PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

OF

SETH HAJI ABDOOLA HAROON

AT THE

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

1920-7th SESSION, SUKKUR.

 

Brother delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen!

I AM NOT using the language of mere formality when I thank you for the singular honour you have done me, by summoning me to preside at this the 7th Sind Provincial Conference. To be frank, I have done nothing to deserve such a mark of favour, and knowing, as I do my incapacity for such an office, I wish your choice had fallen on a worthier head than myself but since your mandate has come to me, I am here, in obedience to it; and I have every hope that I can count upon your support, in conducting the discussions on the various subjects that are to come before us, for our consideration.

 

OUR GOAL

 

When we look to the past grandeur of our Motherland and the height of civilization it attained, at a time when all the world around was sunk into ignorance and barbarism, the conviction becomes irresistible that the future can have nothing but sunshine, in store for us, only if we have the will to dedicate ourselves to the service of the country. The future bright as it promises to be, rests with us alone. It depends not so much on the Acts of Parliament as it does upon our own patriotism and sacrifice, for our efforts in the future as in the past are to mould the Acts of Parliament. No nation has become great without an exertion from within. It is therefore a sign of happy time that our country men are every day increasing in numbers stepping forward to strive for the great ideal for which the Indian National Congress has laboured so long. With the mention of the name of that august assembly, our thoughts go back, in grateful remembrance to the sacred memory of the immortal souls of Dadabhoy Naoroji, Allan Octavian Hume, George Yule, Ananda Mohan Bose, Sir Henry Cotton, Gopal Krisna Gokhale, Tybjee and Pherozshah Mehta who, in their farsightedness, more than a generation ago, prepared the national plank for us to stand upon and hold aloft the national banner of the United India. The plank is on firmer foundation than even before, being broad based on an immensely larger popular support. The organization of the Congress has its roots and branches scattered all over the country. The message of Home Rule has been carried to the masses and there is today a measure of political awakening which is so much a wonder even to those who started the work as it is a great hope for the early attainment of our goal. That goal is “Government of the people for the people,” and bas been variously styled Home Rule, Self Government, Responsible Government, all of which mean but the same thing. To achieve that end of our ambition, we, the children of the soil, should close our ranks even it be at some sacrifice and make a united stand. As a member of a democratic faith my advice to you can only be to press on vigorously, until the goal is reached. Mother-India, with a glorious past that knows no parallel will have a still mare glorious future that will place it at the forefront of the nations of the world. I have visions of the India of the future-the greatest democracy of the world-moulding by its high example the life and thought of its sister nations, whether of the West or the East. How distant or rather how near that future is to be is a matter which lies in the hands of this and the next generation of India’s young men and I hope and trust and pray that young Moslems and young Hindus, standing shoulder to shoulder will nobly fulfill their high mission.

REMORMS

There is a rude awakening as we turn from the enchanting visions of the future to the facts of the present, for we realize how little headway we have made towards that future. The first step vouchsafed to us in that direction is the Reform Act which was placed on the Statute Book in December last. The skeleton of that act was outlined nearly two years ago in the Montague-Chelmsford report, and although the Act has given us a stronger and a more powerful frame and here and there a vigorous muscle or two has been added the outline remains materially unaltered. Flesh and blood have yet to be supplied by the formation of numerous Rules and Regulations. The outline has under gone elaborate analysis, discussion and criticism during these two years, and I do not think any good purpose would be served by my entering, at this stage, into a discussion of the scheme at it originally was or as it was partially improved by the joint Parliamentary Committee. Nor will the full effect of the Act be correctly known, until the Rules supply the flesh and blood to the skeleton. But it is sufficiently clear that the Act does not at all satisfy the needs of the country or the wishes of the people, as a whole. The Amritsar Congress formed the platform for the presentation of three independent shades of opinion. There were those, who led by Mrs. Besant, gratefully welcomed the Reforms Act as a substantial step. There were others who led by Lokmmanya Tilak and Mr. Das held that the Act was inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing, there were again those who led by Mahatama Gandhi were of the opinion that although the Act was inadequate and unsatisfactory, it yet constituted a step forward and should be worked in a spirit of co-operation. Among the delegates of the Amritsar Congress the first view found hardly any support, while the respective support of the latter two views was never put to the test, for a compromise was effected between them, at a later stage and the Congress adopted the compromise, I am myself of the same view, as the Congress eventually took. But I feel that no good purpose is served by discussing as to which of the three parties held the correct view. The Reform is there on the Statute Book, good, bad or fair; and it is not in our power to make amendments in it. We have no alternative beyond working it or boycotting it. No responsible public men of any shade of political opinion, however extreme, have suggested our boycotting the Reforms. Everybody who is anybody is agreed that’ we have to work the Reforms and do our best to produce the greatest results from the Act, while, in no way, giving up work for achieving our goal. How for the Moslems will be enabled to take their share in the new Councils it is impossible for me to say, in view of the Khilafat question. But otherwise all rounds, in every province, the attention of political workers is being more and more drawn to the approaching formation of reformed councils, and the work of educating and guiding the new electorates is a subject of consideration among them. Let us therefore not be still fighting a dead issue, as to which adjective is most suitable to be applied to the Act. It is not wisdom at this stage, to be quarrelling over the transient point of dispute in what words to describe the Act. It is there as a hard fact and no amount of praise or condemnation can alter its character or increase the power it confers on the people. Let us rather-or those among us who want to participate in elections either as candidates, or voters or as workers to lay down specific programs and policies to be worked out by the people’s representatives in the new councils and commence the work of educating the electorate in light of these. Let us not unwisely waste our energies in fighting between ourselves as to what the Act is or not. Let us rather utilize our energies in fighting with Government to see what the rules are going to be. We have been neglecting this important work and will have reason to repent our negligence. As I have said above Mussalmans may not be able to take part in the Council elections, and all that I have said above has no reference to the Moslem community. Let me say by the way that the Khilafat question has assumed national significance; we shall just have to define our policy as nationalists, should the Muslims decide to withdraw from the Reformed Councils. A delicate and difficult task indeed! on the right solution of which I believe the honour of our motherland and nation depends considerably.

