nation can be a self respecting nation until its members have the cherished privilege of carrying arms. Milton said “No nation can be nation until it can wield arms” and similarly Lord Roberts”. “A man can not be regarded as fully a citizen until he can defend his home and his liberties”. There was more in the question than the mere right of carrying arms and it was “Are Indians loyal or disloyal”. It seemed that Government had no faith in Indians. Before the war German, now the bitterest foes of England, could keep arms India while loyal Indians could not. In conclusion Mr. Lokomal said: “ I say to you, if you want to be able to rest in peace, to protect the honour of your women, to take India to its goal of liberty, get this Act repealed.”

The resolution, as amended, was passed.

DISTRIBUTION OF WATER

Mr. Sahibsing C.Shahani moved. “This Conference is of the opinion that the rules about distribution of water as in force at present on the Jamrao and other similar canals are the cause of serious hardship on the Zamindars and it humbly draws the attention of the Government to that question and prays for the appointment of a committee of officials and non officials to deliberate and report on the question”. Mr. Sahibsing said that the rules had been enforced to the detriment of the Zamindars interests since 1906 though no complaints had been publicly made until now. The present system of supplying water was very defective and caused loss both to the Zamindar as well as the Government.

Syed Main Abdul Hakim Shah seconded the resolution, which was passed unanimously.

The following resolution was moved from the chair. “This Conference is of the opinion (a) that un surveyed lands which have been shown as belonging to certain persons in original pattas are the property of persons so mentioned; (b) that such original properties should not be prevented from cultivating those lands and all the records concerning the present survey numbers and former plots of agricultural land should be preserved with care; (c) that the attention of Government should be drawn to resolution No. 1836 dated 25th August 1884 according to which Zamindars are entitled to cultivate land without paying malkana and without being subject to any restrictions; (d) survey numbers which on account of the Fallow rule, have vested in Government should be given back to the Zamindars without any restriction and the Fallow rules abolished”.

The resolution was passed unanimously.

NEXT CONFERENCE

Mr. Naraindas moved that the next Sind Provincial Conference be held at Shikarpur. Mr. N. T. Bolakani seconded and the resolution was passed unanimously.

That concluded the business of the Conference which disappeared after a vote of thanks which was moved in eulogistic terms by Mr. Lalchand Navalrai and seconded by Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta.

The material/data/information can be provided on request.

The First Sindh Provincial Muslim League Conference

Karachi Sindh

presidential address

OF MR. M. A. JINNAH

READ ON 8th OCTOBER 1938.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I thank you for the honour you have done me by asking me to preside over this All Sindh Muslim League Conference. Sindh has a wonderful history behind it and it gives me a peculiar pleasure that I should have the privilege of presiding over a great conference of Muslims. I most heartily congratulate you for having established the District Muslim Leagues in almost all of your Districts and having organized the Musalmans of Sindh in the manner in which you have done within such a short time. This great political consciousness and awakening that has taken place among the Musalmans of Sindh is a great pointer and I feel confident that with the help of your self-less leaders and workers Sindh will come into its own and set an example to the rest of India. You know the efforts of the All India Muslim League to Separate Sindh were seriously started in 1927 and the demand to separate Sindh was incorporated in the Delhi Muslim League proposals in March 1927. It was a hard and arduous struggle but notwithstanding the strenuous opposition from various quarters ultimately it was decided to separate Sindh from Bombay Presidency as an independent Province with a constitution on an equal footing with the rest of the provinces of the British India. Now that your Province is an independent entity the greatest responsibility rests on the shoulders of the Musalmans of Sindh for the welfare and the progress of your Province. Not long ago the Musalmans in Sindh were divided and turn into groups but today I am happy to find that there is a wonderful public spirit, solidarity and unity demonstrated and with proper organization if you mobilize and harness your powers there is nothing to prevent the Muslim league of your Province from assuming the reigns of the Government of your province. It is in your hands now. You must remember that it is your duty and responsibility which calls upon you to conduct the affairs of the Government of Sindh. The constitution enacted by the Government of India Act of 1935, although it incorporates many objectionable features, yet you should utilize it with your majority strength successfully for the economic, social, educational and political uplift of the people of Sindh and in particular of the Musalmans. I feel confident that mainly the Musalmans of Sindh and the right thinking Hindus will realize that the progress and the welfare of the Province lies in maintaining the high principles of justice, fairplay and friendly co-operation amongst the people of Sindh.

While speaking in this great city and the capital of Sindh, Karachi with its magnificent position that it occupies, the wonderful sea port and constituting as it does the first home-land of Musalmans, it gives me no small pleasure that I should preside over a conference of the kind the like of which has never before taken place in Sindh and you can well imagine my surging emotions when I tell you that Karachi is my birth place and I cannot adequately express how deeply anxious I am for its welfare and how cordially I wish your Province to rise to its full stature and play your great and rightful part in the Counsels of Muslim India. Musalmans of Sindh have another sacred duty to perform and a far graver task in front of them and it is that aspect which I want to impress upon you. In the All India Muslim struggle against the various forces which are out to destroy and divide the Musalmans by means of corruption and dishonest propaganda you have to guard yourself against it and stand solid behind the All India Muslim League which is the only authoritative and representative organization of the Musalmans of India. It is an irony of fate that the two provinces for which the All India Muslim League fought successfully that is Sindh and the North West Frontier Provinces, should remain outside the ken of the All India Muslim League. But I am glad that SindhMusalmans have now realized. The Wonderful rally on their part is a bright sign and new chapter in the History of the All India Muslim League. North West Frontier Province for which the Muslim League fought against every machination including the opposition on the part of the Congress itself against our demand that it should have the consti­tution and reforms on an equal fooling with all the other provinces of the British India should remain, when liberated under the heel of Wardha.

But I feel confident that it will not be very long before the Musalmans of North West Frontier Province will come home on the platform of the All India MuslimLeague and work as loyally and faithfully as any Musalman under the banner and the flag of the All India Muslim League and those who have and are still misleading the Pathans will meet with their ”Nemesis”.

The struggle that we are carrying on is not merely for loaves and fishes, minister ships and jobs, nor are we opposed to the economic, social and educational uplift of our countrymen as it is falsely alleged. We want to make every contribution to the uplift of our people particularly the Musalmans. Do not believe when you are told that the policy and program of the League is reactionary. No honest man who has studied the policy and program of the League can conscientiously truthfully say that it is anything but fully national and most progressive. Yet Muslim League and its leaders are daily misrepresented and vilified. Truth is suppressed and falsehood is broadcast in the Congress press and news agencies; of course we having no press. But the greatest misfortunes of India is that the High Command of the Congress has adopted a most brutal, oppressive and inimical attitude towards the All India Muslim League since they secured the majority in the six provinces. After they decided to accept office and work the constitution when we were ready and offered our hand of co-operation as we had already made it clear before and after the elections also the first demand was that the League must liquidate itself and we were told that it represents nobody except few estimable middle class gentlemen. And secondly the decision was taken that we must be treated as an anathema and the League groups in the various legislatures were boycotted by the Congress. And the members of the League party in the legislatures were to be treated as untouchables and that no one was to be included in the ministry of those provinces from amongst the representatives of the League party unless they unconditionally signed the pledge, the policy, and the program of the Congress which honestly speaking is much worse than that of the All India Muslim League and more communal, in fact, except that we stand for the adequate and effective safeguards for the rights and interests of the Musalmans and that we do not agree with false creed of “truth and nonviolence” which is observed and honoured more in breach. They were asked to abjure their party and forego their creed, policy and program which is far more honest and straightforward and practical. They started in the legislatures with a song of “Bande Matramn” which is not only idolatrous but in its origin and substance a hymn to spread hatred for the Musalmans. And they in their wisdom tried and are persisting now and compelling the school authorities to sing “Bande Matram” at congregations and school gatherings although it is admitted that it is not a national song. They have persistently hoisted tri-colour flags in a most aggressive and offensive manner on all Government and public institutions irrespective of the feelings of others although it is admitted that it is not a national flag. They started “the Muslim Mass Contact” which is not only silly but dangerous and some wise-acre amongst them think that this will bring about the destruction of the communal award or at any rate nullify its object and destroy the true strength of Muslim representation in the various legislatures, and further thereby force every Muslim to submit to the membership of the Congress. They have been forcing radical changes in the educational system of the Provinces and to run the department on Wardha scheme which has assumed the name of “Vidhyia Mandir” and make Hindi compulsory in the guise of Hindustani but highly Sanskritised as “Lingua Franca” of India and leave no stone unturned to suppress Urdu which is the language of the largest number of Musalmans in India and thus give a death blow to their culture and their solidarity. Every available post or job is reserved for the Congressmen or those Musalmans who are prepared to desert or vilify the League. The “Civil Liberties” has assumed new definition. That in the absence of “Swadeshi Laws” “lawless and reactionary laws” such as the “Criminal Law Amendment Act” and “Section 144” are to be freely utilized against, those persons who disobey or differ from the Congress Ministries and particularly in the case of the members of the Muslim League. Measures are brought in, bills have been passed and laws have been enacted which are obviously highly detrimental to the interests of the Musalmans. For instance amend­ments of the franchise system of voting and representation of minorities, in Munici­pal Local and Districts Boards. The Muslim Press is terrorized under threat of penalty of forfeiture of securities and in some cases the obnoxious executive orders have been passed and securities of some Muslim Urdu papers have been forfeited. Is this the national programme that is being pursued for the advancement of the people of this Country which will achieve freedom and independence of India? If this is the foretaste on the threshold of the limited and restricted authority and power enjoyed by the Congress, I shudder to think what would be the fate of ninety millions of Musalmans in this country if the Congress were incharge of full and plenary powers of the Government of India; and yet the other day the President of the Congress had the temerity in speaking at the Haripura Congress Session in February 1938 to solemnly ask “I would put it to the members of the minority communities in India to consider dispassionately if they have any thing to fear when the Congress programme is put into operation.” So far I have not dealt with the cases of maltreatment and tyranny and persecution regarding which columns and columns have been filled by newspapers-specially in three Provinces of Bihar, U. P. & C. P. and we are awaiting the report of the committee that has been appointed. I hope that the report will be out before the next Session of Muslim League in December 1938.

It is common knowledge that the average Congressman whether he is a member by conviction or “convenience” arrogates to himself the role of a ruler of this country and although he does not possess the educational qualifications, training and culture and traditions of the British Bureaucrat he behaves and acts towards the Musalmans in a much worse manner than the British did towards Indians. The Supreme Command may well deplore corruption, untruthfulness and violence and may further deplore the faked register of membership of the Congress by “convenience”,

These are a few characteristic features of the Congress programme so far regarding the Musalmans. But we are told very recently in your city by a high authority that surely the fact that the Governors have not yet thought fit to interfere or exercise their special powers is a proof-positive and shows that the Musalmans are not only justly and fairly treated but they are dealt with handsomely and generously. I know that Governors and the Governor-General have failed the minorities and spe­cially the Musalmans. But on the other hand we are told that there is a gentlemen’s agreement and a Secret understanding between the British Government and the Congress in consequence of which assurances were given that such powers will not be exercised, and so it is obvious that the Congress Ministries are getting the longest rope with the result that the foolish policy of the Congress is responsible not only for intense bitterness between the two sister communities but among the various classes and interests. It has resulted in serious clashes and conflicts and ill-will, which are bound to recoil in the long run on the progress and welfare of India. It seems that Congress is only tumbling into the hands of those who are looking forward to the creation of a serious situation which will break India vertically and horizontally. But this is not all. Now let us turn to Bengal, Punjab and Assam. In these Provinces there happens to be a predominant Muslim voice in the Ministr­ies and hence they are made the target and the object of final destruction by the Congress High Command. In Bengal the move to defeat Fazl-ul-Huq Ministry has ignominiously failed. In Punjab various efforts are made to weaken the Ministry of Sir Sikandar Hayat. But in Punjab they have not yet dared to table a no confidence motion because Punjab Ministry cannot yet be bent. In Assam Mr, Saadullah’s Ministry resigned. Immediately the Congress President went post-haste with other henchmen and agents to help the birth of a so called Congress Ministry in utter disregard of all their previous professions and declarations and contrary to their avowed determination to have nothing to do with coalition and he gathered together various groups all and sundry. But in forming the Ministry Mr. Bordoloi was not able to announce the name of even one of the three Muslim Ministers who were to be included in the Ministry. Apart from the methods adopted further to move the President for adjournment of the Assembly ‘Sine die‘ was hardly creditable, and for a great party, not to face the legislature knowing full well that they had not the majority at their back was shere Cowardice. It is under threat of suspension of oath taking ceremony that the President and Congress party agreed to the sessions of the Assembly being called at an early date, and up to the present moment Mr. Bordoloi has not been able to get more than one of the three Muslim Ministers, and he is still hunting for the remaining two Muslim Ministers. When 56 members of the Assembly out of 107 are not only against the so called Congress Ministry but have tabled the vote of no confidence, I congratulate the President, Mr. Bose, for his statesman-like achievement for this still born child which he is now anxious to feed by means of oxygen and bring it to life by appealing to the European planters to come to his rescue. The Congress High Command is obsessed with one idea and determined to divide the Musalmans and particularly to break the solidarity of the Muslim League, no matter how low they may have to stoop. They rave no scruples or any standard or principle in their methods. Their policy is based on arrogance and opportunism and unfortunately they are at the present moment getting the support of a large body of Hindus who have respect for the Congress and they are being fully exploited. Not only that but even Mr. Gandhi who has acquired the spiritual influence over a large body of the Hindu public and with his halo of Mahatma is used by those who surround him. He often tries to get out of the awkward corners by falling back upon his inner voice or the voice of silence and relies upon the fact that he is not even a four anna member of the Congress; and he deplores corruption, untruthfulness and violence and pleads to his utter helplessness for the decisions of Congress High Command. This grand Fascist Council, the working Committee which is named “the shadow cabinet” of a parallel Government of India is supposed to speak on behalf of “the Indian Nation” Some of its antics remind one of a clown imitating the artist in a circus. During the critical situation about the end of September last this so called shadow cabinet continually sat in sessions and kept vigil as the All India Congress Committee had entrusted them with a power to take such decisions as they thought proper with regard to the question of India’s part in the event of the war breaking out. So to begin with a sympathetic message was sent by the High Command to the Government of Czechoslovakia and the Mahatma and the Working Committee were continuing the vigil waiting for the Whitehall to approach Mahatma Gandhi, But the war is averted and soon now the vigil will terminate and India must breathe a sigh of relief as we are saved from the Congress decision with regard to the war for the moment. So now this is the situation and position that we have to face. It is no use relying upon anyone I else. We must stand on our own inherent strength and build up our own power and forge sanctions behind our decisions. Today we are told that even for the purpose of a settlement of Hindu Muslim question we do not represent the Musalmans of India and we are required to prove the position and status of ours by 14 service and merits “before the mighty High Command. Gentlemen! The meaning is clear. It is no use our blaming others. It is no use our accusing our opponents only; it is no use our expecting our enemies to behave differently. If the Musalmans are going to be defeated in their national goal and aspirations it will only be by the betrayal of the Musalmans among us as it has happened in the past. For the renegades and traitors I have nothing to say, they can do their worst. But I appeal most fervently to those Musalmans who honestly feel for their Community and its welfare and those who are misled or misguided and indifferent, to come on to the platform of the Muslim League and work under its flag; and please close your ranks and file and stand solid and united at any and all costs and speak and act with one voice.

Here I wish to make it clear that I am not fighting the Hindu Community as such nor have I any quarrel with the Hindus generally for I have many personal friends amongst them; but the Congress “High Command” is in my opinion the greatest enemy of India’s progress and for the matter of that even of the interests of Hindus. Although there are many Hindus who entirely condemn them and are completely fed up with them yet a large body of the Hindu public is still hypnotized and mesmerized by them by their Seductive and abusive propaganda and disingenu­ous catch words and Slogans. Will they get their freedom of judgment and action!

With regard to the tragedy of Palestine that is going on at present and the ruthless repression that is practised against the Arabs because of their struggle for the freedom of their country, I need hardly tell you that we had most convincing proofs demonstrated all over India that the heart of every Musalman is with them in their brave and wonderful struggle that they are carrying on against all odds and in spite of their being “defenseless”. According to the resolution of the All India Muslim League Council, 26th of August was observed all over India as the Palestine day and from all accounts I can say without exaggeration that thousands and thousands of meetings were held all over India fully and fervently sympathizing with those who are fighting for their country’s freedom. Musalmans’ heart is wounded and lacerated when they hear the news and the accounts of ruthless and tyrannical repression and repression of those brave Arabs and I know that the entire Muslim world is watching the doings of Great Britain there.

I may inform you that the Muslim League Council appointed a special committee at their meeting of the 30th July 1938 to consider the question of sending racial deputation abroad specially to Palestine and England and directed the committee to consider the ways and means by which an effective pressure can be brought to bear upon the British Government. And that committee recently met at Badaun and have in response to the invitation from the Egyptian Parliamentary Committee for the Defense of Palestine chosen five representatives on behalf of the All India Muslim League to attend the Parliamentary Congress of Arabs and Muslim countries which will be held in Cairo starting from the 7th October 1938 with a view consider the present situation in Palestine. Three of our representatives, Mr. Khaliquzzaman, Mr. Abdur Rahman Siddiqui and Maulana Mazhar Uddin out of the five appointed have already left India and are on their way to Cairo. Further according to the instructions of the Egyptian Parliamentary Committee we have netified that if any other member of the Muslim League party in legislature desires to participate in the Congress the invitation will be issued to him by the Secretary, All India Muslim League, We shall await the results of the deliberations and the decisions of that Congress and then I may assure you that the All India Muslim League will do all that lies in its power to help the cause of the Arabs in Palestine. I am glad here to note that Congress Working Committee also at Delhi has passed a resolution. That having regard to its importance it was moved by the chair without any comments. This is an indication of the superficial interest the Congress takes in matters which the Musalmans consider nearest and dearest to their heart.

During the recent times Great Britain has thrown her friends to the wolves and broken her solemn promises. Only those succeed with the British People who possess force and power and who are in a position to bully them. They have also let down and thrown the Musalmans of India to the wolves. I am sure that there will be no peace in the Near East unless they give an honest and square deal to the Arabs in Palestine. In India I may draw the attention of His Majesty’s Government and the British Statesmen who I am sure are not under any delusion that Congress represents the people of India or Indian nation, for there are 90 millions of Musalmans. And I would draw their attention and here also of the Congress High Command and ask them to mark, learn and inwardly digest the recent upheaval and its consequent developments which threatened the world war. It was because the Sudeten Germans who were forced under the heel of the majority of Czechoslovakia who oppressed them, suppressed them, maltreated them and showed a brutal and callous disregard for their rights and interests for two decades hence the inevitable result that the Republic of Czechoslovakia is now broken up and a new map will have to be drawn. Just as the Sudeten Germans were not defenseless and survived the oppression and persecution for two decades so also the Musalmans are not defenseless and cannot give up their national entity and aspirations in this great continent. Here also I may mention the Frontier policy of the Government of India which the sooner it is given up the better and methods of reconciliation are resorted to instead. I will therefore appeal to the British Government to review and revise their policy with regard to the Palestine, Waziristan and Musalmans of India and the Islamic powers generally. It is in the interest of Great Britain to seriously consider the reorientation in the light of the developments that have taken place during the last two decades.

To the Musalmans therefore I say go forward and organize your people all over India and if reasons and arguments fail our ultimate resort must depend upon our own inherent strength and power. I do not despair nor need we fear the consequences in this great struggle of life and death which involves the destiny of 90 millions of our people.