 

THE PUNJAB TREGEDY

 

Another All-India question of outstanding importance is the great Punjab Tragedy, of last year. I do not want to go with the familiar history of that period. It is written in letters of blood on the heart of the nation. Nor would it be appropriate to anticipate the conclusions of the official Committee of Inquiry whose report will soon be before the public. But that does not prevent us from coming to this irrefutable conclusion based on the evidence of official witnesses themselves, that the disturbances at Amritsar were the direct results of a deliberate and ca1culated policy of repression by the deportation of popular leaders and that the horrible butchery of the 13th April last the Jallianwalla Bagh will remain the darkest page in the history of the British Rule in India. The terrible inhumanity of the Martial Law period, when it is fully exposed, will be an indelible blot on the British nation, and if properly known to the other nations of the world will ruin the reputation of Great Britain, as a lover of liberty and freedom. India can never forget the spring of last year, and I have not the least doubt that the National Week-6th to 13th April will be universally observed in India, by all sections of the people; and I hope that the sum of 10 Lacs will be over subscribed. We should also appreciate Mahatma Gandhi’s advice that it is the sacrifice of the people who died, which is being memorialized and not the butchery of those who killed. No other advice could have proceeded from one who is an Apostle of Love and an Abhorer and Hate and I feel sure the speakers at the functions during the National week will remember the distinction thus made.

 

THE KHILAFAT QUESTION

 

There can be no doubt of the fact that the situation in India in regard to the Khilafat Question is so serious that it overshadows everything else and I fervently pray all may yet be well. The sincerity of British and Allied statesmen is being put to the test and solemn pledges made by them at a time of crisis await to be fulfilled. I am not hopeful of Britain carrying out its entire promise. The thirst for annexation and exploitation is still a living force in European politics and the policy of grab seems to override all considerations. The reply of the Premier of Great Britain to our Khilafat Deputation is most ominous. It clearly foreshadows peace settlement that falls short of the irreducible Moslem demands. Nothing but Constantinople is evidently to remain with the Sultan-Khalif, and that too under the kindly gaze of the Allied Artillery, if the actual military occupation of the seat of Khilafat is not prolonged indefinitely. Mr. Lyod George had pledged, in January 1918, with all true solemnity befitting the occasion of a public declaration of the A1lied war Aims that. “We are not fighting to deprive Turkey of Constantinople or of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace which predominantly Turkish in race,” and yet in reply to Mr. Muhammad Ali’s statement, he is reported to have said that in Thrace the Mussalman population was in a considerable minority and in Symrna the majority of the population was non-Turkish. Are facts to be twisted to suit policy? Are broken pledges to be followed by perversions of facts? Is British statesmanship all bankrupt? The sky is dark and the Muslim World is in greater unrest than .it has been for centuries. The sky is very dark but whatever be the eventualities of the situation, I hope Muslims will ever remember the assistance given by the Hindus in making the Khilafat movement a strong All-India Movement. To all the well-wishers of the country the co-operation of Hindus with Muslims in the Khilafat question will give nothing but the sincerest pleasure. It is the sympathy at the time of one’s grief that is valued most, and I know that the hand of fellowship and company extended by them in the hour of sorrow has quickened the hearts of Muslims to its innermost. As the question has assumed a national importance, I trust every step would be by joint decision.

 

THE COMMISSONER’S POWERS

 

Having touched these All-India matters of the vital importance to the nation, I would wish to come at once to a consideration of the leading questions of Provincial interest and there can be not two opinion that the one question, which must engage our attention, before all others, is that of the position and powers of the Commissioner-in-Sind, under the Reform Act. In para 214 of the Montague-Chelmsford report, the distinguished authors, after stating some reasons why one man’s themselves thus: – “To our minds, however there is an overriding reason of greater importance than any of these. The retention of the administration of a province in the hands of a single man preclude the possibility of giving it a responsible character.” In view of this very clear emphatic statement, our complaint is that in matters, whether in transferred or reserved departments of governmental activity in which the Powers of a Governor in Council or Governor, Ministers have already been delegated to the Commissioner-in-Sind, the Minister and the improved Executive and the improved Executive Council cannot effectively determine the course .of administrative action in Sind, so long as the Commissioner enjoyed those delegated powers; and to the extent to which final disposal of matters, which in other divisions the Ministers alone can dispose of, remain with the Commissioner-in-Sind, responsible government will be non-existent many powers of direction and control over local self-governing bodies are conferred on the present Governor-in-Council. Under the Delegation Act (Commissioner-in Sind’s Act. V of 1868) a large number of these powers have been delegated to the Commissioner-in-Sind. With the introduction of the Reform Act the Powers .of the Governor-in-Council, in this behalf, will ipso facto devolve on the responsible Minister in charge of the Local Self Government, and the electorate obtains, through their, representatives, the power of controlling the administration of that department. But if the Commissioner-in-Sind continues the enjoyment of his present delegated powers in respect of local self-governing bodies, the Minister in charge of the portfolio cannot respond to the pressure of the electorate of the Council, so far as Sind is concerned, since he has not final voice in the department so long as the delegation holds good. This only means that Sind does not get any material benefit from the Reforms Act, so far at least as the Transferred Subjects are concerned. In regard to Reserved Subjects also, it will be denied much of the advantages of an improved Executive Council with larger Indian representation in it. If Sind is to receive the full benefit of the new Reforms there is no alternative left to the Government but to take up at once the question of placing the Commissioner-in-Sind, in the same position, as the Commissioners of other divisions of the Presidency. Public opinion of all shades is dead against the present exceptional position of the Commissioner-in-Sind and ever since the question of India Reforms was taken up by the political leaders of the country, this local reforms has been the subject of consideration in the public, press and at the political conferences of the Province. The people Hindus and Muslims are not convinced that the local autocracy must end and I feel sure that they will neither get nor give peace until this is done. The antiquated reasons on which the exceptional treatment of Sind was based, have no longer any application unless it be that Sind has seen no progress during the 77 years of British rule, and earlier the Government of Bombay revises the present system of administration the better it will be for both the people and the Government.