PAKISTANI FOREIGN MINISTER ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO ADDRESSES

THE UN SECURITY,COUNCIL

 ON 15 DECEMBER 1971

We have met here today at a grave moment in the history of my country and l would request the Council kindly to bear with me and to hear the truth, the bitter truth. I know the United Nations; l know the Security Council I have attended their sessions before. The time has come when, as far as Pakistan is concerned, we shall have to speak the truth whether members of the Council like it or not. We were hoping that the Security Council, mindful of its responsibilities for the maintenance of world peace and justice, would act according to principles and bring an end to a naked, brutal aggression against my

people. I came here for this reason. I was needed by the people of Pakistan, and when I was leaving Pakistan. I was in two minds whether: to go to the Security Council to represent the cause: of my country, to represent the cause of a people that had been subjected to aggression, or to remain with my people, by their side, while they were being subjected to attack and violence. However, I felt that it was imperative for me to come here and seek justice from the Security Council. But l must say, whether the members like it or not, that the Security Council has denied my country that justice. From the moment I arrived we have been subjected to dilatory tactics.

It will be recalled that when the Indian Foreign Minister spoke and I spoke after him, I said that filibustering was taking place. That was my immediate observation. The Security Council, I am afraid, has excelled; in the art of filibustering, not only on substance but also on procedural matters. With some cynicism, I watched yesterday a full hour of the Security Council’s time wasted on whether the members of the Council would be ready to meet at 9:30 a.m. or that bed and breakfast required that they should meet at 11:00 a.m.

surrender from the Security Council. I will not be a party to the legalization of aggression.”

The Security Council has failed miserably, shamefully. “The Charter of the United Nations,” “the San Francisco Conference,” “international peace and justice”-—these are the- words we heard in our youth, and we were inspired by the concept of the United Nations maintaining international peace and justice and security. President Woodrow Wilson said that he fought the First World War to end wars for all time. The League of Nations came into being, and then the United Nations after it. What has the United Nations done? I know of the farce and the fraud of the United Nations. They come here and say, “Excellence, Excellence, comment allez-vous?” and all that “A very good speech—you have spoken very well, tresbien.” We have heard all these things. The United Nations resembles those fashion houses which hide ugly realities by draping ungainly figures in alluring apparel. The concealment of realities is common to both but the ugly realities cannot remain hidden. You do not need a Secretary General. You need a chief executioner.

Let us face the stark truth. I have got no stakes left for the moment. That is why I am speaking the truth from my heart. For four days we have been deliberating here. For four days the Security Council has procrastinated. Why? Because the object was for Dacca to fall. That was the object. It was quite clear to me from the beginning. All right, so what if Dacca falls? Cities and countries have fallen before. They have come under foreign occupation. China was under foreign occupation for years. Other countries have been under foreign occupation. France was under foreign occupation. Western Europe was under foreign occupation. So what if Dacca falls? So what if the whole of East Pakistan falls? So what if the whole of West Pakistan falls? So what if our state is obliterated? We will build a new Pakistani. We will build a better Pakistan. We will build a greater Pakistan.

commitment. We could have said, “All right, we are prepared to do some things.” Now why should we? You want us to be silenced by guns. Why should we say that we shal agree to anything? Now you decide what you like. Your decision will not be binding on us. You can decide what you like. If you had left us a margin of hope, we might have been a party to some settlement.

But the Indians are so short-sighted. Mr. President, you referred to the “distinguished” Foreign Minister of India. What may I ask is so “distinguished” about a policy of aggression he is trying to justify? How is he distinguished when his hands are full of blood, when his heart is full of venom? But you know they do not have vision.

The partition of India in 1947 took place because they did not have vision. Now also they are lacking in vision. They talk about their ancient civilization and the mystique of India and all that. But they do not have vision at all. If I had been in his place, I would have acted differently. I extended a hand of friendship to him the other day. He should have seen what I meant. I am not talking as puppet. I am talking as the authentic leader of the people of West Pakistan who elected me at the polls in a more impressive victory than the victory that Mujibur Rahman received in East Pakistan, and he should have taken cognizance of that. But he did not take cognizance of it. We could have opened a new page, a new chapter in our relations.

As I said, if the French and the Germans can come to terms, why cannot India and Pakistan come to terms? If the Turks and the Greeks can still talk sensibly as civilized people over Cyprus, why cannot Indias and Pakistan do likewise? If the Soviet Union and the United States can open a new page in their history, if China and the United States can open a new page in their history, why can we not usher a new era in our relations? We could have done so. But as it was said about the 1967 Arab-Israel war, the military victory of Israel made it more difficult for Israel and the Arabs to reach a settlement. If you want to subjugate Pakistan militarily, you will find it more difficult to bring peace. I say that the choice for us is either to accept living in the same subcontinent and co-operating for peace and progress, or to be implacable enemies of each other forever.

The Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union does not like my reference to the Roman Empire. I do not know what objection he has to it, unless he sees some similarity between his empire and the Roman Empire. I do not really see why he had any objection to that. But I shall again refer to the Roman Empire, and I hope that the Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union will have no objection to it because we want to have good relations with the Soviet Union and we want to open a new chapter with the Soviet Union because we are neighbours. I go back to the Roman Empire and I say what Cato said to the Romans, “Carthage must be destroyed.” lf India thinks that it is going to subjugate Pakistan, Eastern Pakistan as well as Western Pakistan-because we are one people, we are one state- then we shall say, “Carthage must be destroyed.” We shall tell our children and they will tell their children that Carthage must be destroyed.

So please, Mr. President and members of the Security Council, realize the implications. The Pakistani nation is a brave nation. One of the greatest British generals said that the best infantry fighters in the world are the Pakistanis. We will fight. We will fight for a thousand years, if it comes to that. So do not go by momentary military victories. Stalingrad was over whelmed. Leningrad was besieged for a thousand days. People who want to be free and who want to maintain their personality will fight and will continue to fight for principles.

We were told about the realities; to accept the realities. What are the realities? Realities keep changing, the Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union knows that once the reality was that the Nazis were outside the gates of Moscow, but you fought valiantly, bravely, and the world saluted the Soviet Union for having resisted the realities that were sought to be imposed on it. The reality was that China was under the occupation of Japan, that Manchuria was taken – half of China. That was the reality. Since the Opium War, China has seen reality. The reality for France was that it was under occupation. But there were great men like President de Gaulle who left France and fought from across the seas. Ethiopia was under Fascist domination. But the Ethiopians fought. The Emperor of Ethiopia left his country and sought asylum in Britain.Ethiopia is free today. The realities that matter are those which are not temporary phenomena A which are rooted in historic principles. The principle is that Pakistan is an independent, sovereign state which came into being because or the volition of its people. That is the basic reality which has existed for 24 years. Pakistan would not have faced dismemberment like this if it had not been attacked by another country. This is not an internal movement. We have been subjected to attack by a militarily powerful neighbour,. Who says that the new reality arose out of free will? Had there been the exercise of free will, India would not have attacked Pakistan. If India talks about the will of the people of East Pakistan and claims that it had to attack Pakistan in order to impose the will of the people of East Pakistan, then what has it done about Kashmir? East Pakistan is an integral part of Pakistan. Kashmir is a disputed territory. Why does India then not permit it to exercise its will?

But yesterday I saw how the Security Council was pandering to India. Even the great powers are pandering to India, saying to us, “Do not misunderstand,” “Would you please let us know” and “Would you please answer the following questions; I am not insisting on those questions, but if you do not mind.” India is intoxicated today with its military successes.

I told the Indian Permanent Representative in 1967 that we wanted good relations between the two countries—but based on principles, based on justice, based, on equity, not based on exploitation and domination, because such relations cannot be lasting. What we want is a lasting, a permanent solution. I do not say this just today; I said that in 1967 to their Permanent Representative who the High Commissioner of India to Pakistan was then. I said that to the Foreign Minister of India when we were negotiating on Kashmir, “Let us settle this problem on the basis of equity and justice, so that we can live as good neighbours.” And I add today: we can still live as good neighbours, as friends. Do not wipe out that possibility by military conquest and military power.

This has been the worst form of aggression, of naked aggression. Even Poland was not invaded by Germany in this fashion. Even in that case there were some pretenses, some excuses that were made. Here the excuse was, “We have refugees, so we must invade another country.” We said, “We are prepared to take those refugees back.” lf we had said, “We are not prepared to take them back,” then you could have said, “Well, you will be sunk; India’s population rises by 13 million a year. The number of refugees was alleged to be 9 million, 10 million. According to our estimate they were 5 million. But that is not important figures are not important. The point is that we were prepared to take them back. If India’s population can grow by 13 million a year, then with all the aid and assistance that India was getting for the refugees, it could have held on for a short period till Pakistan had civilian government to negotiate the return of the refugees. I told the United States Ambassador in Pakistan that once a civilian government came into power in Pakistan, was prepared to go to the refugee camps myself to talk to them. But India pre-empted it all because the refugee problem was used as a pretext to dismember my country. The refugee problem was used as a pretext, an ugly, crude pretext, a shameful pretext to invade my country, to invade East Pakistan.

The great powers will forgive me. L have `addressed them in this moment of anguish, and they should understand; The great powers or the super powers—the super-duper-powers, the razzling-dazzling powers-the super powers have imposed their super will for the moment. But I am thankful to the people and the Government of the United States among the super powers, for the position it has taken. The people of the United States, to some extent have been misled by massive Indian propaganda. Because we had no paraphernalia of popular administration and government in Pakistan, there was a political vacuum. The Indians took advantage of that political vacuum and they spread out fast to project their point of view. As a result, American public opinion and public opinion in Great Britain and France and other countries was influenced. Unfortunately, nothing said of the massacres that took place between 1 March and 25 March. No doubt there were mistakes on our side. I said yesterday that mistakes were made, and the Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union said that I had admitted mistakes. Well, that is not a sign of weakness, is it? Do we not all make mistakes? Are India and the? Soviet Union the only two countries that have never made mistakes? I have made mistakes personally. But mistakes do not mean that my country must be destroyed, that my country must be dismembered. That is not the consequence of mistakes of government. Which government does not make mistakes? But if some government has made a mistake, does it follow that the country itself must be dismembered, obliterated? Is that going to be the conclusion of the Security Council if it legalizes Indian aggression on the soil of Pakistan?

So you will see now; this is not the end of the road, this is the beginning of the road; this is not the end of the chapter, a new chapter has begun a new page has been written in international relations. This is gunboat diplomacy in its worst form. In a sense, it makes the Hitlerite aggression pale into insignificance because Hitlerite aggression was not accepted by the world. If the world is going to endorse his aggression, it will mean a new and most unfortunate chapter in international relations. A new chapter may have begun in India and Pakistan; but please do not start a new dreadful chapter in international relations. For us, it is a hand-to-hand, day-to-day, minute-to-minute fight. But do not do that to the rest of the world. Please do not permit this kind of naked, shameful barbaric aggression to hold sway. In the old days great warriors swept over the world —Changiz Khan, Subutai Khan, Alexander, Caesar, coming down to the great Napoleon. But this is worse, this is much worse than all that was done by the great conquerors of the world in the past. If the United Nations becomes a party to this kind of conquest, it will be much worse than all that has been done in the past. You will be turning the medium-sized and the small countries into the harlots of the world. You cannot do that. It is against civilized concepts: it is against all the rules of civilization and of international morality and justice.

The United States Government was criticized for supporting the position of Pakistan. What crime has the United States Government committed? It has taken a position identical to that of the whole world on the India-Pakistan conflict. That position was supported by 105 countries – it was 104 officially, but it was really 105 because one representative did not press the right button. That was the voice of the world. It was an international referendum. You talk about the election of 1970. Well, I am proud of the election of 1970 because my party emerged as the strongest party in West Pakistan. But here was an international poll and India flouted it. With such an attitude towards international opinion, how can India pretend to be sensitive to a national election in another country? The same India that refuses to hold a referendum in Kashmir?

The Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union talked about realities. Mr. Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union looks at this reality. I know that you are the representative of a great country. You behave like one. The way you throw out your chest, the way you thump the table. You do not talk like Comrade Malik; you talk like Czar Malik. I see you are smiling. Well, I am not because my heart is bleeding. We want to be friends, but this is not the way to be friends when my country is decimated, sought to be destroyed, wiped out.

Why should China and the United States be criticized when the whole world is for Pakistan? You know that we have won a great political victory. We might have suffered a military defeat, but a political victory is more important than a military defeat because political victory is permanent while defeat is temporary. The United States Government has acted according to its great traditions by supporting Pakistan, and I will go to the people of the United States before I return home and tell them the truth. The United States has stood by the traditions of Jefferson, Madison. Hamilton, right down to Roosevelt and Wilson by supporting Pakistan as an independent state, its national integrity and its national unity. What wrong and crime has the United States committed? Why is the Indian delegation so annoyed with the United States? The Indian delegation is annoyed with U.S.—can you imagine that? If it had not been for the massive food assistance that the United States gave to India, India would have had starvation; its millions would have died. What hope will India give to the people of East Pakistan? What picture of hope is it going to give when its own people in Western Bengal sleep in the streets, where there is terrible poverty, where there is terrible injustice and exploitation, when the parliamentary rule in West Bengal has been superseded by presidential rule? Is India going to do better for East Pakistan, for Muslim Bengal, than it has done for West Bengal? Thousands of West Bengali people sleep in the streets of Calcutta. The people of West Bengal are the poorest. India goes hat in hand to the United States for six million tons of food. If they are going to impose presidential-rule in West Bengal, in their Bengal, how can they do any better in our Bengal? They will not. And time will show that they will not.

So the United States has taken a correct and moral position. Thomas Jefferson once said, “I have sworn eternal hostility against any form of tyranny practiced over the mind of man”. This is a vast form of tyranny practiced over the mind of man and over the body of man. So the United States has adhered to its tradition. And if some misguided Senators were here, some young, misguided Senators who have been overtaken by Indian propaganda—and if the Permanent Representative of the United States were not from Texas—I would have told those young Senators that I was setting up the headquarters for a republic of Texas and making the former President of the United States, Lyndon Johnson, the chief of that republic, in order to spread the cult of Bangladesh everywhere. Why can Texas not be free? Let there be a republic of Texas. We did not buy Bengal as Alaska was bought by the United States. We did not pay money to get our territory. We did not pay dollars to acquire territory. The people of the United States should appreciate the position taken by their Government.

Muslim Bengal was a part of Pakistan of its free will, not through money. We did not buy it as Alaska was purchased. Why do the people of the United States not see that? And we are beholden and thankful to the great People’s Republic of China. We shall always remain thankful for the position it has taken. It has taken a position based on principles of justice. And I thank the Third World for having supported a just cause, a right cause.

And now in the Security Council we have been frustrated by a veto. Let us build a monument to the veto, a big monument to the veto. Let us build a monument to the impotence and incapacity of the Security Council and the General Assembly. As you sow, so shall you reap? Remember that Biblical saying. Today, it is Pakistan. We are your guinea pigs today. But there will be other guinea pigs and you will see what happens. You will see how the chain of events unfolds itself. You want us to lick the dust. We are not going to lick the dust.

Britain and France have abstained from voting in order to play a role. I said the other day, with all due respect to those two great powers, that they have really exhausted their position in trying to play a role because now the only role they can play is to accept a shameless fait accompli. Britain and France abstained, and that abstention has cost us dearly. Gallic logic and Anglo-Saxon experience, whatever it is, have cost us dearly. If Britain and France had put their powerful weight behind the international community rather than sitting on the fence, the issue might have been different. There is no such animal as a neutral animal. You take positions. In that respect we admire the Soviet Union; it took a position, a wrong position, but it took a position. You have to take a position on these matters. You have to be either on the side of justice or on the side of injustice; you have to be either on the side of the aggressor or of the victim. There is no third road. It is a black and white situation in these matters; there is no grey involved. You are either for right or you are for wrong; you are either for justice or for injustice; you are either for aggression or for the victim. If the United Kingdom and France had earlier put their full weight behind the verdict of the international community, I think that we would not have reached this position. But Great Britain and France want to come back into the subcontinent as Clive and Duplex, in a different role, the role of peacemakers. They want a foot here and they want a foot there. I know that British interests in East Pakistan required this kind of opportunistic role because in East Pakistan they have their tea estates. They want the jute of East Pakistan. So that is why they sat on the fence. And I am sorry at France’s position because with France we had developed very good relations, extremely good relations. But they took this position. And now, today, neither Britain nor France can play a role because their resolution has been overtaken by events. There is a lot of goodwill for France in Pakistan, and they neither will nor get the same goodwill in East Pakistan because in East Pakistan already the clock is now moving in another direction. Everyday that the Indian Army of occupation stays there, it will be a grim reminder for Muslim Bengal that they are under Hindu occupation, and you will see the result of it. You will see how it will turn out. Let them stay—why not? Let them stay. Let them swagger around. If they want to take East Pakistan, let them stay as an army of occupation. They are an army of occupation; how can they be called liberators? They will stay, and they will see how the clock is going to move in a different direction.

Finally, I am not a rat. I have never ratted in my life. I have faced assassination attempts, I have faced imprisonments. I have always confronted crises. Today I am not ratting, but I am leaving your Security Council. I find it disgraceful to my person and to my country to remain here a moment longer than is necessary. I am not boycotting. Impose any decision, have a treaty worse than the Treaty of Versailles, legalize aggression, legalize occupation, legalize everything that has been illegal up to 15 December 1971. I will not be a party to it. We will fight; we will go back and fight. My country beckons me. Why should I waste my time here in the Security Council? I will not be party to the ignominious surrender of a part of my country. You can take your Security Council. Here you are. (Ripping papers) I am going.

Presidential Address by Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi

Kbilafat Conference Presidential Address

 by Shaikb Abdul Majid: Ajmere

27 September, 1932

n the course of his address Shaikh Abdul Majid referred to Mahatmaji’s [Gandhi’s] hunger-strike as a confession of the failure on his part to purge the majority community of the caste mentality by any other method. He asserted that unless and until caste system was wholly penalized, there was no prospect of saving the country as a whole or the Hindu society from disruption in water-tight compartments, even with Joint Electorates which during the last twenty years were more or less run on caste lines. He declared that though the Musalmans had staked their Fourteen Points for the sake of the Depressed Glasses, yet he would be glad if some amicable settlement were to be arrived at between the two sections of the Hindu community in order to save Mahatmaji’s life. When there were separate schools, separate hostels, separate hotels, separate wells, separate cremation grounds,, separate marriages, separate temples and separate languages, was there any wonder, he asked, that there should be a demand for Separate Electorates?

Referring to the insistence of the Muslim community on the retention of Separate Electorates, Shaikh Abdul Majid said that there was no other choice left to the Musalmans. But the responsibility for rejecting the Joint Electorates wholly rested with the Hindu community who would never tolerate the statutory majorities of the Musalmans on population basis in some of the Provinces. Even now if Hindus would agree to Statutory Muslim Majorities on population basis, adequate weightage for Muslim Minorities, separation of Sindh and other innocent cultural and religious safeguards, the door of negotiations for an amicable settlement with the Hindus was open on the basis of Joint Electorates with the hope that there would one day be one Nation and one Electorate. But Musalman majorities must get their fullest quota of representation on population basis and the Musalman minorities of India their full weightage.

Discussing at length the future goal of the Musalmans of India, he preferred equal partnership for India within the Common wealth of British Nations with His Majesty the King Emperor and his descendants as the hereditary and constitutional custodians of this Common wealth. He further opined that the Imperial Conference be converted into an Imperial Legislature which may pave the path for the League of Na­tions to establish an International Legislature for the nations of the world. He at the same time asserted that in an India completely in­dependent of British connection, the Musalmans have nothing to fear from the Hindus. They will be quite in a position to hold their own and protect their own interests, but practical statesmanship dictates a course that is possible of achievement. The Hindu is bent upon having domination in India with the aid of British bayonets and the real prob­lem before the Musalmans is how to save himself [sic.]: from the com­bined domination of the Britisher and the Hindu. This can only be done if the Musalmans definitely adopt responsible government within the British Empire as their goal and at the same time insist on the achieve­ment of their legitimate demands. Proceeding, the President characterized the present war between the Congress and Government as a war for domination over each other and the rest of the country to the detriment of the interests of the vast majority of its population. He said that the Musalmans had refused to be a party to this war which was an unholy war with sinister aims on both sides. The Congress aimed at domination and the Government wanted to crush the Congress. He suggested peace in the interests of humanity at large, in the interests of England and in the interests of India.

He gave tentative proposals for a lasting peace as follows:

1. Civil Disobedience Movement to cease at once.

2. Declaration by the Government that the responsibility in the center and in the province will be introduced simultaneously, the safe­guards to be mutually agreed to in the Third Round Table Conference.

3. The Congress leaders to co-operate with the Government in putting down violent outrages and outbreaks.

4. Withdrawal of Ordinance Bill by the Government

5. Participation of the Congress in the Third Round Table Con­ference.

6. Release of Civil Disobedience Prisoners.

For the Hindu-Muslim settlement he suggests to [sic.] alternative formulue [sic.]:

1. Reservation of seats on population basis for all the communities in all the Provincial Legislature [sic.] with separate Electorates.

2. Reservation of seats on population basis for the Muslim majori­ties and existing weightage plus one-third of the existing nominated seats for Muslim minorities in the Provincial Legislatures with Joint Electorates throughout India.

One-third Muslim representation in the Federal Legislatures [sic.], separation of Sindh introduction of reforms in British Baluchistan, resi­duary powers to lie with the Provinces, due share in Central and Provin­cial Cabinets and Services and religious and cultural safeguards form [sic.] the necessary parts of both the proposals.

If no assurance is given to the Musalmans about the separation of Sindh simultaneously with the inauguration of the New Constitution, if British Baluchistan is denied the reformed Constitution, if the Euro­pean Community in Bengal does not see its way to forego a few seats to restore the Muslim majority in Bengal as was agreed to between the minorities delegates at the Round Table Conference in the Minority Pact, the Musalmans of India should reject the Award and concert united measures for wrecking the New Constitution with all their might. The Award in the present shape is most unsatisfactory, disappointing and unjust.

About the condition of the Muslims in Native States, the President suggested the appointment of vakils on behalf of the Khilafat Con­ference to watch their interests and to get their grievances redressed by constitutional agitation. He expressed the hope that the day would not be distant when the Muslim world would find out some solution of the Khilafat question and elect a Khalifa accepted by all. Until then he would pay his homage to the exiled Khalifa. The Hedjaz should be converted into a Muslim international state, having for its chairman the ruler of the Hedjaz, whoever he might be. The functions of the Muslim International Assembly should be partly advisory and partly legislative, with the power of veto vested in the chairman.

The President congratulated the Musalmans of Palestine for having held the Muslim World Congress at Jerusalem and hoped that their efforts for the establishment of a Muslim University would be crowned with success, and he suggested that the next World Congress might be held in India, and that its constitution should be so modified as to make it workable and acceptable to all so far as possible. Such a Cong­ress, he said would help the Muslim Nations to co-operate with one another in the common work of elevating the Muslims throughout the world.

Then the President gave a constructive programme for the Central Khilafat Committee which is briefly given here:

1. Revision of the constitution of the Central Khilafat Committee.

2. Re-organization of the existing committees and the establishment of new ones. Introduction of the principal [sic.] of life insurance in the Constitution of the committee and charging of four annas per every month or three rupees annually, the amount so collected to be given in equal shares to the heirs of the members who may happen to die in any month.

3. Co-operation with the other Muslim organization is in the country to form a single political organization of the Musalmans of India.

4. Encouraging the Musalmans to get their names registered in the next census as Musalmans, without giving any caste or race, with Is­lam as their religion.

5. To help the other Muslim organizations in the establishment of a Muslim Jurists Association, whose decisions in matters affecting the personal law of Musalmans should be regarded as final and to secure their recognition by the Government?

6. To frame a model Wakf Act with a view to its being passed by the provincial legislatures through the Muslim members of these legis­latures.

7. To urge the Government to transfer the control of mosques and other sacred and historical monuments of the Musalmans to the con­trol of the Muslim community, whenever such a demand is and [sic.] by the local Musalmans.

8. To establish night schools by making it necessary and compul­sory on [sic.] each Khilafat Committee to establish at least one night school within its own town otherwise failing which it would not be recognized by the Central Committee.

9. To celebrate the anniversary of the late Maulana Muhammad Ali in co-operation with other organizations and to establish Joint Com­mittees in as many places as possible for collecting a fund which may be handed over to the Jamea Millia, Delhi.

10. To enroll one volunteer per cent of the population under the auspices of the Local Committees.

11. To undertake a general propaganda for the furtherance of edu­cation, retrenchment in expenditure, eradication of social evils, opening of shops and grain shops in particular, curtailment of personal ex­penses, and to inculcate principles of religion and morality among the Musalmans.

12. To educate the electorate that it should elect true, hard-working and self-sacrificing Musalmans to the self-governing bodies and the Provincial and Central legislatures.

The President concluded by making a fervent appeal to the Musal­mans of India to sink their petty differences and to unite.

Ghulam Muhammad Khan Bhurgri’s Speech

Welcome Address In the Special Conference, Hyderabad.

This speech was delivered by Bhurgri at Hyderabad on occasion of Sindh Special Conference in the capacity of Chairman Reception Committee.

“Brother Delegates and respected participants I welcome you on behalf of reception committee and am thankful to all, as you have taken pains to attend this conference. I understand that the arrangement for your stay has not been perfect as should have been done. I therefore apologize for this lapse. I request you to ignore, this difficulty keeping in view the sentiments in our hearts.

Respected delegates you are aware that this conference has been convened to consider an important subject. Before deliberating the subject, it is our duty to assure the British Government that we are their supporters, particularly in this position of war in which England has incurred huge expenditure more than her revenue earnings for three years. The English have not taken part in the war to earn something but they are desirous to restore justice in the state and save smaller nations from the aggression of big and oppressive countries. The war sentiment has not receded till today. The India has played its role nicely and scarified for the Government. She has not only performed her duty but to render unconditional love and faith in favor of the Government. It is still not known as to when the victory would be achieved and war would be over. Till the victory of justice, independence and objective of the Government are not achieved; it is our duty and right to help England. We should always pray for the victory of allied powers.

Dear participants now I come to the agenda of this meeting. You are aware that our purpose of gathering here is to consider the measures to develop our province. It could be evident from the study of India’s common public affairs. You know that after war is over, the reconstitution of the Government is to be considered. In that proposal India wants to have her share. For that right India’s two major parties, the Indian National Congress, and All India Muslim League have examined the subject threadbare. This right addresses to two main issues, one that the government should publish at charter indicating the parameters of future government, the other part deals with the reforms to be introduced after the war and our demands. These are evident. They demanded through a resolution that:

a) It is a fact that India’s major communities are the custodians of the country since ancient times possessing capabilities to govern and administer the public affairs. If the development in education and provision of service to the nation by the English government during last 100 years is considered, it would be evident that the system has not been successful to fulfill the common needs and demand of the people. Therefore the Congress is of the opinion that His Majesty should publish a charter declaring that the English desire to accede to the demand for establishment of the self-government in the India very soon.

b) Congress demands that the self-government should be established completely taking full and final action. For this, the reforms recommend by the Congress Muslim League Committee should be implemented in letter and spirit.

c) In the reconstitution, India should be elevated from the status of sub-ordination to that of equal level of governance in other parts of the government.

I do not want to go into further details on these reforms. Every Indian owns these proposals and there is no need to further explain the matter. I further emphasize that this is a preliminary demand being the first episode of the reforms and is the minimum of what is actually required. We are not ready to accept less than what has been outlined in the resolution. The implementation of complete reforms will not satisfy us forever but it would be only help for the present for the reason that these reforms are part and first step of our rights. We have full right of independence within the country as is provided to other settlements. That independence means,” Self-government should participate fully with other partners in the government at equal level under the British crown.” That is our objective. When we demand Home Rule or the self-government, it does not mean not to accept British supremacy or we want cessation from the British Empire. This is contrary to the demand and desire of Indian people. This thought is baseless and aware people of India as well as England understand this issue very well. For example Mr. Frances Young Husband, recently in a meeting said,” The Indian political leaders, based on the will of millions of people, do not have the desire to break the connection with the England; however they desire to have independence within the government and not outside. Dear Sir, now let us consider the reason for demanding self-government. The main reason is that we understand that it will accrue countless benefits. Swaraj will also benefit the government fostering our relations with each other, not breaking at any times, having permanent feature. It will promote love and respect among each other. Government will run with the desire of people promoting public affairs and business smoothly. The officers will serve under control of the people who are now at the top of the ruling stage. They will have to step down and kept at the appropriate positions under the control of people and answerable to the public.

The self-government will provide us the institutions having real representation of the public, directly accountable to the people. We shall defend ourselves with the help of Suraj and formation of defense force for national protection. For that purpose, Weapons will be provided to the people. Self-government will also help in revenue collection and control over state expenditure with justified and co-operative farming system. The expertise and trade will expand in India; the education will be made common, judiciary and executive be separated. For implementation of these reforms, there is a consensus based on demand of the people since many years. These reforms will benefit the people largely as this is the only treatment of the disease. The reforms will also remove the defects that have made the government’s face ugly. I understand that some dangerous misunderstandings have developed in the bureaucracy and their followers. These misunderstandings have badly affected the Home Rule movement. If we probe the matter a little bit, it would be apparent that the objections commonly raised are unfounded and only posed to detriment the greatest and holy movement.

The first objection has been based on the hypothesis that home rule is not the compulsory right and the demand if abrupt and unattractive. These are dangerous hostilities. This objection is based on either honesty or dishonesty. If it is based on dishonesty, its considering is a big mistake. In case, it has been honestly raised, then the knowledge of the movers regarding history of national movements is questionable. They are in fact not conscious of the situation resulting in the negative assessment. For the honest critics, I shall only say a sentence based on truth that can be repeated repeatedly. That sentence truly is that, “The right of self-government is based on the principle of natural justice since birth of every human being.” This right, based on the justice and liberalism is the pride of British government. A large number of British intellectuals have upheld this right. This right has been protected by the British government itself and acted upon in letter and spirit. People are grateful for that act but only say that implementation is very slow. This right is being demanded by the National Congress and Muslim League from time to time.

Second objection has been ascribed that, ‘the demand for home rule is beyond the limit’. Why? This is the right of independence then, is it awful to demand in dependence? Liberal and experienced people demand not less than that. Do the people of England demand for themselves less than independence? Whether colonies demand less than that? Is it not the fact that independence is the national life of England? Is it not a fact that the foundation of then nationalism is independence? What is other status and pride of England? They claim colossal love with the independence. The history of England is no other continuous effort and struggle for the independence with the prime objective of uprooting the oppression and cruelty. First, tell me about the object of this war that has squeezed foremost goal to protect the sacred land of independence from tarnishing. If this is not the war of principles then what is it? Has the India not supported England to win the war of principles? Shall the India say that the principles for which they have given blood and accepted the death are not meant for the Indians? This reply is not given by the common British nation to the Indians for which they have been continuously struggling to attain Swaraj and is supporting India on that count. India is grateful to them. The British government at its own has been assuring the Indians that their pledge i:: sacred and their prime objective is to lead and help India to achieve Swaraj.

Third objection regarding home rule is that proper time for this demand has yet to come and the demand is premature. If self-government is opposed, no objective will be achieved. Therefore, this new strategy has been adopted pleading that the time has not come for the demand, and as such, it is not our right. In the past they did not agree to even concede a little right to us. Now, they say that, we have the right but this right is premature. Is it so? Have we not been capable of self-rule? We, who are the custodians of the most ancient civilization, we are the successors of those who were famous for their knowledge and wisdom in the times when west was living in the jungle. They had proved their capabilities to rule and undertake business as and when they opted to do so. This capability was not only exposed prior to the British rule, but even now, it is evident from the local states. We are the nation from where such people emerged who could be compared with the intellectuals of any country. We are the people who created Panchayats in the ancient times sowing the seeds of self-government. In addition,, that Panchayat system has been continuing perfectly despite various upheavals. We are those who elected the king and that system is continuing. See the Islamic system. What is the Islamic system? We can say that Islamic system is the essence of government by the people. In the past Caliph was appointed after his election by the people. We are not capable of self-rule but the citizens of Philippines and Gua are capable. If we are not capable then how could we attain capability? Who will fix the time for attaining capability? Whether those people will decide who want to deny this legitimate right. We are being kept away from the right of making us capable in your eyes, and then tell us how could we achieve the goal? Once Lord McCauley said, “it was wise not to permit the people self-government until the people themselves prove that they were capable of running such government.” This principle is of the wisdom and compared with the finding that until a person is not capable of swimming, he should not be allowed to enter the water. Similarly, they say that prove your capability without giving us the opportunity, is uncalled for. Similarly, they want to ensure that no such opportunity should be given to us on that account. The other objection is that common people, being illiterate cannot protect themselves. They have different views and therefore, they cannot consult each other and undertake other works. Who is responsible for illiteracy? Who is responsible for their helplessness and idleness? Who opposed and failed the Free and Compulsory education bill? Who had introduced the Arms Act? How is this possible that you are the reason of our weaknesses as well as against us? All these shortcomings are the basic reason for demanding home rule for India. These should not be reasons to oppose and negate the home rule by the bureaucracy. If there are many opponents of home rule, even then, we have already proved our capability to run the self-government. One of the proofs is the demand of home rule itself made by us. Mr. Bahamas, famous writer in his book, entitled,” Democracy and Reaction”, published ii 1905, has stated that the East has yet to prove its ability to go for self-rule as per people’s demand. But in this connection national intellectuals and statesmen should be unanimous that their demand is based on facts and that its capability has not been declared. In that case, their primary demand is appropriate example. For capability, it is vital that people are themselves eager to demand the self-rule having strong desire and capability of self-recognition. They must react to the foreign rule. It should be remembered that if these conditions prevail the independence could flourish. The experts of human psychology state that in case governing system having towering principles are imposed upon the backward nations, the results could be damaging. The development in such conditions should be gradual. The argument is fair. But this principle cannot be applied when people become highly aware to introduce such a system with highly valuable principles. It is the duty of the capable intellectuals to develop such concepts ever, on the cost of the numerous difficulties in their government.

These demands have been placed before the Indian government. The government of India is not confronting with the principles that are in the air. We do not ask for the application of the principles that are in practice in England, but we have to get the benefits as endorsed by the Indian people by application in the reality. Our intellectuals are considering such principles and in that connection, they are to be tested as how do they stand on the stage of the independence.

One of the objections against the Home Rule is that a few selfish educated people are demanding this. This is not the fact as the prime object of the representative and responsible government is that the public should have control that can only be exercised through their representatives and not directly. It should be remembered that the people would elect these representative, most probably from the educated lot. It is not correct to say that educated representatives are not the representatives of the people. This theory negates the principle of representative government. This is strange to say that the nation has no citizens and their family members. They have been born and brought up indigenously with their people; they know their country having natural rights with their people. They can understand their thoughts, sentiments, demands, desires and hopes very well. This kind of concept is natural without any artificial element. The educated are in the support of their people with truthful, proof. The educated are working hard to help the common people. Who demanded compulsory education system in the Council for benefit of the common people? Who supported the Credit Cooperative Movement that benefited the public? When the agonies in South Africa triggered, who raised the voice? It should be left to the common people to decide as to who are their representatives and well-wishers. Has it ever happened that common people have declined to accept educated people as their representatives? The strange and stranger group of people and officers who have no right to be the representatives of common people has started this movement. These officers are alien to the birth, history, customs, traditions, heart and brains of Indians. They have no natural relation, having a little local experience and are not aware of Indian life, association, languages, systems, customs, habits, inner desires, relations, objects and hopes and for them they have misunderstandings. Evidently, these baseless and bogus thoughts should always be ignored but deliberated only for the reason that the educated have been unnecessarily blamed. This weapon given to the officers has blocked the hopes of the common people. It is a barrier between the people and the government. How has this happened? The government claims that it is the representative government of die people. If it is so, the government and peoples thinking should be the same. What is in the benefit of people should also be beneficial to the government and if anything is detrimental to the public, it should be damaging to the government. Who is responsible for the current situation, which is deteriorating day by day? Why should the people start movement, be it the Home Rule or even against the government or common evils such as, Rasai, Chher or repressive laws or bail for good conduct from the people or even for the non-damaging meeting of zamindars leading to the annoyance of the officers. It is most important that this gulf is increasing day by day, being detrimental to the Government as well as public. It has also resulted in the reduced interaction of the officers with the people. Nature and history both state that heart and soul of the people cannot be captured with any force and all efforts in that relation have failed rather damaged the objective. Where such repressive acts have been applied against the independent thoughts, it has posed problems. If the people take no action, it culminates into some disease that is immunized resulting in dishonesty toeing the line of bureaucracy. The people, who are habitual of getting benefit from Government, bow down their heads before the officers creating a section of people who always praise the Government for their benefits. These people do not care for their respect and do not reveal the facts and are selfish in their acts and do not care for the rights of their brothers and damage the relations and rights of the people. This section of society is neither representative of people nor is responsible to anyone. These people have no character and they are damaging the nation. They are the bad organs having cancer liable to cut and remove to protect the body from fatal disease. This movement against home rule has been created either by the officers or by their followers who fully participate to gain favors from them. In my opinion, either officers are unaware of the facts or they deliberately keep themselves away from the prevailing conditions in the society. This is not a wise act. It is very damaging to close the eyes not recognizing the facts. If the facts are not accepted and restored, then there would be no success. There is no power to defeat the truth. King Chanute when proved before the people that the velocity of the ocean cannot be stopped, in fact he wanted to prove this law. The officers either cannot see this reality or they do not intend to accept the facts. It is fact that India has attained the national identity and the officers would be wise if they accept this statement. As state 1 above, Mr. Habhaos says that “when we accept that new sprit has been created in the East, it does not mean that everywhere there would be success.” It may lead to the Russian reforms implemented in Turkey. May be Indian officers dominate liberal English statesmen and King of Iran may control with the help of Kosakan or without their help. Once, when the people are awakened then the old traditions cannot prevail as these are bound to disappear. It is ridiculous to think that the East has made a start now. It should be kept in the mind that till today all the religions have been given to the World by the East. The East has given half of the Philosophy. East has never been aggressive to conquer and dominate other nations, but East has always advocated the spiritual liberalism and taught many lessons to the West. In turn, the East has learnt a lesson that the objective of the life is not to be compromised and defeated under anycircumstances. They have learnt from Japan that practical science is not the sole authority of the Europeans. They have also learnt that they can raise and manage the Navy and Army in the East.