 

REPRESSION IN SIND

 

I do not base the above on any particular incidents of Sind Administration and my reference to two of them should not be taken as arguments or illustration in support of our claim. But they are of such great importance from other points and bear so vitally on the relations between the people and the Government that I feel I must make a pointed reference to them.

Brother Delegates, you all know of the aberration of mind which the unfortunate of Sind official underwent, during April last. They appeared to have been obsessed with the happenings in Punjab and losing their balance completely they launched on a policy of repression in a province than which none other wore a more peaceful appearance. They started with indiscriminate house-searches at Karachi, of men above all suspicion of conspiring against Government in any fashion and thought it wisdom to prosecute Mr. Durgadas, B. Advani and Mr. H. D. Mariwalla for a small leaflet alleged to have been seditious, which should not have, in any case, upset the peace of mind of any sober mind. But it unfortunately did and undue and severe sentences were passed against both of them. In Hyderabad incidents were even worse. Six respectable political workers of the town, including a man of the position of the Honorable Mr. G. M. Bhurgri were made the victims of a conspiracy by the officials. A false “first report” was trumped up against them, whose truth the Government themselves had to deny, in the Bombay Council. Five of them were arrested and let on heavy sureties and personal recognizance, but the concocted plot was exposed and the Local officials had to beat a retreat with such farce as they could command. In the meantime another trial far sedition was launched at Hyderabad and this time the popular Editor of “the Hindvasi” Mr. Jethmal Parsaram became their victim. Mr. Jethmal fared no better than his Karachi friends, but thanks to His Majesty’s proclamation, and our friends were released, after a month’s excellent mental and physical training, and are again back in our midst for the country, each according to his lights.

 

SIND OFFICIALS AND KHILAFAT

 

Another illustration of Rowdyism in Sind was the mean attempt of some officials. I am ashamed to say Mussalman officials at least they profess to be so-to use their official position and influence to set on foot and maintain an anti-Khilafat agitation in Sind. Under the belief that illiterate mass of Sind Muslims, already living In great dread of officialdom, offered the best material far a propaganda which country to the beliefs and feelings of practically the entire Moslem community of India, two Mussalman officials, occupying a position of great trust and influence stooped to any and every means to make Mussalmans declare false views and propagate false beliefs. This artificial agitation against the Khilafat was carried on with a high handedness, boldness and impunity which greatly compromised the position of the Commissioner-in-Sind and the Bombay Government, and when open allegations of the methods employed to coerce Moslem opinion were made in the press, the Sind administration chose to remain quiet far a long time and the two officials went on managing the stage show for months, the public came naturally to believe that the Government wanted this agitation and the officials were mere agents. I am glad to say that the Government was ultimately made to realize the grave inadvisability and inexpediency of this belief gathering more strength or acquiring any plausible basis, by its continued silence and H. E. the Governor of Bombay had to warn the officials not to take any part in the movement. While we are thankful that the Government saw the wisdom of a public disavowal and condemnation of the officials, we must reiterate here our demand for a full and independent inquiry into the allegations of coercion employed by those officials and their underlings. Does Government expect that all who have been victims of this coercion and those who have suffered for their courageous stand for what they regard as truth must pocket the insults, the threats and worse because Government has a tender regard for the prestige of an official who has abused his powers. Is this a wise or statesmanlike attitude to take up in such a matter? The Larkana Khilafat Conference put their case for an enquiry before the Government of Bombay, in the form of a memorial and appointed a deputation to wait upon His Excellency the Governor. Not only was the deputation denied a personal interview, but the enquiry itself was refused. One cannot appreciate the logic of the Government position. If the allegations of the public so openly and persistently made are false, government will have proved, beyond dispute, the correctness of their present position viz that they do not think there is ground for any complaint of coercion and Government will have a strong and effective argument for future use, if public made unreasonable demands for inquiry on any other matters. If however the allegations are proved to be correct, government will only have given an opportunity to punish the guilty for an offence actually proved, and to punish the guilty official or non official is one of the functions of the government, and we shall have deserved the thanks of government for helping it to discharge its functions aright. I hope that Sir George Lloyd yet see the reasonableness of our request and concede it at an early date.

 

THE 19TH MARCH

His Excellency Sir George Lloyd, in speaking of the warning he had administered to the government subordinates on account of their taking part in the anti Khilafat movement spoke of it as a “religious controversy,” and now the government circularizes the Khilafat movement to be a political one, and we have probably therefore the spectacle of a number of District Magistrates in Sind, making as much use of the Bombay District Police Act as they possibly could, in gagging the Muslims. The Khilafat movement, as it has repeatedly been urged is essentially a religious movement, and therefore any interference with it is calculated to cause, as experience shows, the greatest possible resentment. Indians are a peaceful people. They want to live and let others live; and therefore in the case of such a people unnecessary provocation is at once justifiable. In Karachi section 42 of the Police Act was promulgated in the Municipal and cantonment areas, while in Hyderabad, Sukkur and some other places notices under it were served on individuals. Not satisfied with the extremely elastic and all embracing wording of the section, the District Magistrate of Hyderabad went out of his way and beyond the scope of the section in notifying that the “declaration of any class of persons” as “Kaffirs” or “outcastes” or similar expressions are within the scope of the order. . . .”. It is well known that in the Holy Quran the word “Kaffir” occurs pretty often, and suppose a man read a portion having that word, will section 42 of the Police Act, as understood by the magistrate make him liable to a prosecution? If it does it is a clear interference with the religious liberty of the people. “Outcastes” again do not form a class by themselves. They are at the most as has always been the case, a few individuals. Therefore giving them the position and dignity of a “a class” of people is an absurd attempt to prevent people from adjusting their social relations with these individuals, who have, by their behavior dropped out of the community. It is therefore clearly outside the province of a magistrate to take upon himself the supervision of the social matters of the community. Here in Sukkur, we have read in the papers in what manner our much respected Chairman of the Reception Committee Mr. Virumal Begraj has been served with “summons” by a Police subordinate. Such unnecessary and often times vexatious exhibitions of the official powers do not serve any useful purpose, but they go a long way in creating estrangement between the officials and the people, and the sooner Sind officialdom shakes off its old traditions of displaying its strength, on unnecessary occasions, the better it would be for all concerned.

 

HINDU MUSLIM UNITY

 

Brother delegates! Inspite of the whole atmosphere being surcharged with deep anxiety and the sky being overcast with dark clouds, there is a welcome silver lining. The on rush of a feeling of oneness among the Hindus and Moslems of India, at this time of grave crises, has deepened the foundations of the Hindu Moslem Unity, and this partnership, in distress, will, I hope, one day blossom in partnership in happiness, when our goal is achieved. The unity between the two communities is not a new thing. It is as old as the coming of Islam into India. The religion and the everyday conduct of Moslems can permit of no barrier to separate them from their neighbors. The Hindus and moreover if it be remembered that most of the Indian Mussalmans are of the same origin as the Hindus, there can be nothing that can really be an obstacle in the Hindu-Muslim entente. In the past, as History amply proves, Hindus and Muslims have been the best of best neighbors, sincere friends, and faithful comrades and a little, on both the sides, would strengthen the solidarity between the two communities and mould them into one, great nation. It cannot be denied that petty jealousies, over petty objects, and backward state of modern education, among Muslims, had contributed a good deal, to great in recent times, a feeling of distrust among the educated sections of the two communities. Happily the masses, to very great extent remained unaffected by the feelings of the educated strata and with a little effort at sincerity towards one another Hindu-Muslim unity has come to have a remarkable revival. I am certain that the spread of education, among Muslims, will prepare them to take their share of the national obligations more readily than they have done in the past. I already see that one of the greatest results of the present Hindu-Muslim entente is the spirit of nationalism that is taking a firm root in the Muslim mind and as time goes on Muslims will be found to be working for the good of the country not less enthusiastically and strenuously than the Hindus. Muslims cannot afford to neglect the interest of the Indian Nation, just as Hindus should not remain indifferent to the comparative backwardness of the Muslims. Each needs the other, and each must exert to co-operate with the other. I trust that steps would be taken to bring home to the masses the message of Hindu-Muslim unity, and I have every hope that the unpleasant criticism we sometimes hear, in the Civil Courts, about the high rate of interest charged in the mofussil, will have ere long, ceased to exist.

I find from the public press that the Hindus of Sind have not been given their due share of the seats, available for the Hindus of the whole Presidency, on the new provincial Legislative Council. Between these two sections of the same community, the distribution of the representation on the reformed councils has not been fair and just. The voting strength of Sind Hindus entitles them to four seats, whereas they have been given only two. The fact that Government and the National Congress and Muslim League have recognized the claim of a minority to receive favorable treatment further strengthens the claim of the Sind Hindus, and I think that the Mussalmans of Sind as Sindhis, ought to extend their whole-hearted support to Sind Hindus, in obtaining from the Bombay Hindus, two additional seats to make up their fair share of representation. I understand that the Hindus have placed their case before the Reform Commissioner appointed for Bombay province, but the claim has not yet been conceded to. I hope that the claim will be placed and strongly pressed before higher authorities and that it will receive the cordial support of the Mussalmans of Sind.

 

JOINT RECONCILATION BOARDS

 

Since a long time the suggestion of forming joint Reconciliation Boards, to adjust civil and communal disputes, without the intervention of Courts, has been, before the public; and it is a great pity that we, in Sind, have all along slept over it. Private arbitration would not only save time and money, but would considerably diminish the number of such cases and would give a healthy tone for the life of the people. It seems to me that the Joint Boards should be created not only to settle disputes between Hindus and Muslims, but also between Hindus and Hindus and between Muslims and Muslims themselves. The time is now ripe for giving a practical shape to the proposal and so far as I can see the public is really to respond Social relations between the two communities, particularly in large towns also stand in need of reconsideration and I would urge the leaders to devise means for their reconstruction in view of the growing harmony and the present day demands of the Society and Nation.

 

SWADESHI

Necessity has successfully goaded our people, in Sind, to prefer the Khathas to the costly blankets and as a substitute for the foreign flannel and woolen cloth prepared in the Deset has been made use of in a large quantity. The demand for woolen materials prepared in the Deset far exceeds the supply, but I hear, on reliable authority, that a little financial assistance to the weavers would bring to Sind larger stock, than has hitherto come. It is not only the woolen materials that we can get locally so cheaply, but decent cotton cloth for shirting and other purposes would easily become procurable and is obtainable even now, though its quantity may not be sufficient. The necessity for cheaper and more durable cloth is very great and urgent. Once the Swadeshi material, howsoever coarse it may be, is on the market, there remains not the least necessity for canvassing for it. All that is needed is capital, and I venture to hope that our leading men in the Province, Peers and Zamindars and Capitalists will take steps to advance some money to weavers, who are now abandoning their ancestral profession to enable them to restart their work. It would be advantageous to have a system of exhibitions of the country made cloth at the fairs, so numerous in Sind. Every village or a group of villages should have enough of hand looms to meet the demands and already Swedshism in cloth is so much in prominence in Sind that it only requires putting our shoulder to the wheel. We mercantile class in the commercial centres is quite absorbed in foreign trade and speculation thereby acting as agents of the exploiters. We have been certainly great sinners to our motherland and children of the soil past, present and the future. Time has come when we should make amends and devote suffice attention to country made articles and provide them in the market: I see a wave of enthusiasm all round in this respect and people are eager to patronize even with some sacrifice. I fervently beg and appeal to my fellow businessmen to open eyes and the bright possibilities before them and invest their capital for the great good of Bharat Land.