The last objection is “against the authority of the Government that at this delicate point of time raising this question is the wastage of time creating confusion in the governance. They argue that this demand does not suit now for the reason that Government is busy in the World War. Therefore, such demands should not be raised now. These people have not understood the movement in connection with the Government. Real and regular home ruler has not demanded that Government should immediately introduce home rule in India. Nevertheless, the demand is that after the war is over and the work of restructuring of government is taken up, then India should be given the legitimate right of self-rule. It is advisable to make all the preparations in advance and proposals finalized to act upon without further loss of time. You must understand that the aware people have never raised these objections. This statement is substantiated by the fact that some other English colonies are demanding right of self-rule with the help and assistance of the Minister, Mr. Bonarala. Besides, these objections have also lost importance as the British Government has itself taken some steps during the war to introduce reforms in the Government of India. In the House of Commons, the government has recently declared principles of reforms in the India, as such the restlessness and agitation in India has been normalized for the time being.

Now let us consider the desirable reforms in the country. It must be remembered that the reforms demanded by us are the first step toward retaliation of self-government. At the initial stage, we demand that in the governance, common people should have the sufficient authority. For that purpose, it is essential to have system whereby the government should be responsible to the people. We do not demand the minor changes in the system, but ask for complete reforms leading to the implementation that creates a system having full and real control of the common people and the elected representatives. We have no differences with a particular group of the people, but we are against the current governing system. The bureaucracy should be abolished and in its place government responsible to the people be constituted. People now demand major overhauling and real changes in the system as the minor and superficial changes would not meet the requirements. The basic changes in the system are the real answer to all the troubles and in case no change is made in the officers, there is no need to be bothered. This is wrong understanding of the people that we demand to replace the British with the Indians to run the government. This is not the object of any body and this hope is baseless. However, if the present system of the government is continued, there is no hope of improvement. But if the reforms are implemented as per our scheme, then there would be no protest and gap if the reign of the government is with the British. Gentlemen the question regarding future government of India is so fragile and important that this is responsibility of the people as well as the government to properly resolve it. The government has understood this, important question by releasing three nationalist leaders, Mrs Annie Besant, Mr. Arandale and Wadia resulting in peace and contentment in the country. For this act of wisdom, whole India is grateful to the government. We may have different feelings for their arrest, but on their release, we congratulate the government and we, with all the Indians request the government to release all the prisoners from jails particularly two brothers M/S Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali whose arrest has put the whole Muslim community under the state of anguish. This demand is substantiated all the way through the numerous resolutions passed in the meetings for their release. Therefore, it is hoped enormously that government at this sensitive time would order immediately to release both the brothers to meet the demand all over the country. Despite the demand of majority, we are receiving negative signals as recent speech of Lord Pentland and the incident attached to Sir Michael Dyer have broken our hearts. Even then we Indians have firm belief in the statesmanship, justice and fairness of the English that cannot be misled at any stage. Based on this trust the British government has recently considered allowing Indians more freedom in the national affairs. For that, the people of India are extremely grateful to the British government and the Secretary of State for India. It is a big and cheerful juncture for us that Honorable Mr. Montague, Secretary of State for India, renowned statesman, champion of justice, and promoter of liberal international principles, is himself coming to consider the proposal formulated for the reforms. This gentleman has been assigned this intricate and important assignment, on which the future development of millions of Indians depends. We understand the he will come across many difficulties and hurdles particularly by the people who had been taking illegitimate favors. Therefore, it is the duty of Indian citizens to make maximum efforts and create an atmosphere enabling the Secretary of State for India to solve this complicated problem. Mr. Montague is certainly capable of solving the problem as his speeches regarding public affairs of India show that his thoughts and principles are most liberal and based on the justice. At the occasion of report on the Mesopotamia, he used the following words in the House of Commons, giving us the hope and strength that this gentleman will certainly do justice and not hesitate to decide the matter judiciously.

Mr. Montague says that, “When I see around that the colonies under our control and the states in India are enjoying self-government and I clearly see that whole English Empire is not a government, but its separate parts are self-governments and at the top the British government is formed. What kind of government you foresee in India? It is your choice but it is apparent that all the Indians with whom I have communication or to whom I have addressed, desire to know about the ultimate future and form of Government in India. Therefore it is required that as to how you are going to adopt the reforms as a first step. From the reforms it will be seen whether the Indian representatives are given the control over the executive officers or not. If you give power to the local people then the supervision from England will be reduced. I am fully confident that earlier the system of government enforced there was satisfactory, but the report of Mesopotamia clearly indicates that it was not so as the people had no role in the governance. This war has given you to understand that Indians are loyal and supporting us in the odd times. This loyalty is in fact part of their religion. It is now essentially required that you should get real benefits of their loyalty and if you desire to own them, provide them opportunity of self-rule. In that case, even if there is some other war, these loyal Indians will certainly help you standing by your side on equal basis. If you do not change the old and out dated system of government quickly, certainly you will be losing the right of governance over India.”

After above statements dealing with the Indian government, now I come to the main object of convening this conference. Dear brothers, the objective is to consider the matter relating to share of Sindh in the reforms collectively. The state of government in Sindh is quite different from very beginning, hence different and special treatment is required to change the system. In our case, the governance is different from other parts. Here we are being governed by one autocratic office with no provision of council to advice on the public affairs. This kind of system of government is not functioning in any of the provinces in India. Not only this but even in Bombay no such system is enforced in any part. It is one man rule that too opposed to the liberal opinion. This system seems strange and terrible. It is the legacy of the past, which will not be liked in the moderate and advanced times. Rarely will we find a person supporting this outmoded system. For this kind of government, special reasons and arguments are required, which might have been made under the extreme compelling reasons. But here no such reason is seen and compelling circumstances are being encountered by the government to form such a government. If such requirement was m the past it is not wise to continue such a system under any circumstances. The problem is inbuilt in the system of the government; therefore, it is not required to change the attitude of a particular officer. The future economic and social development of Sindh entirely depends on the formation of such government. The development of Legislative and Executive Council shall not in any case benefit the people of Sindh till the present system of the government continues as such any change in the system of the Councils will not benefit us. It is therefore evident that we have to work hard in comparison to other parts of India and particularly for our own province. The demand to be made is to be decided by you and for that purpose, we have gathered in this conference. Everyone from you will definitely demand that we do not need “one man rule.” This is our unanimous and forceful demand. I understand that we should follow one of the following four alternatives:

(1) First alternative is this that Sindh should be made a separate province having Legislative Council, without forming Executive Council for the reason that expenditure of Executive Council cannot be afforded by this province and without Executive Council, the Legislative Council will be of no use. The legislative Council is meant for exercising control over the Executive Council and if the Executive Council is not in existence, the question of forming Legislative Council does not arise. Therefore, I am of the opinion that this proposal is not feasible.

(2) The second alternative is to merge Sindh and Baluchistan and both the Governors should be under Darajlas. I dislike this proposal, as we will be merged with an alien country whose development status is at primitive stage. Therefore, our development will be hindered and we will remain backward.

(3) The third alternative is to merge Sindh and Punjab and then both the Governors should work under one Governor Darajlas. (Committee under the Chairmanship of Governor) I know that this proposal will be criticized. Having weaknesses, nobody can say that this proposal is better than the current state of affairs. In both the cases the Punjab and Sindh have the same river; therefore this will benefit the agriculture. This is universally known but both provinces have continuous dispute on the river water. This proposal has a benefit that it will constitute an authoritative High Court providing basis for justice.

(4) The fourth and last option is that Sindh should remain under the Bombay government participating with all other parts of Bombay. In my opinion this way is feasible. It will provide good result as no major change would be required for resolving the problem. Only the powers of Commissioner-in-Sindh should be transferred, the Bombay, having direct control of Executive Council over Sindh. Our demand is that this authoritative system of the government should be done away with and Sindh be made at par with other parts. With the demand of this right, Sindh will also get the benefit of having similar judicial system as enforced in other parts. HereSindh Sadar Court is separate from the High Court. In the Sadar Court there are only three judges, of these two are from the civil service. It is clear that this kind of High Court should not be formed. These reforms were demanded in the 11th Provincial conference at Bombay convened in 1901. A person having personal knowledge of the present judicial system moved this resolution and he was a famous and highly experienced lawyer. I am referring to Dewan Teckchand Udhadas who is Honorable member now. I propose that a bench of Bombay High Court should be established at Karachi. I understand that such system is also working in other parts. Many other reforms are required for Sindh. I have taken much time therefore; leave these issues for deliberation by the President and others. For example, reforms for Local self-Government and request to the government for release of interned Sindhis.

Government has asked to collect house tax forcibly, this and other main questions, I leave for taking up in the conference. Gentlemen, I have taken undue advantage of your patience, but the issues are very important and sensitive. In the end I have to say something. lt is my duty to appreciate educated youngsters who performed very well even in the hard trial. They have shown their courage and patience in the suppression. They are the natives with new signs of the glorious dawn. I am fully confident that the day of success will come very soon.”

Memorandum Addressed to the Right Hon’ble Edwin

Samuel Montagu P.C.,M.P., The Secretary of State

For India and to H.E. Lord Chelmsford, Viceroy

And Governor General of India,

Special Sind Provincial Conference Held at

Hyderabad Sind (3rd – 4th November 1917)

To,

The Right Honourable Edwin Samuel Montagu,

P.C., M.P.,

The Secretary of State for India

To,

His Excellence Lord Chelmsford,

P.C., G.M.S.I., G.C.M.G., G.M.I.E., & c.,

Viceroy and Governor General of India

Sir,

As authorized by the Special Sind Provincial Conference, held at Hyderabad, Sind, on the 3rd and 4th November 1917, I beg to submit on their behalf, the following Memorial relating to reform to be introduced in the Government of India and speciallay in system of administration obtaining in Sind.

2. Your Memorialists whole-heartedly support the Scheme of the Reform passed by the Indian National Congress and the All-India Moslem League at their session at Lucknow in December 1916 and subsequently endorsed by numerous political associations and meetings held in the country. The political reforms contained in that scheme, the Sind Provincial Conference regards as the minimum which can for the present satisfy the needs and aspirations of the people of India. For the last century and a half, although under the administration of the liberty-loving British Parliament, the people of India have not been permitted to have an effective voice in the administration of the their own country. The reins of power have been in the hands of a bureaucracy which has never sympathized with the aspirations of the people of the soil. The result has been that progress has been retarded in some spheres of activity of the nation and effectively blocked in others. Government have throughout all these years failed to tackle the question of education and discountenanced attempts to introduce the principle of compulsion for the education of the masses, now leading their lives in appaling ignorance and the evils consequent thereto. The machinery of legislation has been made use of for the enactment of repressive measures of which the Press Act is a typical instance. The Arms Act, despite persistent appeals by the people, still disfigures the Statute Book of India and has been responsible for the emasculation of the nation, the full effects of which can be realized only today, when, India is unable as it fain would, to hurl its millions against King’s enemies at all the fronts of the great war and help England to crush Prussian Millitarism. The galling sense of inferiority in their own country so keenly felt by the Indian educated community will necessarily keep relations strained between the representatives of the Indian nation and those of the English nation in India until the unless, the administration of affairs in all the domains of national activity, in peace and war, is subordinated to the will of the people, and the children of the soil are permitted to rise the top-most rung of the ladder in all public services and to attain to their full development as a first rank nation of the world, unimpeded by any direct or indirect limitations. Towards this end we regard as essential, the grant, as the first step, of a scheme of reforms which among other things provides for a substantial majority of the elected representatives of the people of India in both Provincial and the Imperial Legislative Councils, the reconstitution of the Executives on a partially elective basis, the subordination of that Executive to the people’s representatives, the grant of a substantial measures of provincial autonomy, the abolition of the reactionary Council of the Secretary of State, for India, and the approximation of the latter official to the position of the Colonial Secretary. The Memorialists hence accord their unhesitating support to the Scheme of Reforms adopted by the Indian Congress and the All-India Moslem League.

3. While supporting that Scheme in its entirety, the people of Sind are anxious to place before you and His Majesty’s Government in England, the result of their prolonged experience and deliberation as to the changes in the system of Government in Sind, which are absolutely necessary, if the proposal “to take Substantial steps in the direction of the progressive realization of responsible government in India as integral part of the British Empire,” as enunciated in the Declaration of the British Policy in India made in the House of Commons on the 20th August 1017, is to have any meaning and significance for the people of this province.

4. The Government of Sind has for the last seventy years been, in effect, an unqualified autocracy with all the disadvantages characteristics of that system. The Commissioner-in-Sind, deriving his numerous powers, partly by the unconstitutional process of successive inheritance form his ancient predecessor, Sir Charles Napier, the first and last Governor of Sind, mainly, by the frequent delegation to him of numerous powers of Local government by the Governor of Bombay in Council, under the Commissioner-in-Sind’s Act-V of 1868, and recently, by the specific reservation to him, in later Acts, of powers elsewhere reserved to the Governor-in-Council, has to-day become, in most respects, a local Government itself, without the check of an Executive Council.

5. This concentration of exceedingly wide powers in the hands of one man, without the simultaneous replacement of control by the people for control form above, has naturally resulted in the creation of despotic administration in Sind. We feel that the vesting of practically the entire government of a large sub-province in the hands of a single individual leads to the operation of personal opinions and predilections, and fluctuations in policy, involves the risk of the misuse of powers and militates against progressive liberalization of the administration. The effect is felt not only in the departments in which he has practically final control, but even in those matters in which, while technically he possesses no greater powers than the ordinary Divisional Commissioner, he yet has a greater voice and influence.

6. We also feel convinced, that by the present arrangement Sind is being practically denied the benefits of government by the Governor-in-Council. Questions, which, in the case of the other Divisions of the Presidency, after passing through the hands of the Divisional Commissioners, undergo elaborate criticism in the Bombay Secretariat, pass the close scrutiny of one of the members of the Executive Council who is conscious of his responsibility as a member of Government and which, sometimes, even run the gauntlet of a debate in the Executive Council itself, are in the case of Sind, disposed of practically finally, by the Commissioner-in-Sind, whose decisions are uninfluenced not only by the restraint due to the existence of a higher body with revisional powers, but also by the pressure of public opinion in the province.

7. Further, unlike the other Divisions of the Bombay Presidency, Sind, not being under the direct administration of the Government of Bombay, is deprived of the benefits of the statesmanship, liberality sympathy and broad outlook of a man trained the public life of England and the open mindedness and freshness of view of a new comer to India. The administration of those, who, Commissioners in Sind, hold sway over the affairs of this province, is, on the other hand, charactised by the irresponsible and bureaucratic spirit with which their long official career imbues them, Sind also keenly feels the degradation of her position in being ruled by a civilian Commissioner, whereas the other Divisions are directly under the Governor of Bombay in Council.

8. You Memorialists do not deem it desirable to detail here, at any great length, the many disadvantages under which the people of this province have laboured, as a result of its being administered by an irresponsible official, vested with almost all the powers of a Governor-in-Council, but they will content themselves by mentioning only a few glaring instances.

It has been often said by officials that local self-government institutions are the training ground for national self-government, and yet, perhaps, nowhere else in India have less facilities been provided for that training than in our province. Act II of 1884 empowered government to introduce an element of election in the constitution of municipalities, and by the year 1886, six municipalities in Sind, namely those of Karachi, Hyderabad, Shikarpur, Sukkur, Jacobabad and Kotri were made partially elective. Since that date, while the municipal franchise has been widely extended in the other Divisions of the Presidency administered directly by the Governor-in-Council, in Sind, during this long spell of 30 years the progress has been literally nil. The figures for the Presidency proper and our unfortunate province show a very marked contrast. In the Northern Division of the Presidency there are 35 municipalities, and out of these as many as 30 enjoy the right of elected Councillors. In the Central Division no less than 51 out of 57 enjoy the right, and in the Southern Division 33 out of 37. In Sind, however, out of a total 25 municipalities only 6 enjoy the right of election, and those 6 are the same 6 municipalities which were established on the elective basis between the years 1884, and 1886. Again, while in the Presidency, in 25 municipalities (i.e. 5 in the Northern Division, 12 in the central Division and 8 in the Southern Division) at least two-thirds of the Councillors are elected, in Sind there are only 3 such municipalities. The same sad tale of unprogressive ness is told by the facts relating to the right of elective presidents. In the Northern Division 27 municipalities enjoy the right of electing their own President by a vote of a majority of two thirds of the councilors. In the central Division there are 44 such municipalities, and in the Southern Division 19. In our province, however, at the present moment, only 3 municipalities enjoy that right. Lately, in the case of 14 municipalities in the Presidency proper, the condition of a two-thirds majority vote was removed, the question of the removal of the same condition in the case of 6 municipalities haven been left, as usual in the similar cases, to the Commissioner-in-Sind. The result has been that none of the Sind municipalities has been permitted to elect its President by a bare majority of votes. Besides, the powers of introducing the elective principle in the Constitution of a municipality and in the appointment of its President, the Commissioner has been given, by the use of the Commissioner-in-Sind Act V of 1868, such extensive powers, of control over the town municipalities of Sind under the Bombay District Municipal Act, as prejudicially to affect the independence and powers of initiative of those Municipalities. The delegation, to the Commissioner in Sind, of almost all the powers of control over even the city municipalities has deprived them of the privileges enjoyed by such municipalities in other Divisions and in effect reduced them to the position of town municipalities. This is very clearly illustrated by two recent instances. While the Bombay Government issued a Resolution No.442 dated the 19thJanuary 1916, grating to several city municipalities of the Presidency proper the right of electing their own Presidents by a bare majority of votes, it left the question of taking a similar step in this province to the Commissioner-in-Sind, with the result stated above. Again, while laying down in 1909 that, in town municipalities to which the privilege of extended franchise has been conceded, the executive officer should be a government servant, the Governor-in-Council was pleased to direct, that the city Municipalities should be allowed a free hand in regard to the creation and filling up of the appointment of the Chief Officer. In spite of this very clear direction, the Commissioner-in-Sind imposed a government servant as its Chief Officer on the Shikarpur Municipality, one of the four city Municipalities existing in Sind. The position with regard to the district local boards is not different. In the Northern Division 5 out of 6 Boards enjoy the right. In Sind, however, not a single district local board out of 7 has been thought fit by the Commissioner-in-Sind for the grant of the right of having a majority of its members elected, and, further, while there are 2 districts local boards in Sind which have no elective element at all in their Constitution, there are none such in the whole of the Presidency proper. Recently, the Bombay Government, with a view to free the district local boards from excessive official control, appointed none-official Presidents on a few selected district local boards in the Presidency, but in Sind, we find that not one district local board has been adjudged by the Commissioner-in-Sind to be fit for the right, although competent non-official members have been elected on the boards who could worthily fill the place of a President.

Your Memorialists believe that by the blocking of practically all progress in these institutions of local self-government, the people of our province have been deprived of the opportunity of cultivating their public spirit and sense of local patriotism and have had no chance for that political and moral training which the exercise of elective franchise largely provides. Had the province of Sind been directly under the administration of the Governor-in-Council, it would have had the benefit of all the liberal measures of that Government and Sind would not have had to suffer the political and moral loss which it now has had to suffer. There would have been greater public spirit, greater independence and greater political experience among the people.

To take another instance, the control, at present exercised by the Commissioner-in-Sind over the judicial administration of the province, not only by the power of appointing subordinate Judges, but by various other powers under the Sind Courts Act XIV of 1866, the Civil Courts Act XIV of 1869 and other enactments, reduces the status of the Judicial Commissioner’s Court and weakens its independence.