 

RASAI COMMITTEE

 

Nearly two years have passed away, and we do not know anything about the results of the labors of the Rasai Committee. We have seen it in the past and we see it till today that whenever a Committee is appointed by Government to investigate any Sind grievance, the publication of the report of it takes a number of years. The evils of Rasai Lapo and Cheer are there, and it is the duty of the Government to take immediate steps to issue their orders without further delay.

I least expect improvement in these evil systems, whatsoever be the recommendations of the Committee or the orders of the Government. In my opinion landholders, who are victims of these extortions are they to blame and they prepare themselves to be men. I call upon the Zamindars, most of whom profess the same faith as I, to join hands in the working of national regeneration. In the Quran we find a passage conveying deep meaning in which God has said that, no change will come into the lot of any Nation unless it takes pains to do so. You possess heads and hearts to realize and understand famine, poverty, pestilence, all sorts of evils, disease, and high mortality are order of the day in our Beautiful Country. O’do knows that you have lost much of your vitality, by subjection, rivalry amongst yourselves and lethargy and your case is evidently hopeless. In India if any class has suffered most it is yours and those under you.

The material/data/information can be provided on request.

SEVENTH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SUKKUR (1920)

 

The first sitting of the seventh Provincial Conference which was to take place today at 12 noon came off an hour and a half later as much of the time of the prominent members was taken up in the discussion in the Khilafat question at an informal meeting of leading Hindu and Muhammadan delegates.

There appeared to have been some difference of opinion as regards the Khilafat question, most Hindu not being prepared to go the length proposed by Muhammadans. It is understood that after much discussion a compromise was arrived at. There were about 5,000 persons present including visitors of whom about 1,000 were Muhammadans. The special feature of this Conference was that there were about 500 peasant delegates for whom a fee of annas four was charged. There were also about 40 Muhammadan volunteers who were seen working in the pandal along with the Hindu volunteers. Among these present were the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai , Mr. Jamshed, Mr, Bhurgri, Mr, Lalchand of Larkana, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Jeramdas , Mr. Hirdaram , Mr. Durgdas, Mr.Marriwalla , Mr. Sidhwa, Mr. Jethmal , Doctor Choithram, Swami Govindanand, Mr. Lokamal Chellaram and Mr. Santdas, Mr. Mulchand P., Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Virumal, Mr. Vasmani, Mr. Jaswani, and Mr. Kishindas . After national and welcome songs the chairman of the Reception Committee, Mr. Viroomal Begraj read out his address in which he expressed his sorrow at the death of Diwan Pessumal Zoukiram, Chairman of the Reception Committee of the 1st Provincial Conference, and Mr. Himatsing, General Secretary of the 1st Conference and President of the 2nd Conference held at Hyderabad. He rejoiced to see many Muhammadan delegates at the Conference, who were now taking greater and greater interests in political matters. At one time pointed out, sycophants and title hunters stood outside the Conference gates to keep away the Muhammadans from joining the Conference. Things were changing and they were realizing in increasing measure that personal interests must be subordinated to the interests of the nation, and that to help their needy brethren was of greater value than hunting after titles and high Govt. posts. After thanking various persons who had made it possible for him to undertake the delicate duties of Chairmanship, he referred to the auto crated powers of the Commissioner, which he said must be substantially decreased. He condemned the action of the Government in issuing search warrants in April last against respectable persons of unimpeachable character. The prosecution against Messrs. Durgdas and Marriwala and Jethmal were unwise but he was proud to see that Sind could boast of political martyrs men who had suffered imprisonment for the sake of their country. It was after 10 years that 3 Sindhis were tried for sedition, which showed that the political life in Sind was not so vigorous. Their leaders unlike other leaders of the provinces were timid. He was glad to find a National College in Hyderabad and he hoped branches of the College would be established in different parts of Sind. In Government College the atmosphere was cramped and the students were prohibited from attending any political meetings. In spite of their help in the Great War, the Government put on the statute book the Rowlatt Act which was an insult to them. What followed the agitation against the Act he said was known to them. The ruthless murder of innocent people at Amritsar was a standing shame to the honour of the British. The regime of the Martial Law was too terrible to to be described. The Royal proclamation was conceived in a generous spirit but the men on the spot had not carried out fully the intentions of His Majesty. He expressed his joy at the release of Lala Lajpatrai, Lala Harkishin Lal, and others including their Sindhi fighters Messrs. Durgdas, Jethmal and Marriwala. He pointed out the difficulties under which Zamindars, Mukhis and Jagirdas were undergoing on account of the tyranny of the petty Government officials. The institution of the system of Honorary Magistrate ship had not remedied the evil, as those posts were given to persons who were Jo Hukmms of the government who would say that India should not get Home Rule, but if she should they should get the large share in the administration of their country. The Government accused their voters of corrupt practices but it did mind how the posts of Honorary Magistrate ship and Municipal Councillorship were being conferred on the people. Mr. Norton had declared that until the government did away with the system conferring titles the officials would never efficiently carry out the machinery of the government. For the idea of Home Rule they were great full first to Dadabhoy Narojee, and then to Tilak and Mrs. Besant. They had no control over their purse and in the budget a deficit of 19 crores was shown. They were undergoing great hardship on account of the system of Railway administration. The C.I.D. was persecuting the most respectable among them. He appealed to them to use Swadeshi articles for the economic prosperity of their country. The hardships of Income Tax were untold. Irresponsible officials were persecuting poor people, as was evident from the example of one Lakhi, a confectioner who was asked to pay Rs. 1,281, and in the appeal he had got the amount reduced to Rs. 86 only. Another man after the appeal had to pay only Rs. 75 when before it he was to pay Rs. 6,000. The Press Act a most harsh measure was condemned alike by the Moderates and Extremists. He expressed his satisfaction that securities were returned to some papers. Referring to the Khalifat question he said the whole India was now engaged in endavouring to bring about a just settlement of the question. The Turks should get Turkey for the protection of Muslims and others and should have suzerainty over the holy places. Arabia should get self government. He condemned the action of some Muhammadans who were secretly working against the Khilafat question. The demonstration of the 19th March was a testimony of the Hindu Moslem Unity. Austria was politically secure; Turkey therefore should not be broken to pieces. For securing the co-operation of the people, Press Act, Arms Act, Rowlatt Act, Indemnity Act and other repressive acts should be removed from the statute book. Indians should be given a predominant share in the administration of their country and should be freely admitted in Army and Navy. Rasai still continued to be a standing evil. Mr. Tilak and others were clearly saying that the Reforms were disappointing and unsatisfactory. Many English companies were getting facilities for carrying out their business enterprise. The Government was very clever in setting Moderates against Extremists. For the sake of prestige the Government was not remedying many wrongs. The speeches on cow protection of Maulana Shoukat Ali and others must stir the hearts of Hindu. Mahatma Gandhi, who had the indomitable courage of Napolean stood for non violence and he hoped in considering the measures to meet the exigency of situation created by the Khilafat and other question they will follow his principle of Satyagrah. In the end he closed his speech with the cry of Allaho Akbar and Bande Matram.

 

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT

After this Mr. Mulchand Pessumal rose to ratify the election of the President. Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur, Mr. Junijo of Larkana, Mr. Aminudin of Hyderabad, Mr. Gurdino mal from Mirpurkhas, Mr. Hotchand of Jacobabad, Mr. Jethmal of Hyderabad, and Seth Lalumal of Karachi one after another formally seconded the proposition, after which Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon took his presidential seat and was garlanded among cries of Allaho Akbar and Bande Matram. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 5, 1920 Page 10).

 

SECOND SITTING

The second sitting of the Provincial Conference came off this morning under the presidency of Seth Hajee Abdul Haroon and lasted for about four hours. The attendance at this session was much larger than what it was yesterday and every available space was occupied. A larger number of Muhammadans mostly peasants also were in audience. About 1,000 delegate’s tickets appeared to have been issued. The number of visitors far exceeded the usual number. At this sitting the following four resolutions were passed;

FIRST RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference places on record it’s most emphatic opinion that the maintenance of the present position of the Commissioner in Sind is inconsistent with the introduction of the principle of responsibility and powers of popular control and influence granted by the Reform Act and is against the vital interests of the province of Sind. It therefore strongly urges upon Government the imperative necessity, in the interests of the continuance of the Bombay Sind connection, of repealing Act V of 1868 and withdrawing all the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind whether under that Act or the Decentralization Act of 1914 which are at present in excess of those enjoyed by the Commissioners of other Divisions.

(b) This Conference appoints the following committee to prepare a representation in support of the above demand: Mr. Sandas, Mr. Jermadas, Mr. Lulla and Mr. Gopaldas.

This Conference also appoints the following deputation to wait upon His Excellency the Governor of Bombay with a memorial: Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Hajee Abdullah Haroon, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Bhojsing, Mr. Jeramdas, Mr. Jan Muhammad, Mr. Durgdas, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Professor Vaswani, Moulvi Abdul Ghafur, Mr. Pessumal from Nawabshah.

Proposed by Mr. Gopaldas, seconded by Santdas and supported by Abdul Majid and Jan Muhammad.

 

SECOND RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference regrets that the non Muslims of Sind have been given very inadequate representation on the Bombay Legislative Council under the Reform Act as compared with non Muslims in the Presidency and strongly urges that the non Muslim representation be increased from three to five members by doubling their rural representation in consideration of their great voting strength, the extensive areas of their constituencies and the fact that the non Mussulman minority in Sind deserves the same treatment as the Muslim minority in the Presidency proper.

(b) And in order to maintain the Muslim and non Muslim proportion fixed by the Lucknow pact and in view of the fact that the Muhammadans of Sind are under represented, one more seat be given to Muhammadans of Sind.

(c) The same committees as was appointed under Resolution, be appointed for the same purpose.

Proposed by Mr. Santdas, seconded by Mr. Murlidhar and supported by Dr. Nur Mahamud.

 

THIRD RESOLUTION

(a) This Conference most strongly condemns the attempts being made in South Africa and particularly the Transvaal to deprive the Indian settlers of the rights of property, trade and residence hitherto enjoyed by them and trusts that the Government of India will secure the repeal of the recently enacted legislation and otherwise ensure the protection of the Indian settlers in South Africa.

(b) This Conference is of opinion that the Anti-Indian agitation now going on in East Africa is utterly unscrupulous and trusts that the Government of India will safeguard the rights of free and unrestricted emigration from India to East Africa and the full civil and political rights of the Indian settlers in East Africa including the East Africa territory conquered from Germany.

(c) This Conference has learnt with apprehension news about recent riots in Fiji and to ascertain the real causes of the discontent the Conference urges upon Government of India to urge Indian representation in the Commission of Enquiry appointed by the Fihi government.

(d) This Conference views with alarm the recent revolutionary changes from the rupee to the Sterling standard introduced in the currency system of East Africa, as they are sure to lead to economic ruin to the Indian community there.

Proposed by Dr. Choithram, seconded by Mr. Mulchand P. and supported by Lalchand Advani and Dr. Ahmed.