The revenue administration of the province, almost exclusively under the final control of the Commissioner-in-Sind, has for years been regarded by the people as most illiberal and is carried on in disregard of the existing rights of the Zamindars. The land Revenue Code of 1879 has, in Sind, been modified by the the special circulars issued by the Commissioner-in-Sind. The remission rules framed by him are in conflict with the principles laid down by Lord Curzon in his famous resolution on the subject and ignore the higher cost of the cultivation and clearance in Sind. The procedure adopted in disposing of applications for remission is extremely dilatory and the existing system of donabandi or assessment of the crop most defective, so that the remission rules, in effect, give most inadequate relief to the Zamindars. The Commissioner’s special circular relating to water courses and the trees planted on them over-rides the rights of the Zamindars over the trees planted by them on their own water-courses and consequently the plantation of trees in the province is discouraged, for, since the cultivation in Sind is mainly dependent on inundated canals, the plantation of trees is impossible except on canals and water-courses flowing from them.

What your Memorialists regard as an aggravation of the whole case, is the absence of any attempt to differentiate between the delegation of criminal and revenue powers, and, in holding the view that anything which affects the life and liberty of the people should not be the subject of delegation by executive order, your Memorialists are supported by the competent official evidence tendered before the Royal Commission upon Decentralization in India. Extensive powers of Local Government have been conferred on a single irresponsible official in Sind both under the Criminal Procedure Code and the Bombay Distrct Police Act IV of 1890.

Withdrawing his own responsibility for the direct administration of Sind, the Governor of Bombay in Council leaves it to the Commissioner-in-Sind to inquire into and satisfy the needs and requirements of the province. As a typical and instructive illustration of the result of this action your Memorialists would draws your attention to the fact that the local authorities have shown no concern in the matter of construction of provincial roads and maintenance of communication in proper repair, although this is essential for bringing the mofussil under the civilizing influences at work to the cities. While there are 5118 miles roads in the Presidency properly maintained from the provincial revenues and Rs.21 lacs were spent on them, in 1915-16, in Sind only Rs.803 were spent in that year, the solitary provincial road being one about 5 miles long.

These are but a few of the many instances of the disadvantages suffered by the people of Sind as a result of the present irresponsible system of government prevailing in the province.

9. The reasons, which might even plausibly have at one time justified the reservation of very large powers in the hands of the Commissioner-in-Sind, have clearely no longer any force. While at the passing of the Sind Commissioner’s Act V of 1865 the only means of communication between Karachi, the capital of Sind, and Bomaby, othe seat of the Provincial Government, was by sea at the present times Sind is also linked up with Bombay by railway, which has brought Karachi and other parts of Sind nearer to Bombay than some other portions of the Presidency. The reason, that owing to the lack of communications and consequent delays in correspondence extensive powers should be delegated to the local executive, clearely does not hold good at the present day. The plea of the “undeveloped state of Sind” as justifying the concentration of wide executive powers in a single individual also cannot with any show of reason be advanced now. The Sind Commissioner’s Act was passed 50 years ago and your Memorialists refuse to believe that half a century of British rule has wrought no substantial improvement in the condition of things in our province. The advance made during the last half a century in the matter of railway communications, provision of irrigational facilities, extent of cultivation, and progress in education, have brought Sind practically in a line with the rest of the Presidency and made the devolution of the present unduly large powers into the hands of the Commissioner-in-Sind no longer desirable. The difference due to the “physical configuration of the province, the climate the modes of cultivation the racial characteristics, the manner and customs, domestic and agrarian, prevalent in Sind” have been most illogically relied upon as a justification for the exceptional position of the Commissioner-in-Sind. Similar differences exist, more or less in the same acute form, between the districts of the Mahrattas, the districts of Gujratis and the Sourthern Division of the Presidency, all administered by one common Government, and yet, no one has, on this account, proposed the delegation of the very extraordinary powers enjoyed by the Commissioner-in-Sind to the other Divisional Commissioners. In other parts of the India, also similar divergencies exist between the different sections of the people under one administration, without impairing the efficiency of that administration.

10. The Memorialists, therefore, venture to place before you, Sirs, their firm conviction, that if the introduction of responsible government in India is to have any reality for the three and a half million Indians, who have lived for over 30 years in Sind under a more autocratic system of administration than perhaps prevails in any other province of India, except the military provinces of Baluchistan and the North West Frontier, it is absolutely essential that until circumstances become ripe for the elevation of Sind to the position of an independent province with duly responsible executive and a Chartered High Court, the administration of the affairs of our province, should for the time being be placed directly under the Governor of Bombay in Council, hope that Sind is likely to realize large advantages from the Sukkur Barrage a generation hereafter.

Report of the Sind Reforms Committee on the Montagu

Chelmsford Reforms Proposals and

The Position of Sind

The Committee was appointed at the 5th Sind Provincial Conference of the Indian National Congress held at Karachi on 30th, 31st March and 1st April 1918 with the following Resolutions:

Resolution: “That in view of the Announcement of Reforms to be made by the Secretary of State as the result of his Mission to this country, a Committee be appointed to consider the said announcement, more specially with reference to Sind and submit its report to the Sind Provincial Conference to deliberate on the same.”

The Position of Sind in the Coming Reforms: With regard to the question of the position that Sind should occupy in the come Reforms and the change that should take place in the system of Government obtaining at present in Sind, the Committee has gone carefully into this question and the conclusion arrived at are embodied in the succeeding paragraphs. Soon after the appointment of the Committee by the Conference at Karachi, the subject was divided in different parts and members were invited to write notes on one or more of them. Some notes were written and published and sent to members for the study of the question. Subsequently, after the Report of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford on Indian Reforms was published, the Committee has met from time to time and delibereated over this question fully and come to these conclusion.

2. There have been four alternative proposals before the Committee, viz (i) the detachment of Sind from the Bombay Presidency and its amalgamation with the British Baluchistan to form one province under a Lieutenant-Governor with a Legislative Council; (2) the detachment of Sind from the Bombay Presidency and its amalgamation with Punjab to form one province under the Governor-in-Council; (3) The Continuance of Sind as a part of the Bombay Presidency, but under the direct control of the Governor-in-Council necessitating the repeal of all Acts and measures which authorizes delegation of power to the Commissioner in Sind over and above those held by the other divisional Commisioners; and (4) Autonomy for Sind.

3. But before considering any of these proposals the Committee likes to record its unanimous and most emphatic condemnation of the present system of Government of Sind, under which the Commissioner-in-Sind exercises most of the powers of the Governor-in-Coucil. Under the delegation Act of 1868, powers have been delegated to the Commisioner-in-Sind which are not enjoyed by the Commissioners of other divisions of the Presidency, with the result that Sind has been deprived of the advantages of Council Government and has been subjected to one man’s rule. This has naturally told upon the development of the province. Public opinion has been kept down under the heel of Officialdom; the growth of independence of character and civic responsibility have been hindered; there has been too much interference with local bodies with the result that Local Self Government is a greater unreality in Sind than elsewhere; benefits conferred upon the other divisions by the Governor-in-Council have been withheld from the people of this province by the Commissioner-in-Sind. Besides, that “One Man’s Rule” is against the very essence of responsible Government which is the goal of India, is amply recognised by Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford, who in their report on Indian Reforms say: “ The retention of the administration of a province in the hands of a single man precludes the possibility of giving it a responsible character. Our first poposition, therefore, is that in all these provinces single-handed administration must cease and be replaced by collective administration.” With this proposition the Committee cordially agrees and is emphatically of opinion that one man’s rule in Sind must immediately cease.

4. As regards the proposal that Sind and British Baluchistan should be amalgamated to form one province, the Committee is positively against it. The Committee is so convinced of the harm that would result to Sind from its amalgamation with Baluchistan that it would have summarily rejected this proposal had it not been for the fact that it has been put forward on behalf of the Sind Mohamedan Association. The only advantage that has been pointed out in its favour is that, Sind would be a small province by itself if it is constituted autonomous and that as Baluchistan is so nearer to Sind, would help to extend its area and increase its population. It will be noticed that behind this agreement there is a desire for autonomy for Sind. But the Committee demurs to this argument and it is of opinion that Sind is quite big enough to be autonomous without any area being added to it. Moreover, Baluchistan does not form a part of India proper. Its civilization and the customs and habits of its people are entirely different. It is also very backward. Education has hardly made any headway. The system of Government in Baluchistan has for the last 40 years been military and more autocratic in character than in Sind, being under the irresponsible control of a Chief Commissioner who is an Agent to the Governor General. The revenues of the province are wholly inadequate for the cost of its administration and large subsidies are given to it by the Government of India even now. The taking on of such a very backward province to our own province will only act as a drag on our progress and will be absolutely unwarranted and positively harmful to our interests. Moreover, this proposal must be dropped as impossible of acceptance by the Government as made perfectly clear in the report of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford on Indian Reforms that “for reason of strategy the two frontier provinces (North-West Frontier Provinces and Baluchistan) must remain entirely in the hands of the Government of India”.

5. The proposal of detachment of Sind from the Bombay Presidency and its amalgamation with the Punjab has a fair amount of backing in the province. The Punjab is also amxious for it. It has been urged that Sind is essentially an agricultural province and as the river Indus is common to the Punjab and Sind, the agricultural and irrigational problems of the two provinces are common and therefore they will be developed better and more unformly under the common Government. The Committee recognizes the force of the argument but believes that the agricultural and irrigational interests of Sind can be adequately safeguarded and fostered if Sind gets its own independent Government in the federal Government composed of autonomous provinces which it is the aim of Indians to evolve for their country, it will be an essential condition that the interest of one province do not suffer by the clashing with the interests of another. If this condition is not observed there can be no harmonious working between the difference provinces with the result that the whole Indian Empire will be disintegrated and will not last. The different provinces will therefore take good care to see that the interests of their neighbours do not suffer in any way because of them. This will be amicably settled between them by the Government of India. The Government of the provinces themselves will also over keep a zealous and watchful eye over the interests of their provinces and will not let them suffer. The Committee therefore entertains no apprehension that, unless Sind is amalgamated to the Punjab, the Punjab will take away all the water of the Indus, and will let Sind starve. The Committee is further convinced that an autonomous Government of Sind will do its utmost to develop and foster agriculture and irrigation in the province to their fullest possible extent. It is further said that the people of Sind have got more in common with the people of Punjab in the matter of religion, language and customs than with the people of the Bombay Presidency and also that Sind is geographically connected with the Punjab whereas it is completely isolated from the Bombay Presidency. But the more important consideration in thismatter is not whether Sind is distinct from either, and that is a point in favour of autonomy rather than that Sind should be joined to the Punjab. One minor advantage that is pointed out is that if the two provinces, Sind and the Punjab, are amalgamated province will have a High Court and that will be a distinct advantage for Sind. But the committee sees no reason why each of the two provinces should not have agitate for that. On the other hand we have to bear in mind that the Punjab is more backward than the Bombay Presidency and it will be derogatory to Sind to be detached from an advanced province and attached to a comparatively backward province; and it will not conduce to its interests. Then the advocates of this proposal make it necessary condition of it that Karachi will be the full time or half time capital of the amalgamated province. The committee feels doubtful if the Government will consent to this as Karachi will be at the extreme end of the province, and the Punjab being so near to frontier of India the Government will naturally desire to have the capital more in the interior. The people of the Punjab also will raise strong objection to it. And finally any advantages that might accrue to Sind by its amalgamation with the Punjab are outweighed immeasurably by the advantages that could be secured by making Sind an autonomous province. But above all the amalgamation of Sind with the Punjab will be only a temporary make-shift since it is the ideal of the people of Sind that Sind should be sooner or later an autonomous province and since it is also the policy of the Government, as enunciated in the Report of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford that the present province are too large and cumbrous and should be broken up in smaller areas, as it indeed is natural and in the fitness of things. The Committee is emphatically of opinion that any supposed advantages of this amalgamation do not justify this temporary makesnift and cannot therefore support this proposal.

6. The third proposal, viz. the continuance of Sind with the Bombay Presidency, but directly under the control of the Governor-in-Council necessitating the repeal of all Acts and measures which authorize the delegation of powers by the Governor-in-Council to the Commissioner-in-Sind, has also a large measure of support. But the advocates of this proposals favour it onlyas a temporary arrangement until circumstances are ripe for Sind to become autonomous. They believe that Sind is backward with a large illiterate population, and that public life has not yet developed to that extent as would ensure in the people that independence of thought and action which is so necessary in an autonomous province, and are, therefore, of opinion that it would be of advantage of Sind to remain linked with the progressive province like the Bombay Presidency still for some time to come. But the Committee is of opinion that the cause of this backwarness of Sind is the neglect of Sind by the Bombay Government and the one man’s rule that prevails here at present, and that as soon as Sind is constituted as autonomous province and people are given responsibility of managing their own affairs this backwardness will disappear and Sind will soon fall in the lines with the other provinces. Also sooner Sind is put on the course of autonomy the better it is for it.

Further, it is not self-respecting for the people of Sind to say that they can not advance on their own merits but that they must advance because of their connection with Bombay and borrowed progressiveness of the latter. It is said that if the Act of 1868 is repealed and the extraordinary powers which the Commissioner-in-Sind enjoys at present are taken away from him many of the evils from which Sind suffers will be removed. In the first place the Committee feels very doubtful if Government will consent to the repeal of this Act, for all the enquiries that have been made by the Government in this matter in the past have in their view, confirmed the utility of this Act is as much as it relieves the Governor-in-Council of much of the work relating to Sind and helps to expedite the disposal of Sind matters. The decentralization commission was strongly in favourof this Act. The late Mr. Gokhale also supported it. Secondly the Committee does not believe that the remedy for the existing evils of the administration in the province lies in increasing the control from above but in the bringing to bear the pressure of public opinion of Sind directly upon the Government in Sind and making its administration responsible to the people of Sind and Sind alone. The Committee further sees many objections to Sind’s connection with Bombay. Sind has nothing in common with Bombay. Its history is different; its traditions are different; the customs and habits of its people are different; its economic problems are different; it is geographical isolated. It was merely an accident which brought on the linking of Sind with Bombay in the year 1847. Bombay was the westernmost Presidency under the British at that time and was the only convenient base from which the Government of Sind could be carried on. It is also a well known fact and this is our strongest argument, that the interests of Sind have been entirely neglected at the hands of the Bombay Government. The construction of the through railway connection between Karachi and Delhi and direct broadguage railway line between Karachi and Bombay have been put off through the dilatoriness of the Bombay Government. This is only one instance but many more could be cited. Not only that but owing to the natural rivalry between the city of Karachi and Bombay, the interests of Karachi are likely to suffer as they have done in the past at the hands of the Bombay.

An instance could be cited in the opposition of Bombay to the diversion of the English Mail to Karachi. The result has been that the trade of Karachi and the consequent prosperity of Sind have suffered enormously on account of the dilatoriness or selfishness of the Bombay Government. And this handicap on the development of Karachi will continue as long as Sind remains with Bombay. Finally, since the tendency of circumstances point inevitably in the direction of autonomy for Sind and as the interests of Sind also lie therein, the Committee sees no reason why the question of autonomy should be delayed any longer, rather sooner it is taken up the better it will be.

7. The Committee, thus driven to the acceptance of the last proposal, viz, autonomy for Sind, which indeed has the largest support in the province.

It is pointed out that Sind has been always separate in the past, with its own independent Government, geographically also Sind stands by itself at the westernmost extremity of the country. The people have got their own traditions, their own customs, and habits and their own language. They have got a distinct provincial nationality of their own, which it must be the endeavour of every patriotic Sindhi to preserve and foster. The interests of Sind will be best safe-guarded and developed if it has got its own Government under the control of its own people. All these facts are fully recognized and their value specially appreciated by the Committee. The objection is raised to this proposal that Sind is too small in area and has too small a population to constitute it a separate province but there can be no hard and fast rule that provinces which have a particular area and have a particular population can only be separated. The Committee does not believe that Sind is so small that autonomy for it is precluded. Sind has always been separated in the past and is bigger than many of the native states in India and some of the states in the United States, and even some of the European Kingdoms.

It is further said that the large bulk of the population is illiterate which has not yet developed independence of thought and action; and people who will get into power will be the tools of officials and therefore Sind is not yet ripe for autonomy and must be tied to the apron-strings of Bombay. The Committee sees the advantage of it but does not regard it as an insurmountable obstacle to autonomy and holds that putting such people in position of responsibility will develop in them that independence of thought and action which is lacking in them at present.

The objection on the score of finance has been raised that Sind has not sufficient revenue to enable it to bear the cost of the council administration. But the figures that have been collected on this subject conclusively prove that this objection is entirely fallacious and groundless. The total revenue of Sind at present is approximately two crores and 78 lacs of rupees of which one crore and 80 lacs is the provincial share and 93 lacs as the imperial share under the scheme as suggested by Mr. Montague and Lord Chelmsford in their report the revenue in Sind will be approximately 2 crores and 61 lacs, as shown under:-

Estimated according to figures of the year 916-17:- in thousands of rupees.

Land revenue 12120

Judicial stamp (approximately half of the

total revenue from stamps 555

Irrigation 9224

Excise 2425

Forest 534

Other heads (approximately) 1221

————

Total Rs. 26080/-

This revenue is considerably more than the revenue of Assam which will be only one crore and 71 lacs of rupees. And Assam is to have full fledged Council Government under the scheme of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford. Thus all these objections that are raised against autonomy for Sind are in the opinion of the Committtee, unsatisfactory and un convincing and the Committee has no hesitation in recommending that Sind should be constituted an autonomous provinces, with its own legislative and executive, an executive which will be responsible to the legislature and legislature which will be responsible to the people in the measure recommended by the Committee in its scheme of general Reforms for the whole of India.

The Committee is of opinion that the question of the general Reforms for the whole of India is so immeasurably more important than the question of Sind, that all our efforts should be concentrated for the present on the them in order to secure reforms which will satisfy the aspirations of the people and will meet the requirements of the country. The question of Sind can be taken up at any time and autonomy of Sind secured for Mr. Montague and Lord Chelmsford themselves, in discussing the question of the redistribution of provincial areas in para 246 of their report state, “ We desire that it should be recognized as one the earliest duties incumbent upon all the reformed provincial Governments to test provincial opinion upon schemes directed to this end.” The Committee recommends that the question of Sind be deffered until the general reforms have got their final shape, when we shall be in a position to take the pros the cons of the situation and decide our course of action. In the meantime we should do our utmost to secure redical modification in the scheme of reforms of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford and get what we aspire for and what is absolutely essential for the country.

(Sd.) Durgdas B. Advani

Nihalchand U. Vaswani

R.K. Sidhwa

Naraindas Anandji

Separate Minutes

In my opinion it would be a short sighted policy to postpone the demand for autonomy. I do not admit that Sind is particularly so backward that its Government under any scheme of reforms would become oligarchic, but even if in the present circumstances autonomy would result in power being placed in the hands of “the tools of officials”, that would not be a good ground for postponement. The only sure way of making it nationally fit for self Government is to entrust it with self Government. The Resai evidence shows that the Sind Zamindar is not a pattern of subservience that he is made out to be. Besides, the elections are to be on a direct basis, and on as wide a franchise as possible. Hence the Legislative Assembly may be expected to contain a preponderating element of independent men.

(Sd.) Durgdas B. Advani

The Committee having made out a very strong case in favour of autonomy, I see no reason why this important subject should be allowed to be kept in abeyance. I am of opinion that the Act of 1868 empowering the Commissioner-in-Sind with the powers of the Governor-in-Council will not be repealed automatically, even after the introduction of the Parliamentary Act of Reforms; and it is absolutely necessary to have One Man’s Rule, which is so detrimental to progress and development of our province ended. It is only befitting on our part to urge for complete autonomy for Sind.

`(Sd.) R.K. Sidhwa

I agree in the conclusions regarding the question of Sind, but not in some of arguments.

(Sd.) Jairamdas Doultram

Sind’s Grievances

Provincial Conference’s Address to Mr. Montagu Claim to

Become an independent province

Curtailment of Commissioner’s Powers advocated .

Sind an unqualified autocracy

“Denial of the Benefits of Government.”

Tale of Muncipal Unprogressiveness

“Most Liberal” Revenue Administration

Unsatisfactory state of Provincial Roads and Communications

The people of Sind are anxious to place before you and His Majesty’s Government in England, the result of their prolonged experience and deliberation as to the changes in the system of government in Sind, which are absolutely necessary, if the proposal “ to take substantial steps in the direction of the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire”, as enunciated in the Declaration of the British policy in India made in the House of Commons on August 20, 1917, is to have any meaning and significance for the people of this province.

The Government of Sind has for the last seventy years been, in effect, an unqualified autocracy, with all the disadvantages characteristics of that system. The Commissioner-in-Sind, deriving his numerous powers, partly, by the unconstitutional process of successive inheritance from his ancient predecessor, Sir Charles Napier, the first and last Governor of Sind, mainly, by the frequent delegation to him of numerous powers of local Government by the Governor of Bombay in Council, under the Commissioner-in-Sind’s Act V of 1868, and recently by the specific reservation to him, in later Acts of powers elsewhere reserved to the Governor-in-Council has to day become, in most respects, a Local Government itself, without the check of an Executive Council.

This concentration of exceedingly wide powers in the hands of one man, without the simultaneous replacement of control by the people for control from above has naturally resulted in the creation of despotic administration in Sind. We feel that the vesting of practically entire government of a large sub-province in the hands of a single and individual leads to the operation of personal opinions and predilections, and fluctuations in policy involves the risk of the misuse of powers and militates against the progressive liberalization of the administration. This effect is felt not only in the departments in which he has practically final control, but even in those matters in which, while, technically, he possesses no greater powers than the ordinary Divisional Commissioner, he yet has a greater voice and influence.

We also feel convinced, that by the present arrangement Sind is being practically denied the benefits of government by the Governor-in-Council. Questions which it the case of the other Divisions of the Presidency after passing through the hands of the divisional commioners, undergo elaborate criticism in the Bombay Secretariat, pass the close scrutiny of one of the members of the Executive Council who is conscious of his responsibility as a member of Government and which, sometimes, even run the gauntlet of a debate in the Executive Council itself, are, in the case of Sind, disposed of practically finally, by the Commissioner-in-Sind, whose decisions are uninfluenced not only by the restraint due to the existence of the higher body with revisional powers, but also by the pressure of public opinion in the province.

Further, unlike the other Divisions of the Bombay Presidency, Sind, not being under the direct administration of the Government of Bombay, is deprived of the benefits of the statesmanship, liberality, sympathy and broad outlook of a man trained in the public life of England and the open mindedness and freshness of view of a new corner to India. The administration, of those who, as Commissioner-in-Sind, hold away over the affairs of this province, is, on the other hand, characterized by the irresponsible and bureaucratic spirit with which their long official career imbues them. Sind also keenly feels the degradation of her position in being ruled by a civilian Commissioner, where as the other Divisions are directly under the Governor of Bombay in Council.

Backward Local Government

Your memorialists do not deem it desirable to detail here, at any great length, the many disadvantages under which the people of this province have laboured, as a result of its being administered by an irresponsible official, vested with almost all the powers of a Governor-in-Council, but they will content themselves by mentioning only a few glaring instances.

It has often been said by officials that local self-government institutions are the training ground for national self-government and yet, perhaps nowhere elese in India have less facilites been provided for that training than in our province. Act II of 1884 empowered Government to introduce an element of election in the constitution of muncipalites, and by the year 1886, six municipalities in Sind, namely those of Karachi, Hyderabad, Shikarpur, Sukkur, Jacobabad and Kotri were made partialy elective. Since that date, while the municipal franchise has been widely extended in the other Divisions of the Presidency administered directly by the Governor-in-Council, in Sind, during this long spell of 30 years the progress has been literally nil. The figures for the Presidency proper and our unfortunate province show a very marked contrast. In the Northern Division of the Presidency there are 35 municipalities, and out of these as many as 30enjoy the right of elected councilors. In the Central Division no less that 51 out of 57 enjoy the right, and the Southern Division 33 out of 37. in Sind, however, out of 20 total of 25 municipalities only 6 enjoy the right of election and those 6 are the same 6 municipalities which were established on an elective basis between the years 1884 and1886. Again, while in the Presidency, in 25 municipalities (i.e. 5 in the Northern Division, 12 in the Central Division, and 8 in the Southern Division) at least two-third of the councilors are elected in Sind there are only 3 such municipalities. The same sad tale of the unprogressiveness is told by the facts relating to the right of elective presidents. In the Northern Division 27 municipalities enjoy the right of electing their own presidents by the vote of a majority of two-thirds of the councilors. In the Central Division there are 44 such municipalities, and, the Southern Division 19. In our province, however, at the present moment, only 3 municipalities enjoy that right. Lately, in the case of 14 municipalities in the Presidency proper, the condition of a two thirds majority vote was removed the question of the removal of the same condition in the case of Sind municipalities having been left as usual in similar cases, to the Commissioner-in-Sind. The result has been that none of the Sind municipalities has been permitted to elect its president by a bare majority of votes. Besides the powers of introducing the elective principle in the constitution of a municipality and in the appointment of its president, the Commissioner has been given, by the use of the Commissioner-in-Sind’s Act V of 1868, such extensive powers of control over the town municipalities of Sind under the Bombay District Municipal Act, as prejudicially to affect the independence and power of initiative of those municipalities. The delegation to the Commissioner-in-Sind of almost all the powers of control over even the city municipalities has deprived them of the privileges enjoyed by such municipalities in other Division, and in effect reduced them to the position of town municipalities. This is very clearly illustrated by two recent instances. While the Bombay Government issued a Resolution No.442, dated January 9, 1916, granting to several cities municipalities of the Presidency proper the right of electing their own Presidents by a bare majority of votes, it left the question of taking a similar step in this province to the Commissioner-in-Sind, with the result stated above. Again, while laying down in 1909 that, in town municipalities to which the privilege of extended franchise has been conceded, the executive officer should a government servant, the Governor-in-Council was pleased to direct, that the city municipalities should be allowed a free hand in regard to the creation and filling up of the appointment of Chief Officer. Inspite of this very clear direction, the Commissioner-in-Sind imposed a Government servant as its Chief Officer on the Shikarpur Municipality one of the four city municipalities existing in Sind. the position with regard to the district local boards is not different. In the Northern Division 5 out of 6 Districts local boards enjoy the right of an elective majority, in the Central Division all the districts local boards and in the Southern Division 5 out of 6 boards enjoy the right in Sind. However, not a single district local board out of 7 has been thought fit by the Commisioner-in-Sind for the grant of the right of having a majority of its members elected and, further, while there are 2 district local boards in Sind which, have no elective element at all in their constitution, there are none such in the whole of the Presidency proper. Recently, the Bombay Government, with a view to free the district local boards from excessive official control appointed non-official presidents on a few selected districts local boards in the Presidency, but, in Sind, to be fit for the right, although competent non-official members have been elected on the boards who could worthily fill the place of a presidents.

No Chance for Political Training: Your memorialits believe that by the blocking of practically all progress in these institutions of local self-government, the people of our province have been deprived of the opportunity of cultivating their public spirit and sense of local patriotism and have had no chance for that political and moral training which the exercise the of elective franchise largely provides. Had the province of Sind been directly under the administration of the Governor-in-Council, it would, have had the benefit of all the liberal measures of that Government and Sind would not have had to suffer the political and moral loss which it now has had to suffer. There would have been greater public spirit, greater independence and greater political experience among the people.

To take another instance, the control, at present exercised by the Commissioner-in-Sind over the judicial administration of the province, not only by the power of appointing subordinate judges, but also by various other powers under the Sind Courts Act XII of 1866, the Civil Courts Act XIV of 1869 and other enactments reduces the status of the judicial Commissioner’s Court and weakens its independence.

Liberal Revenue Administration: The revenue administration of the province almost exclusively under the final control of the Commissioner-in-Sind, has for years been regarded by the people as most illiberal and is carried on indisregard of the existing rights of the zamindars. The land Revenue code of 1879 has, in Sind, been modified by the “special circulars” issued by the Commissioner-in-Sind. The remission rules framed by him are in conflict with the principles laid down by Lord Curzon in his famous resolution on the subject and ignore the higher cost of cultivation adopted in disposing of application for remission is extremely dilatory and the existing system of danabandi or assessment of the crop most defective, so that the remission rules, in effect, give most inadequate relief to the zamindars. The Commissioner’s special circular relating to water courses and the trees planted on them overrides the rights of the zamindars over the trees planted by them on their own water-courses flowing from them.

What your memorialists regard as an aggravation of the whole case is the absence of any attempt to differentiate between the delegation of criminal and revenue powers; and, in holding the view that anything which affects the life and liberty of the people should not be the subject of delegation by executive order, your memorialists are supported by competent official evidence rendered before the Royal Commission upon the Decentralization in India. Extensive powers of Local Government have been conferred on a single irresponsible official in Sind both under the Criminal procedure Code and the Bombay District Police Act IV of 1890.

Lack of Roads: withdrawing his own responsibility for the direct administration of Sind, the Governor of Bombay in Council leaves it to the Commissioner-in- Sind to enquire into and satisfy the needs and requirements of the province. As, a typical and instructive illustration of the result, of this action your memoralists would draw your attention to the fact that the local authorities have shown no concern in the matter of construction of provincial roads and maintenance of communications in proper repair, although this is essential for bringing the mofussil under the civilizing influences at work in the cities. While there are 5118 miles of roads in the Presidency proper maintained from the provincial revenues and Rs.21 lacs were spent in them in 1915-16, in Sind only Rs.803 were spent on that year, the solitary provincial road being one about 5 miles long!

There are but a few of the many instances of the disadvantages suffered by the people of Sind as a result of the present irresponsible system of government prevailing in the province.

Curtailing the Commissioner’s Powers: The reason which might even plausibly have at one time justified the reservation of very large powers in the hands of the Commissioner-in-Sind, have clearly no longer any force. While at the passing of the Sind Commissioner’s Act V of 1868 the only means of communication between Karachi, the capital of Sind, and Bombay, the seat of the Provincial Government, was by sea, at the present time Sind is alo linked up with Bombay by railway, which has brought Karachi and other parts of Sind nearer to Bombay than some other portions of the Presidency. The reason, that owing to the lack of communication and consequent delays in correspondence, extensive powers should be delegated to the local executive clearly does not hold good at the present day. The plea of the “undeveloped state of Sind”, as justifying the concentration of the wide executive powers in a single individual also cannot with any show of reason be advanced now. The Sind Commissioner’s Act was passed 50 years ago, and your memorialists refuse to believe that half a century of British rule has wrought no substantial improvement in the condition of things in our province. The advance made during the last half a century in the matter of railway communications, provision of irrigational facilities, extent of cultivation, and progress in education, have brought Sind practically in a line with the rest of the Presidency and made the devolution of the present unduly large powers into the hands of the Commissioner-in-Sind no longer desirable. The deifferences due to the “physical configuration of the province, the climate, the modes of cultivation, the racial characteristics, the manners and customs, domestic and agrarian, prevalent in Sind” have been most illogically relied upon as justification for the exceptional position of the Commissioner-in-Sind. Similar differences exist, more or less in the same acute form, between the districts of the Mahrattas the district of the Gujratis and the Southern Division of the Presidency, all administered by one common government, and yet, no one has, on this account, proposed the delegation of the very extraordinary powers enjoyed the Commissioner-in-Sind to the other Divisional Commissioners. In other parts of India, also similar divergencies exist between the different sections of the people under one administration without impairing the efficiency of that administration.

Sind as an independent Province: The memorialists, therefore, venture to place before you, Sirs their firm conviction, that if the introduction of responsible government in India is to have any reality for the three and a half million Indians, who have lived for over 70 years in Sind under a more autocratic system of administration than perhaps prevails in any other province of India, except the military provinces of Baluchistan and the North-West Frontier Provinces, it is absolutely essential that, until circumstances become ripe for the elevation of the Sind to the position of an independent province with the duly responsible executive and Chartered High Court, the administration of the affairs of our provicve should for the time being be placed directly under the Governor of Bombay in Council, and all enhancements, and measures, which relate to the delegation of powers to the Commissioner-in-Sind be so amended or repealed as to place the Commissioner-in-Sind, on the same footing as other Divisional Commisioners, all the powers conferred on these latter being also retained by him, but not more. The Governor of Bombay should reside at Karachi during a few months of the year, and the members of the Executive Council should visit the province more frequently than theretofore and at least one of the sessions of the Bombay Legislative Council should be held at Karachi every year. The Daily Gazette, Friday, December 28, 1917.

Sind Politics: There is little that in (new with one minister exception that we refer to later) in the long series of resolutions passed by the Sind Provincial Conference at Jacobabad at the rate of one every five minutes or so. Most of them we have had before either in Sind or at Bombay or Congress centre. What we mah call outside or general resolutions therefore call for no comment. Probably their very text was transmitted by the central authority and ofcourse the conference swallowed them without stopping to think, or even talk. With many of the resolutions referring to Sind, such as the necessity for a High Court, roads, the Sukkur Barrage an Agricultural College and other educational measures we are in entire agreement and have indeed frequently advocated them in these columns. Other resolutions show that the Provincial Conference is the upholder of wealth and privilege against the interest of the poor. Thus there was a strong condemnation of the house-tax, which is stated to be in direct conflict with the wishes of “the people”, which of course means that very small section of the people which owns houses and enjoys for greater benefit from municipal amenfties than the poor classes who often live in kutcha huts and are made to pay a grossly unfair proportion of the municipal taxation through octroi or terminal tax. The conference also displayed great concern for the woes of the income Tax payer, a very small (in fact unduly small) patrion of the population now that income-tax limit has been raised. It is a curious fact that the Indian political extremist, while ready to rant about liberty and democracy on the slightest provocation, is the extremist conservatives when the pockets of the well-to-do are concerned. When representative government comes we hazard the prediction that the present extremists will constitute the most retrograde party in the country, conservative, unprogressive and fiercely jealous of the rights and privileges of the propertied classes. That is one reason why the attempts of the extremists to attach themselves to the coat-tails of the British Labour Party always afford us mild amusement. The Conference delegates are in favour of free and compulsory education in Sind municipalities, but, they have not the faintest intention of helping to pay for it, and if the politicians of this type manage to secure the entire control of the municipalities-what they describe humorously as “full popular control” – they will take very good care, that they never do pay unless just taxation is forced upon them as was done by Mr. Rothfeld in Shikarpur, which the Conference of course strongly condemned. We are sorry to see that the Sind Conference have followed the orders of their masters at Calcutta by expressing great concern about the Khalifate and the Holy places. This is an obvious political move, for the extremists could scarcely be expected to miss the opportunity provided by the Peace Conference and the downfall of Turkey to stir up feeling among the Muslims in anticipation of the inevitable decisions of the Peace Conference. Hindu agitators all over India are undoubtedly being coached to make the most of the situation. That is one reason why there has been such a parade of “Hindu Muslim unity” and we trust that both the Mahammands and the Government appreciate the inward bearings of this unwanted tenderness in religious matters which have nothing to do with the Hindus, and that steps are being taken to counteract this insidious manocuvre. Editorial of the Daily Gazette, Karachi, April, 23, 1919.

Voice of the Public

Letters from all quarters

Unrepresentative Conferences

(To the Editor of the “Daily Gazzette” )

Sir, — In your issue of 14th inst, you have admirably described the character of political conferences in Sind and the elsewhere, particularly the Shikarpur Conference, in words with which every sensible man must concur. Two things about these conferences must strike a European in this land. One is the discussion of everything under the sun and the terrific hurry with which the subjects are handled in the “three days gathering” of congress or conference. You have yourself shown how the little Sind politicians discussed in the tiny town of Shikarpur, whose own local corporation is a disgrace to local self-government run by Indian gentlemen, gigantic questions like Home Rule in India, the reform of the India Council in London, indentured labour in Fiji and what not, Second is the capacity of those who discuss these great problems. You have rightly questioned the authority of those who came there as “delegates” and you quite justly asked their credentials.

In Sind like other places in India the delegates are chosen by the so-called local committees of the Congress, which only exist in name and are as a rule one man affairs. These august bodies, wake up at the time of congress or conference, when in a small meeting of friends, anybody and everybody is elected delegate, willingly, or unwillingly, whether he may have sympathy with the movement or may be a mere on-looker, for the simple reason that if he goes as delegate he would be well fed and looked after.

Shikarpur did have many people, but it was very striking that most of those who came from Karachi were college students, who very proudly called themselves members of the “Home Rule League”, but not of the Indian Defence Force. A good many Hyderabad people were already at Shikarpur and Sukkur, owing to the plague at Hyderabad, and their pilgrimage to the Shikarpur Conference was more or less a holiday weekend excursion.

But, you have left out one important thing, and that was the absence of the Moslem community as a whole unlike the Karachi Congress and Larkana Conference when some Muslim leaders had joined. The whole of Upper Sind refused to participate in a political movement of that kind in these war times when everybody’s endeavourought be to bring the war to a victorious end. Lower Sind also followed in the same line.The Hon. Mr. Ghulam Muhammad Bhurgri, however, attended it, and another Mohammandan, who attended was a barrister from Karachi, Mr. Abdul Rehman, who it is said came more for a change than anything else. But, you cannot imagine the reception these so-called leaders got from their co-religionists at Shikarpur. They have had an ordeal which they dare not face again. Now, what sort of treatment these “demands”, put for ward by these holiday-makers of one community, which forms a great minority which is better off in every respect in this solid Muslim Province, ought to get from our rulers is a question which I wish to leave for your good readers to answer – Your etc.

A muslim Sukkur, April 23, 1917. The Daily Gazette, Karachi, April 27, 1917.

Sind Provincial Conference

Resolutions

1. Sir William Wedderburn

This conference places on record, its expression of deep sorrow at the heavy loss sustained by the Country in the death of Sir William Wedderburn, one of the Founders of the National Congress, whose Life Long services in the cause of the regeneration of India, rendered at immense self-sacrifice as a Member of the Indian Civil Service and after retirement as a Member of the House of Commons and President of the British Congress Committee, will ever be greatly remembered by the people of India. (From the Chair)

2. That the Conference prays the Almighty to grant success to Great Britain and his Allies in this Great War for Liberty and Justice.

3. Self Government

This Conference while appreciating the pronouncement made by His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India, on behalf of Imperial Government of India, that its object is the establishment of responsible Government in India, urges the Imperial Government to give the people of India, an effective voice with his Majesty’s Government and the Government of India in determining the measure and time of each advance towards responsible Government.

This conference strongly urges the necessity for the immediate enactment of a Parliamentary Statuate providing for the establishment of Responsible Government in the full measures, to be attained at an early date within a time limit to be fixed in the statuate itself.

The Conference is emphatically of opinion that the Congress League scheme of reform which is the irreduciable minimum that the people of India can accept, be immediately introduced by Statute as the first step in the process.

Proposer: Honourable Mr. Harchandrai V Seconder: R.B. Hirannad Kh.

Supporter: Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla

“ Mukhi Jethanand Pritamdas R.B. Lokamal Ch.

“ Santdas Mangharam

“ Naraindas Motaram Dr. Choithram

“ R.K. Sidhwa Mr. Abdul Rehman

4. Curtis Scheme

The Conference is emphatically of opinion that the reforms outlined in Curtis scheme are mischievious, illusory and unacceptable to the people if India, and therefore, this Conference strongly condemns the suggestion that the scheme should be applied to Sind or in any other part in India.

Proposer: Mr. Jethumal Parsram

Seconder: “ Sri kishindas H. Lula.

Supporter: “ Nihalchand U. Vaswani

5. House Tax in Sind

This conference strongly condemns the action of Officials in brining under pressure on various Municipalities in Sind, to introduce the House Tax in the teeth of strong opposition of the people, and in particular emphatically disapproves of their high handed action in the case of Larkana and Manjhand Municipalities.

This Conference desires to bring to the notice of Government this high handed policy and violation of the principle of Local-Self-Government and urges the immense reversal of the same.

Proposer. Mr. Bhojsing Grudinomal

Seconder. “ Lalehand Navalrai

Supporter: “ Hotchand (Rohri.)

“ Issursing (Sukkur.)

“ Abdul Rahman.

“ Santdad Mangharam.

6. Thanks to Labour Party

This conference places on record its thanks to the Labour Party of England, for its warm hearted support to the cause of Home Rule for India, and for its pledge to render all assistance inside and outside Parliament towards the attainment of this subject. (From the Chair)

7. National Education

a). That this Conference records its deliberate conviction that education in India should be:-

1. Under Indian control

2. Based on Indian traditions.

3. Suited to Indian needs; and conditions

4. Such as would foster the spirit of independence, self respect, self sacrifice and other citizen virtues.

b). That this conference is of opinion that the existing system of education under Government control does not satisfy these necessary requirements and therefore until National Control is effectively secured over the educational system, voluntary organizations independent of Government control, should be started and developed for the purpose of founding and expanding schools, Colleges and for imparting general technical and Commercial education suited to the needs of the country.

c). That this conference records its warm appreciations of the labours of those patriots, who are responsible for the formation of the Society for the promotion of National Education under the Presidenship of Sir Rash Behari Ghose, and hopes that the public of Sind will heartily support this society and from branches of the same in every town.

d). That this conference is highly pleased to find that an institution called the Sind National College and the High School has already been started by the society for the promotion of National Education, at Hyderabad and hopes that the public of Sind will enthusiastically support institutions and soon start the similar institutions in other parts of Sind.

e). The Conference urges upon the Public of Sind and all public institutions in the Province necessity of helping the above society with generous donations and calls upon all patriotic Sindhis to work for the success of the National Education week.

Proposer: Mr. Santdas Mangharam Seconder: Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta

Supporter: Mr. Naraindas Vishindas.

“ Abdul Rahman

“ Lokamal

8. Compulsory Primary Education

The Conference while thanking Lord Willingdon’s’s Government for its support to Mr. Patel’s Act for Compulsory, primary education in Municipal areas, and urges on Government the desirability of extending the principle of the Act to rural areas and the necessity of increasing its grant in aid in primary education to 2/3rd of the total expenditure on that head in any Municipal area where compulsion is introduced. This Conference also calls upon the Municipal Councillors of the larger Municipalities in Sind to take immediate measures to introduce compulsory primary education and arrange to provide their share of the cost.

Proposer: Honourable Mr. Harchandrai V

Seconder: Mr. Chagla

Supporter: “ Moolchand Pesumal.

“ Naraindas Anandji,

“ Dipchand Chandumal,

Dr. Choithram

Mr. Narsinglal

9. The Press Act.

a). This Conference places on record its deliberate opinion that by reason of the wide and arbitary powers conferred by the Press Act of 1910 upon the present irresponsible executive and the unequal and partial manner in which it has been used in the case of the Indian and Anglo Indian Press the Act has proved a menace to the liberty of Indian press, and is opposed to British Traditions in England and the Conference urges Government to immediately repeal it.

b). This conference strongly condemns the recent action of officials in Sind in demanding securities under the Press Act from The New Times, The Home Ruler, The Trade Advertiser and The Hindwasi without any justifiable grounds.

Proposer: Mr. Durgdas B. Advani

Seconder: “ Santdas Mangharam

Supporter: “ Karamchand Gurmukhdas

“ Viroomal Begraj

10. Rasai

The Conference while thanking Government for having agreed to appoint a mixed Committee to enquire into the evils of Rasai, Lapo and Cherr deplores the unabated prevailence of these abuses in sind and strongly urges the appointment of a majority of Non-Official members of recognized independence of opinion on that committee. This conference further suggests to Government the great desirability of immediately issuing a Notification assuring the people that Government are anxious to know the truth and will see that witnesses are not harassed by officials.

11. Mohammad Ali & Shoukat Ali

This conference is of opinion that the internment of Messrs Mohammad Ali & Shoukat Ali in spite of the assurances given by them and several eminent leaders of the Mohammandan Community betrays a gross want of trust, in the people on the part of the Government and is a cause of serious discontent among the people. This Conference therefore strongly urges on His Majesty’s Government in England the desirability of issuing instructions for the release of those two leaders.

Proposer: Mr. Jamshed N.B. Mehta

Seconder: Jethmal Parsram.

12. Students in Political Meetings.

This conference is emphatically of opinion that the imposition of the present restriction on the attendance of students at political meetings is calculated to discourage the cultivation of patriotic spirit and therefore urges the Government to cancel the orders issued by it on the question. (From the Chair)

13. Release of Interned Sindhis

The Conference earnestly appeals to Government to set at liberty Professor Jawhermal, Mr. Abdul Majid and Maulvi Mohammad Siddik and all other Sindhis interned or incarcerated under the Defence of India Act or any other measure and pending their release. This Conference further strongly urges the grant of substantial allowance to all these interned Sindhis who do not now get it.

Dr: Choithram

Mr: Mohomed Khan

14. Propaganda Work

This Conference calls upon the various District Congress Committees, Home Rule Leagues and other political associations in the province to cary on throughout the year a vigorous propaganda in support of the Congress – League scheme and in condemnation of the Curtis scheme. (From the Chair)

15. Punjab orders against Messers Tilak and Pal

This conference condemns the continuance of the orders issued by the Government of the Punjab and Delhi prohibiting entry to Lok Balgangadur Tilak and Bepin Chandra Pal within their respective province as wholly unwarranted.

Dr. Choithram

Mr. Rewachand Vasanmal

16. Indian Additional Judicial Commissioner.

“This Conference is emphatically of opinion that at least one of the three judges now constituting the Court of the Judicial commissioner of Sind should be an Indian recruited from the Sind Bar. (From the Chair)

17. Income Tax

This Conference emphatically protests against the methods adopted by the Income Tax Assessing Officers in assessing the tax and against the undue interference by the Revisional Authorities in raising the tax after decision in appeals.

Proposer: Mr. Mulchand Pessumal.

Seconder: Lunindram Tikmdas

Supporter: Seth Chainrai virbhandas.

18. Hyderabad Municipality

The Conference while expressing its supprise at the ignorance displayed by the Bombay Government at the last session of the legislative Council with regard to the resolution urging the restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality passed at the special Sind Provincial Conference held at Hyderabad in November last, reiterates its demand for the immediate restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality as the present committee of Management has proved an utter failure and its continuance will be against Civil interest of the town.

Proposer: Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal.

Seconder: “ Mukhi Jethanabad

The Position of Sind in the Coming Reforms

This Conference is emphatically of opinion that the present system of Government in Sind under which the Commissioner-in-Sind exercises almost all the powers of the Governor-in-Council without the safequards afforded by an Executive Council, consisting thus a system of decentralization of powers without popular council is most detrimental to the best interests of the Province and has retarded its progress in many directions.

This Conference therefore strongly urges the imperatize necessity of repealing Act V of 1868 and all other measures authorizing delegation of powers to the Commissioner-in-Sind and of placing Sind under the direct control of the Government in Bombay.

That in view of the announcement of reforms expected to be made by the Secretary of State as the result of his mission to this country, a committee consisting of the following gentlemen be appointed to consider the said announcement more specially with reference to Sind and submit its resport to the Sind Provincial Congress Committee who should convene a special session of the Sind Provincial Conference to deliberate on the same:-

Honourable Mr. Harchandrai V.

“ G.M. Brugrai

“ Hirandand Khemsing

“ Murlidhur Jeramdas.

“ G.G. Chagla

“ Jamshed N.R. Mehta

“ Durgdas B. Advani

“ Gopaldas Jhamatmal

“ Santdas Mangharam

“ Lalechand Navalrai

“ Virumal Begraj

“ Virumal Kimatsing

“ Mulchand Pessumal

“ Bhojasingh Gurdinomal

“ Naraindas Vishindas

“ Lunidaram Tikamadas

“ Sri kishindas H. Lula.

“ R.K. Sidhwa

“ Nihalchand Vishwani

“ Jethmal Parsram

“ Naraindas Anandji

“ Jairamdas Doulatram

20. Translation of Sind Vernacular Papers

This Conference places on record its sense of extreme dissatisfaction at the attitude taken up by Government at the last session of the Bombay Council on the question of translation of vernacular newspapers of Sind in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and is emphatically of opinion that there is no justification whatsoever for having independent arrangements in Bombay for the translation of Sindi paper. (From the Chair)

21. Ban on Newspapers

This Conference strongly condemns the present policy of officials to suppress all outspoken Indian newspapers of Sind by putting a ban on them and, is of opinion that orders of Government issued to registered libraries not to subscribe for the Hindwasi, the Larkana Gazette and the Sind Patrika are strongly justified and continue an interference with a legitimate attempt to educate public opinion on the rights of the people. This Conference therefore, strongly urges the reversal of the above policy and the withdrawal of the above orders.

22. Swadeshi

The Conference is emphatically of opinion that it is the duty of every son of India to strain his every nerve to encourage Swadeshism and therefore, this Conference calls upon the people of this Province to promote the consumption of Indian-made products even at the sacrifice by personal example by preaching the need of support to Swadeshism at all suitable occasions and opportunity and by endeavouring the start Swadeshi Stores in every town and village in Sind.

Proposer: Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta

Seconder: “ Sri kshindas II. Lula

Supporter: “ Lokamal Chellaram

23. Home Rule Deputations

This Conference congratulates the Home Rule Leagues on their sending deputation to England and wishes them complete success in their mission under the trusted leadership of Lokmanya Tilak.

The Conference authorizes the President to Communicate to Lokmanya Tilak an expression of its opinion that it has the fullest confidence in him. (From the Chair)

25. Passports

This conference strongly deprecates the difficulties experienced in obtaining passports in Karachi and in Upper Sind and urges upon the Government of Bombay so to modify passport rules as to remove all unnecessary restrictions. (From the Chair).

26. Remission Rules

This Conference regrets that the Commissioner-in-Sind in revising the remission rules has not taken into considerastion the bulk of the recommendations contained on the resolutions on the subject passed at the Shikarpur Conference. The Commissioner has raised the vales of the gross produce in the case of life lands from 2 assessments to three in order to entile a khatedar to claim remission of land reveue to the extent of 1/3rd the gross produce but this Conference is of opinion that this gives very little relief to the khatedar. The Conference therefore still insists that the revenue claim-able in back years should be limited to 1/6th the assessment. The Conference further strongly demers to the Commissioner-in-Sind’s statement that the remission is given as a matter of grace and not as a matter of right. It has been repeatedly admitted by Government in justification of the heavy rates of assessment that remission of land revenue in Sind is an integral pat of the regressional settlement. This Conference is therefore further of opinion that Rule 24 of the new rueles stands in need of modification. (From the Chair)

27. Fallow Rules

This Conference strongly urges the abolition of the rules under which a survey number lying fallow for five years is forfeited unless it pays assessment in the fifth year and that those provisions of the land Revenue Code and the rules thereunder which vest in Government the power of denying to the original occupant the proprietary right to fallow forfeited numbers or of regranting the same on restricted tenure or on short leases should be immediately repealed.

28. Constitution

This Conference adopts the rules of the Sind Provincial Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference passed by the subjects Committee. (From the Chair)

29. Next Conference

That the next session of the Sind Provincial Conference be held at Jacobabad.

Proposer: Seth Ratanchand Topandas

Seconder: Mr. Sugianchand Kimatrai

The material/data/information can be provided on request

SPECIAL

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HYDERABAD (1920)

August 28

At the Special Sind Provincial Conference the President Mr. Durgdas B. Advani said, he took it as a mark of special favour that he had been chosen to preside over a Conference which was to discuss grave problems and was being held at an intellectual centre like Hyderabad where political activity was great and the different lines of political thought well defined. After deploring the death of Mr. Tilak at this critical hour he discussed the Reform Act, which had been unfortunately eclipsed by the Punjab tragedy and the Khilafat question. Speaking at some length he then treated of various questions of the hour, using, however, arguments favored by his party and already familiar to the average ready.

August 29

The Subjects Committee sat till midnight yesterday and again from 8 to 10-30 this morning (August 29, 1920) after which the proceedings of the Conference were taken up. The first resolution expressed grief at Mr. Tilak’s death, who was described as the greatest nation builder and political leader of Modern times. This was passed in silence by the audience standing. A moving song about the event was the sung. Mr. T.L. Vaswani then moved that Non-Co-operation according to Mr. Ghandhi’s plan should be given effect to, to bring about a revision of the Turkish and the demands of the Congress Sub- Committee report on the Punjab atrocities, the mover deferring his speech. He was seconded by Haji Abdullah Haroon of Karachi. An a amendment was moved by Mr. Santdass and seconded by Mr. Gopaldas declaring non-co-operation as futile and inexpedient. Prof. Ghanshyam moved another amendment which was in favour of non-co-operation but slightly differing from Mr. Ghandi’s scheme. Dr. choithram moved a third amendment which differed from Mr. Vaswani’s and Mr. Ghanshym’s in deprecating Police and Army resignations. Swami Govindanand moved a fourth amendment in which an addition was made to Mr. Vaswani’s proposition to the effect that non-co-operation was to go on till India got complete independence. He was seconded by Mr. Lalchand A. Jagtiani of Karachi, after whose speech the conference rose for 3 hours recess when discussion on non-co-operation will be continued. August 31

At the Conference the Non-Co-operation resolution was discussed till 9 p.m. and the speeches were stirring. Mr. T.L. Vaswani the mover of the original resolution replied to some of the arguments on the other motions and was allowed to speak for forty-five minutes while the proposers and seconders of other motions and amendments had only fifteen and ten minutes respectively but he was still dissatisfied and left the hall after informing the audience that he had been ordered by the President to stop and he must obey though he had not finished. He was brought back by the Chairman of the Reception Committee.

LITTLE INCIDENTS

An unpleasant incident occurred here, one Shikarpuri delegates crying out angrily “Sir, here is the gentleman who insults Mr. Vaswani and says to us If you want to hear this Mahatma still further you can satisfy your hearts by paying his fare and taking him to Shikarpur to lecture”. The noise was stopped by the President who said “If any insult had been offered I apologize on behalf of the offender”.

About the same times Mr. Jeswani of the New Times complained bitterly and loudly, going up to the President’s table, “that the self styled Swami Govindanand was canvassing in the galleries for votes”. This storm was also quieted with gentle diplomacy by the President.

When votes were taken between the several amendments and the original proposition there was an overwhelming majority for the latter i.e., Non-Co-operation on Mr. Ghandi’s lines. The amendments against non-co-operation received 33 votes but the other amendments of non-co-operation different from Mr. Ghandi’s did not get even 15 votes.

FOUR RESOLUTIONS

After this, four resolutions were moved from the Chair.

1. That the Reform were inadequate, unsatisfactory and had failed to satisfy the aspirations of Indians and the Conference is therefore emphatically of the opinion that the Congress should at the once make a demand for complete Home Rule according to the principle of Self-Determination.

2. That the Conference strongly condemns the Central Provinces Government for sanctioning the proposed slaughter house which is to be established there for export of meat and hides and where thousands of animals will be killed a thing which is most injurious to India and will bring about a dreadful state India. The Conference calls upon all Indians to boycott the factory and if any Indians should join they should be ex-communicated by their brethren.

3. That the Conference vehemently condemns the Hunter Committee’s report, the Government of Indian’s attitude in the matter, the result of the discussion in the House of Commons and still more the result in the House of Lords and generally the attitude of the British Government in respect to the whole question and the Conference declares that on account of this, Indians have lost faith in British Justice.

4. That this Conference consider that on account of the decision in the Khilafat and the Punjab questions having excited grave dissatisfaction in India, no Indian should take part in the reception of the Duke of Connaught or any one else who might be sent to open the Councils.

SECONDING THE RESOLUTIONS

The following is the summary of most of the speeches; In seconding Mr. Vaswani’s resolution Seth Abdula Haroon said: That the terms of Turkish treaty were against the opinion of the Ulmas who had declared that it was a religious question and that Jazir-al-Arab should be under the Khalif. They had disregarded the sentiments of Indian Muslims and Indians generally, and since we had tried all other means we must now adopt non-co-operation as advocated by Mr. Ghandi. India was too religious and too weak to do any thing violent. Non co-operation did not mean disobedience of Government or its laws. If we should fail now we fall back fifty years.

AGAINST NON-CO-OPERATION

Mr. Santdas moving an a amendment against non-co-operation said: For the first time in Indian’s modern history direct action was being proposed and carried out as a political weapon. It was a critical time. He was pained and surprised that a man like Mr. Vaswani should use the stratagem of reserving his speech for the end giving others no opportunity to meet his arguments but taking the advantage of hearting and replying to all Mr. Ghandi did not want that we should agree with him without reflecting and in the Gujrat Conference where he was president, only the first stage of his programme had been adopted. The speaker’s objections against Non-Co-operation were both ideal and practical. He admitted that the Muhammadans had been deeply injured in the matter of the Khilafat and the Punjab tragedy and the attitude of the authorities had outraged all principles of justice and humanity, but was Non-Co-operation a right or good remedy. The Muhammadans were too impatient. They said that if Non-Co-operation did not succeed soon they would adopt another remedy. They should take care not to vote from mere impulse or enthusiasm but must realize that it meant serious action.

TOADIES AND TYRANTS

All knew what kind of people title-holders and Government servants were: toadies and tyrants and yet they were going to be asked to make sacrifices before all others! How would crores of rupees come for feeding the latter? At the time of Satyagrah only twelve persons had resigned and the poor fellows were still going about complaining. The Punjab had been so shamefully treated but how many Punjabis there had resigned? Pleaders also will not suspend practice. So far only one Muhammadan pleaders had stopped practice.

Withdrawing boys from Government and aided schools? He was on principle against the kind of education and the restriction there, the boys being unable for instance to attend such political meetings as this. He had put his boys in the National College, but how was the college supported by the public with funds and otherwise? The response was very poor indeed and it was the only college of the kind in India. People will not withdraw boys from the schools but if they did where are there other schools for them?

Boycotting the Councils? Some very big leaders were against it and were not going to do it. If Councils were boycotted by the leaders fifty rate men would surely go in. We should rather go and try for more reforms.

HARD ON POLICEMEN

How could they expect policemen to make a sacrifice knowing their characters? They should devise something according to which Santdass and Gopaldass and Harchandrai may sacrifice. Why impose the burden upon the poor? As regards the refusal of income tax, did they not know it would lead to attachment of property etc.? Refusal to pay land reverence would lead confiscation and sale of land. Some Muhammadans have said that they were ready to refuse payment provided Hindus would not buy their lands, when Government confiscated them. Would the banias consent? If the army was done away with there would be great insecurity and crime in the country, and who would defend us against foreign invasion? If pleaders stopped practice how many more innocent people would go into jails? Some said that they were going to try this remedy but like a reasonable men they should make sure that it was not an injurious remedy. We should jump into a well and make others do the same

Hyderabad, August 31

Mr. Gopaldas in supporting Mr. Santdass saids that the British Ministers had no doubt violated the pledges given to Indian Muslims and the Punjab atrocities had no doubt remained unpunished and the House of Lords resolution about General Dyer was a down right insult to the Indian nation, but he was opposed to the Non-Co-operation resolution because he knew it would be futile and harmful to the good of the country. Mr. Ghandi from whom this proposal had originally come was a man of the highest order, there was none like him in the world but what he proposed was an impossible task for the people though not for him. He referred to some of the steps in the programmed and showed what little would come of it all. He concluded by giving the story of the nice and the cat and asked who was going to bell the Government cat. It was all very well to pass resolution but who was going to act? Referring to the first stage he asked how many there were in the Conference who would have to make any sacrifice. One title holder (Hon. Mr. Harchandrai); no Government servants, a few pleaders, no Honorary Magistrate and so forth. Was any one of these prepared to act according to the proposal except one solitary pleader a Muhammadan? Those who wanted to pass the resolution were those who would have to sacrifice nothing for the present at least and many of them never at all. They too had hardly faith in the movement and were only trying it on. But it was a serious business and they should not bring ridicule upon themselves.

Professor Ghanshyam proposed an amendment which modified Mr. Ghandi’s demand by declaring that Mesopotamia, Syria, Armenia etc. should have self-determination. He said the Turkish Treaty was most unjust and the Punjab happenings had staggered the whole nation, hence the Non-Co-operation movement was justified. If they feared failure they should organizes a society to preach action according to the resolution. Indian’s condition was most lamentable. She had remained under foreign rule for a hundred and fifty years, and it was without honour. Otherwise the Khilafat decision would have been different and the Punjab atrocities would not have happened. We were not men if our hearts did not revolt against and abhor what had taken place. We could not remain subject to England except on terms of equality and fellowship. Constitutional agitation had failed, so they must use another remedy and Non-Co-operation was the very best. The English had lost their head after overthrowing Germany. The partition of Bengal had been cancelled not because of agitation but because of the bombs. The Reform Act was given on account of the war. The English themselves admitted that to alter the form of government was not only a right but a duty. It was said that Non-Co-operation would lead to bloodshed but constitutional agitation had also led to bombs in Bengal. We had suffered too much dishonor. People could bear no more. Nothing would now be of use except sacrifice. Mr. Gandhi had stopped jehad but if we did not support Muhammadans they might become violent. He was sure if we made sacrifices now the Government would come round before things went too far. Success would not come in a day or two, but gradually, they must work steadily. Liberty was never won without great sacrifices. Muhammadans should see that if India wanted self-determination how could Mesopotamia and Syria be refused it. Let them decide themselves whether they should or should not remain under Turkey. They should have a society to preach non-violent non-co-operation.

Dr. Choitram moved another amendment in which he excluded interfering with police and the army and wanted that the Non-Co-operation movement should begin after people had been educated as to how to do it without violence and that about the Councils the decision should be left to the Congress. Agitation had failed with the Rowaltt Act. The Government did not care for us, were in despair. The Mandate meant the oil-fields of Mosul. It would be a shame if the Indian troops went any longer to Mesopotamia and Syria to help in reducing them to subjection. That should stop. Mesopotamia and Syria and Arabia were wanted by Britain as a wall or fortress standing before India in order to reduce India to greater dependence. If we did not see to something India would be ruined in ten years. The present Ministry was of robbers and plunderers. Too much power always turned the head. So it was with England now. He knew what excitement and spirit of Jehad was among Muhammadans. Mr. Gandhi had checked it. If Non-Co-operation failed then some other remedy must be tried. The Congress creed would probably have to be changed. When young men gave their lives on the gallows then would India be saved and there was he knew, a new spirit among the youth. When young men were hanged the fathers and grandfathers would resign appointments easily. The police however were wanted for the sake of order, the army through under the bureaucracy was wanted to repel foreign invasion. We wanted to break the chains of subjection and dishonor but we did not want disorder and foreign invasion. If we only began Non-Co-operation earnestly, it would have an effect. The English were very clever, so clever that they had made a fool even of President Wilson, so they would not like to let thing go very far, and to lose India. They would not be such fools as to be obstinate even at the cost of losing India.

Mr. Govindanand then brought forward his amendment. The Conference is still proceeding. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1920)

Hyderabad, August 31,

The Sind special Provincial Conference is still sitting.

Swami Govindanand’s amendment added a clause to Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation scheme to the effect that the agitation should be continued till complete swaraj was given to India. We had petitioned and petitioned, but no good had resulted. We had lost our patience and something had to be done. Even God had lost his patience with men and hence the terrible wars are being witnessed. India had a message for the world, the message of Dharma. She could deliver it only if she was free and for this Non-Co-operation was the best. Some feared revolution. He did not care but a revolution would surely come if Non-Co-operation was not adopted. The Police and Military were the foundation of British strength in India, so they should be taken up first. If they made friends with the Muhammadans they need not fear foreign invasion from Afghan, Arab or Turk. If the Military people resigned Government would come to its senses. Without the military behind them these English were very timid and nervous. The English were suffering from the malady of zulam, They should be given one medicine after another. Just now the medicine was that we stand aside from them and continue to be sulky. When medicine fails, then a surgical operation is employed. Non-Co-operation should be nationalized and have self reliance, otherwise Jahlianwalas and Khilafat would happen again and again. We were sick of the English and wanted our own rule.

NON-CO-OPERATION AND NOSE-RINGS

Mr. Lalchand supporting Govindanand said that they heard too much about dangers. There was no danger. Non-Co-operation should not be for Khilafat but should be nationalized, and then it would succeed. In 1896 young men started the movement of doing away with the nose-ring for women. Many said it was impossible but to day how many young ladies had the nose ring? In 1884 Tilak set up the flag of swaraj and many Harchandrais and others said “Impossible,” but to-day Dr. Choitram thought there would be foreign invasion but Mr. Gandhi was than us. There was no fear in doing away with police and army. He had lived and worked among Muhammadans and had found that they were extremely grateful. He would sooner except treachery from a Hindu than from a Muslim. If we supported the Muslims now they would never forget it. They would never join outside invaders against us. Mr. Ghanshyam wanted Muhammadans to agree to give freedom to Mesopotamia and Syria, etc. But that was just the difficulty. Muhammadans rightly said that without these Turkey would be a small and weak state. That was like the Muslim saying to us. “O ye Hindus give up your idolatry and then we will join you”. Was that possible? Mr. Santdas had said that people resigning Government services would starve. Mr. Santdass had left Government service and got into another profession. Was he starving? How many after all were in Government service? Mr. Gandhi did not say that the service of private European firms should be left.

INVOKING THE WRONG SIDE

Mr. Virumal of the Sindhi of Sukkur, supporting Mr. Vaswani’s proposition, said some regretted the difference of opinion which now divided old co-workers. He was not sorry. It showed that every one was thinking. It was not disunion; they all had the same goal. He thought they should all bow to Mr. Gandhi’s authority. No better or wiser man existed on earth. He could not be wrong. If they did not follow Mr. Gandhi the great Indians whose portraits were hanging in front-. Tagore, Subramanya, Iyer, Gokhale, Perozeshah Mehta, Mrs. Besant would all be pained, whether in heaven or on earth, otherwise they would be happy and would bless us. (Here there came loud laughter, because the impassioned orator had forgotten that most of these great ones were against Non-Co-operation). Impossible? Did not Napoleon say the word should be taken out from the dictionary. To think ourselves unfit was a blot on India. Troubles and hardships will come but no matter. Neither pen, nor tongue, nor deputations had availed. It was complained that twenty eight days of August had passed as yet how every few had resigned honours, service etc. What! It did not matter. Twenty eight years might pass, even centuries. They should simply preservers. Who was going to bell the cat, asked Mr. Gopaldass. Be comforted there were many now. Mr. Gandhi alone would do it. Nothing would be gained by co-operating with the Government. Mr. Gokhale had done it most earnestly, and others but what came of it. Those who had left the service were not blind or useless. They could make themselves useful in other ways. Queen Victoria had promised life, liberty and prosperity but we have got nothing.

Mr. HARCHANDRAI’S SOUND ADVICE

The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, supporting Mr. Santdass said that the wind which was blowing showed that his words would not avail but still he would speak. Those who had supported Non-Co-operation had forgotten the main issue and were dwelling on the minor points. The troubles and drawbacks every one admitted, so also the injustice of the Khilafat decision and the Punjab happenings, but the question was whether non-co-operation would remedy these. He was sure it would not. It would only lead to anarchy and bring about great evil. They should adopt non-co-operation if they thought that it would really do good. The British Government was very powerful it was not going to yield to pressure from us. Government would only laugh at us and we would be harming our own people. Some speakers said that they should go on with Non-Co-operation for 10, 20, 30 years but would the Turkish Treaty be modified after the present treaty had come into force and Turkey had got settled in the new situation. How were the guilty Punjab officials going to be punished 30 years hence? Wounds had been inflicted on us but they must not act under the impulse of heartiest excitement. They should let their brains cool and then act otherwise there would be much harm. Government did not care if honors and titles were given up. If men give up service the Departments like Revenue and Engineering would stand still. Then how would cultivation go on? Zamindars would fight and fight for water and there would be disorder. Then might would triumph, and not right. We were introducing compulsory education and now we were told to withdraw boys from the schools. Where would they go when and how would other schools be started. Government could get many employees from elsewhere. Without pleaders there would be a police reign of terror. The best thing was to send to the Councils our best men who should try to get full justice. The speaker ended with a story. An opium eater was lying down half senseless with a heavy club by his side. One leg was bent up and seeing his knee in front he thought it was a thief. He took the club and struck the “thief”. In pain he carried out, still intoxicated “Rascal you have hurt my knee, no doubt but you will never forget my club”, To strike Government was to batter, cripple, and destroy oneself.

Mr. Punaya from Karachi supported Mr. Govindanand and being a Madrasi knowing neither Sindhi nor Hindi, he spoke in good English. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1920 PAGE NO.5)

Hyderabad, September 1

At the Sind Special Conference at Hyderabad Mr. Punya said that the system of Government had to be changed, that was the cause of all evils. The Khilafat and Jalianwalla what if the Viceroy or the Dyers were punished or even hanged. It was said that Asiatics were unfit. Nonsense! From Asia came all civilization and all the religious leaders of the world. England was powerful, so not physical force but soul force would be of use against her, and it is Non-Co-operation. If we went as beggars we should be treated as beggars, go like men and you will be treated as men.

Pandit Umersee from Karachi supported Mr. Vaswani and said that Mr. Gandhi certainly not started this movement without deep reflection. Mr. Gandhi was a great man and he had thirty years experience of these things. Those who said it could not be done would not be able to do anything. Men who fled from trouble were normally dead. So it was better to die than live like this, we were not men if we thought not of honour. One gentleman had said “Let us ask and we shall get”. Since the history of the Jewish nation, liberty had never been won by mere asking and asking.

Mr. Lokaram of Karachi, Supporting Mr. Santdass against non-Co-operation, said that this was not to be a paper resolution but would necessitate action on their part. This movement arose out of the Khilafat question, yet how many Muslims were in the hall? How many who are for the resolution has any connection with Government which they may break off? There were a few income tax payers, but if the tax was not paid, Government would attach property. How many the speakers will have to sacrifice anything? Ten crores of rupees would be required to feed those who might leave service. Before starting a fund and finding money men were being asked to resign. Where were their national schools and colleges to receive lakhs of boys leaving Government and aided institutions? Dr. Choitram who favoured Non-Co-operation in general, told them that the police and army must remain in act, or disorder and foreign invasion would come. Many nations had their eyes upon on India. For a thousand years outsiders had been invading or coming into India to get wealth. Where was the guarantee that if outside Muslim came upon India the Muslim here would be on our side? He knew the Pathans. Wild and ferocious and what not. It had been said that a great leader like Mr. Gandhi should be implicitly followed. But Mr. Gandhi himself wanted us to follow our conscience, the highest law and had not Mr. Gandhi himself erred in supporting the Punjab Indemnity Bill.

Pundit Lokram supporting Mr. Ghansyam said it was a pity that the same arguments which had been put before us during these three years by leaders like Mr. Harchandrai, Mr. Bhurgari and others in order to awaken us and bring us the political life of independence, were being attached and broken by the same gentlemen now. We use to look upon Government as Ma Bap, to be reverenced and obeyed but we were taught that Bureaucracy was our servant not lord. Why did you, Sirs, bring us it of our shells? Police and Military to remain intact? Oh, no ‘these were the back bone of the Bureaucracy and they must go before any thing else if possible. If we could bring one to its knees such a great Government as ours, we could boldly meet any invader. The Sind leaders had formerly declared that we were fit for self Government but the Government said we were not. Now when we said we were fit to take action the leaders said No. Who had spoken truly? The leaders or the Government. Only a few would act? But Guru Gobindsing began his great work against Aurangzeb with only five men.

MR. GANDHI’S ROAD TO RUIN

Mr. Jermadas supporting Dr. Choitram said that the amendment accepted the principle of Mr. Gandhi’s Non-Co-operation and three out of the four steps and made slight additions. Income tax was the fourth steps in Mr. Gandhi’s programmed; in theirs it was second. They also wanted Syria and Mesopotamia to remain independent of Turkey, if they so chose. If we wanted independence ourselves how could we refuse it to others? Mr. Gandhi’s personality was unequalled in the world. It was the first time in the history of the world that in political affairs force was going to be abandoned and Non-Co-operation adopted. It was by following conscience that Mr. Gandhi had become so great. He has displeased father, mother, brother and friends. No Provincial Committee had adopted the fourth steps about the Police and Military. Perhaps many here did not know what was going on in Central Asia. No one of them wanted foreign invasion, so the army must remain. Moreover if the first three steps were carried out the fourth would be unnecessary as Government would surely yield before that. Egypt had gained freedom in a short time by making sacrifices. He would agree with them in preventing Indian troops from going to fight in other countries but for India they must remain. It was provided in this amendment that a preacher of Non-Co-operation must carry out at once any one of the steps which applied to him.

Mr. Jethmal supporting Mr. Santdass made a very powerful speech which created some thing like a sensation. It was a very delicate question but it was time for being frank and honest. Muhammadans might not like what he was going to say but he could not help it. There was division in the old camp of co-workers. Mr. Bhurgri, Santdas, himself on one side, Jeram and Choitram on the other and Ganshyam on the third. Mr. Virumal was wrong in trying to silence them by Mr. Gandhi’s authority. Was Mr. Virumal sure that in heaven our departed great men were in agreement on this question. Non-Co-operation for Punjab and on Turkey? Since he had entered political life his heart burned within him at foreign supremacy in India. That was more serious than Jalianwalas. He was for self-determination but he was against religion being dragged into politics. He was against creating disorder in the country and opening the door to foreign invasion. Who among us was not profoundly stirred at this moment? There were two movements among Muhammadans. The Pan-Inslamism movement to unite the Muslim of the world. The second was Hijrat. At Allahabad Mr. Shoukat Ali had defined Hijrat as leaving the country of the tyrant and coming back to invade it. Was it not true that some of the Muahmmadans who had gone on Hijrat had joined the army there? So long as there was danger of an Afghan invasion of India, the Muhammadans should not except support from the Hindus. He had Tilak and Malaviya on his side there. At present the British power was keeping back Muhammadan invasion. India had always been harassed by the Muslim invaders. The Amir of Afghanistan had stopped Hijrat into his country because of political reasons. He believed rather the principles of the Gita and Dharam Yudh than in nonviolence or Satyagraha. He would say with Lajpatrai that first we must have a national army, also we must organize trade guild and then there will be no disorder if the authority of the present Government suffers. As regards the reforms they were not Heaven’s word, but they were something. “If you want to bring the British and other nations to a sense of justice, remember all are alike including our Japan, then touch their purse. Bite their stomachs by boycotting their goods. Do not give a ball of fire to the Muhammadan brethren to play with. It is not a toy but living fire”. (THE DAILY GAZETTE, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1920 PAGE NO. 5)

Hyderabad, September 2

The Sind Special Conference has now concluded its session. On Thursday evening Mr. Narsinghlal of Karachi spoke in support of Mr. Govindananda’s resolution. He said that an ordinary man like him was not worthy to be followed but he would request delegates to think over what they heard. Mr. Jasawalla of Central Provinces has taken to Parliament 50 lakhs of signatures from India against cow slaughter in India, but nothing at all come of it. They must get rid of the bogy of constitutional agitation as worthless. Mr. Gandhi had not included “Swaraj” or other benefit for India as his ideas were loftily and unselfish, so he wanted to have the movement for the sake of Muhammadans only but we men might well put in the “Swaraj clause.” If we all put into practice the Non-Co-operation resolution for a few days Government would surely come round. At the time of the hartal, when the European heard that it might last for three days, they were frightened almost out of their lives. They think so much of their stomach, usually they bought one day’s provision like penniless people but this time they bought four days provisions. Some had spoken of dangers from Non-Co-operation but while these dangers were only possible, there was certainty of bloodshed, etc. If they did not adopt Non-Co-operation. No one had attempted to prove that if we all united in action Government would not yield. When the Police were not at Delhi for a few days there was no theft at all. Mr. Mahomed Khan here came forward to speak in support of Mr. Vaswani’s resolution. He was a Pathan himself from the Punjab and he wanted chiefly to assure the audience that the Afghans had no thought of invading India and that the Indian Muhammadans would not help them. The fears about trouble from Central Asia were groundless.

A SOULIUL FINISH

Mr. Vaswani, the prosper of the original resolution spoke on it last and replied to all opponents. He spoke in Hindustani (or whatever it was) and said that his voice was weak but not his heart. During recess he heard a little girl outside in the garden crying out in anguish “Oh, where is my brother, my beautiful, brother, my darling little one? Oh find me him”, after much search she found him and with what joy and gladness she took him home. The Hindus had lost their Muslim brothers and searched and searched and now at last the Muslim were found. And the Hindus should rejoice. How the Muslims in their trouble were even looking out for Hindus for help. There should be no condition accompanying the giving of help and therefore he desired that no clause like acceptance of swaraj for India and for Mesopotamia or Syria should be imposed. There was only one condition that there should be no disorder in the Empire. His way was of love and therefore no condition was required. This method of give and take and of conditions was of the west and it must be discarded. Have faith in the Muslims and you will see their manly gratitude. It had been said that we should reflect but speaker’s reflection was Love. Mr. Muhammed Ali had said that the Muhammadans did not object to Arab independence. It was true the Khialfat had often gone from one country to another but the Muhammadans rightly claimed that they, not others, should select the Khilafat, and it was necessary that the ruler should be very powerful. There was no proof of danger of any Afghan invasion. Afghanistan had sympathy for India. The late ruler had stopped cow slaughter there, and now Hindus there could go about on horse back. How was a smaller power like Afghanistan going to wage war upon a great power like England. Non-Co-operation now meant co-operation with Muhammadans. Unite them and follow satyagraha. Therein lay India’s salvation; some had expressed horror of revolution but there were bloody and bloodless revolutions Non-Co-operation would bring the latter. He would never join any one in violent action.

Mr. Vaswani had already taken more than forty minutes speaking in a sermonizing way, slow and measured, and it seems he wanted to go on at least half an hour more and so when the President asked him to hasten he abruptly closed and went out and was brought back. What followed has been already mentioned. After the voting on this and the four resolution already mentioned as put from the chair the President was given a vote of thanks, four gentlemen speaking on it. It was specially mentioned that the Citizens Association, Hyderabad, and the Home Rule movement in Karachi owed much to Mr. Durgdas. The President gave a fitting and brief reply.

The material/data/information can be provided on request