 

FOURTH RESOLUTION

This Conference urges the Government to take early measures to repeal the Press Act, the Seditious meeting Act and all other repressive legislature as the continuance of such legislature on Statue Book is inconsistent with the new era promised in the Royal proclamation.

FIFTH RESOLUTION

This conference lodges its most emphatic protest against the unjustified deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation of Mr. Horniman and strongly urges the Governor of Bombay and Viceroy to order cancellation of the order of deportation and grant him passports for his immediate return to India.

Proposed by Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, seconded by Mr. Kishindas.

In moving the first resolution with regard to the powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind, Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal traced the history of Sind administration from the time of the British Conquest of Sind when the province was placed under a separate Governor to the present day.

In course of time with the improved communications it was placed under the Government of Bombay. Owing to great distance however it was found necessary in 1868 to pass an Act by which all the powers of the Governor could be delegated to the Commissioner in Sind. After the report of the Decentralization Committee almost all the powers had been delegated to the Commissioner. These powers, if not withdrawn, would loose the beneficial effect of the recent reforms.

Mr. Santdas in seconding the resolution said that powers were delegated to the Commissioner under 78 Acts. The speaker had gone through the correspondence which had led to the passing of the Act 5 of 1868. In those days the Commissioner had not even the power of transferring prisoners from one jail to another. This was the reason on which the recommendation for the passing of the above act was based. Gradually other powers were given till at last the Commissioner now enjoyed almost all the powers of the Governor.

Mr. Jonejo, of Larkana in supporting the resolution declared the Commissioner with such extensive powers as a calamity for them. He could make and unmake any body. He could raise any body to heaven and hurl down any body to hell. He referred to the unjustified searches of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and other respectable people in Hyderabad. He referred to the treatment received at the hands of Government by Pir Pagaro and sympathized with the Hurs who where shut up in one place. Referring to Zamindars he said that they were completely at the mercy of the Commissioner and that accounted for the presence of so few Zamindars at the Conference. The Commissioner he said, enjoyed more powers than even King George, V, himself. In conclusion he said that such powers possessed by the Commissioner he would prefer leaving the place and living elsewhere.

In moving the second resolution regarding the inadequate representation of the non Muslims of Sind in the Bombay Legislative Council, Mr. Santdas said that in accordance with the Congress League Pact at Lucknow 46 seats were assigned to non Muslims and 27 to Muhammadans of which 13 Muslim seats were assigned to Sind Muslim and only 3 to non Muslims. This had placed the Sind non Muslims at a great disadvantage when compared with the non Muslims of the Presidency. They did not want to disturb the distribution already made but suggested the creation of two more seats for Hindus and one for Muhammadan as the Act gave powers for the increase of the numbers of seats to the extent of 5%

At this stage a Bania created a scene by entering the Pandal and beating his head said that he had been unjustly treated by the Income tax authorities who had got him handcuffed and brought about his ruin. He was asked to sit down and the President ruled that he should be heard at the time of taking Income tax resolution.

Mr. Murlidhar of Shikarpur said that he had seen the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha in this connection and had received an encouraging reply. They had both admitted the justness of the claim but wanted some representation from the public. Last week the speaker said he had seen the Reform Commissioner Mr. Seddon who raised several objections which were not so serious.

Dr. Nur Mahomad in supporting the resolution said that the Hindus had done them a favor at the Licknow Congress League Compact and they were under a deep debt of obligation to them that they had assigned to them one third the total number of seats in Councils. He was not yet quite sure whether the Muhammadan community in view of the circumstances brought about by Khilafat question would participate in the coming elections but personally he would not object to any Muslim seats being given to Hindus.

In moving the third resolution regarding the Indians in Africa, Dr. Choithram reviewed the whole situation from the very beginning and said that they were having recourse to queer pretext for excluding the Indians from Africa. The act laid down that undesirables were to be excluded but everybody knew that it will be applied to Indians. In the end he suggested that if the Colonies did not come round, the British Government should declare war against them and the Indians would heartily so-operate with them. Before passing the above resolution Mai Suraswati a Mahratta lady of Karachi sang a beautiful song reviewing the economic condition of India which touched the hearts of the whole audience.

In moving the fourth resolution regarding the repressive measures about the press, Mr. Bhojsing referred to the Press Act of 1910 when he said an assurance was given that the High Court will have adequate powers over the acts of the Executives. The High Courts however had declared that their hands were tied and they could not interfere in these matters. He declared that the present was a suitable time for abolishing all the repressive measures.

Swami Goverdanand in seconding the resolution compared the Editors of papers with Rishis who did great services to the public. But for these repressive measures incidents like the Jallianwalla tragedy would never have occurred. Such things could only happen when the press was suppressed at the time. Mr. Bunga in supporting the resolution said that being a Journalist himself he could speak from personal knowledge. He said that the Press Act was most iniquitous in working as it differentiated between Indians and Anglo Indian papers. It also made distinctions between papers that expressed moderate view and those that voiced forth national opinions.

Mr. Jethmal supporting the resolution said that Bureaucracy was responsible for this state of things. They were proving rebellious to their King Emperor who had enjoined them to work in co-operation. Security had been returned to many papers but with held from some who fearlessly voiced forth nationalist views. The papers to which the security had not been returned were being looked upon with great respect and such as were doing service to the country.

The last resolution regarding the deportation of Mr. Horniman was moved by the Hon. Mr. Harchand Rai. Only two charges leveled at Mr. Horniman by the advocates of government action were sati factionary refuted by Mr. Horniman himself and it was rather unmanly on the part of Government to have stabbed him in the dark without giving him an opportunity of clearing himself. Mr. Kichindas Jharmrai seconded the resolution which was passed. The third sitting of the Conference takes place tomorrow at 1p.m.

SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE:

LAST MEETING

 

The third and last sitting of the Provincial Conference which was to be held at 12 noon had to be postponed to 2 p.m. owing to prolongation of the meeting of the Subject Committee in the morning. The attendance at this meeting was not as large as at the first two sittings because of the absence of almost all the Muhammadan delegates and visitors who were at the Muslim League meeting which was being held at the same time. The pandal was however full except a few galleries at the extremity which were unoccupied throughout the sitting. This year, proper attention does not appear to have been given to keep order in the pandal with the result that several visitors were found in the delegates seats and several boys under 21 were also there so that some delegates proper at to days sitting found that their seats had been occupied and there were no more seats available in that block. Several Sukkur people were found occupying Karachi and Hyderabad blocks which were nearest to the platform. The volunteers could not enforce proper discipline as they appeared more anxious to seat themselves whether in chairs or on the ground near the speaker than stick to the posts assigned to them. The proceedings commenced with the singing of the national song after which the following resolution was moved by Mr. Santdas of Hyderabad.

 

REPRESSIVE POLICY

“This Conference expressed its severe condemnation at the repressive policy pursued in Sind by Mr. H. S. Lawence and other officials in Sind in April last.

“This Conference is further of opinion that the above official took advantage of the critical situation which had developed in other parts of India, for the purpose of striking a blow at all political workers in Sind, by prosecuting some and instituting searches and arresting others on palpably false allegations.

This Conference regrets that no action has been taken against the officials concerned and urges upon the Government of Bombay the absolute necessity of taking actions against Mr. Lawrence and such other officials as were concerned in the agitation and carrying out of that repressive policy.”

Mr. Santdas in moving the above resolution said that action taken against the political workers at Hyderabad was based on the police report made on the 26th April with respect to a plot at Mr. Bhurgri’s bungalow on 28th March, in connection with the closing of shops by force. When however it was satisfactorily shown that Mr. Bhurgri was out of Hyderabad on that day the officials concerned were in affix and had eventually to acknowledge their mistake and withdraw the cases against all. The matter, the speaker said had reached the ears of Mr. Montagu and he was fully informed of the whole case of Mr. Bhurgri.

Mr. Abdul Karim who seconded the resolution said that when poor people were tried for offences alleged to have been committed by them why should the officials whose duty it was to safeguard their property and person, escape punishment if they were found guilty. Mr. Sidhya in supporting the resolution gave his personal experience regarding the search of his house and said that he was credibly informed that the same Mr. Lawrence was coming back to rule over the province in May next and therefore they should protest against his being here where he had proved a failure. The resolution was unanimously carried.

 

LOYAL EXPRESSION

The next resolution moved with regard to offering thanks to His Majesty the King Emperor for his gracious proclamation of 23rd December 1919, which unanimously passed.

 

JALLIANWALLA FUND

In moving the next resolution urging all the Sindhis to do patriotic duty in subscripting liberally towards the Jalianwalla Bagh fund. Mr. Lokamal Chellaram made a stirring speech with regard to the Jallianwala tragedy and made an appeal for funds in suitable terms. Mr. Narsinglal who seconded the resolution stated that about 1,200 had been killed and about 3,600 wounded in the Jallianwalla tragedy and it was their imperative duty to do something in memory of those that had fallen when nothing was done to punish the perpetrators for their unmanly conduct. Mr. Choithram in supporting the resolution said that their object was not to perpetrate the memory of hatred against the British or General Dyer but to keep memory of those that had fallen. About ten lakhs of rupees, the speaker said, were required of which Sind was expected to contribute Rs. 50,000. He announced that Mr. Jamshed Mehta, MukhiJethanand, the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri and two others had subscribed Rs. 1,000 each and made an appeal to the wealthy sethias and others to subscribe Liberally. The appeal received a hearty response and about Rs. 15,000 was subscribed on the spot. Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, and Seth Hajee Abdul Satar each subscribed Rs. 1,000. Messrs Murlidhar, Rejhumal Lahori and Hirdaram each subscribed Rs. 500. Seth Khemchand, Mr. Suganlal, Seth Hajee Satar and Seth Sundersing each subscribed Rs. 250. Seth Madandas Mendo, Seth Girdhridas, Seth Chellasing each subscribed Rs. 20. About a dozen subscribed Rs. 150 or 151 each. About 20 subscribed Rs. 100 or a little each. The number of those that subscribed under Rs. 100 each was also considerable. A hat that was sent round the pandal also brought in a good sum. A medal of Mrs. Annie Besant worn by Doctor Choithram was offered by him for the Jallianwalla fund. It was put to auction and knocked down of Rs. 701 to Seth Ratanchand Virbhandas Jumani. A Sind work boy from Hyderabad gave away his watch towards the fund. It was auctioned and fetched Rs. 225. Mahraj Gandi’s Secretary ring was likewise sold for Rs. 150. A poor hari gave away his stick which fetched Rs. 50 in the auction. A photo of leaders of India hung up at the entrance of the Pandal was sold for Rs. 125 to Mr. Hirdaram who again presented it to the National College. One shoe maker by name Dhanji paid Rs. 6. Several boys also paid small sums and some of them gave their gold buttons.

One girl who was present there took out a gold earning from her ear and offered it to the fund. This fetched Rs. 125 at the auction. The audience expressed strong desire to have all the things received put to auction but as much of the time of the Conference had been taken up in the work of collection, Mr. Santdas was called upon to read the following resolution from the Chair as they were fully discussed in the subject Committee and were of non-contentious character, and all were earned unanimously

 

RASAI

The Conference most emphatically protests against the inordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Rasai Committee appointed in March 1918 and strongly urges upon Government, the imperative necessity of the immediate publication of the report and the recommendation of the Government as any further delay will only strengthen the popular belief that Government is not serious in its attitude against the evil custom.

(b) This Conference regrets that even during the last two years which the report of the inquiry and Governments decision have been awaited for Rasai, Lapo and Chher have continued unabated.

 

LABOUR UNION

This conference urges the District Congress Committee in Sind to promote labor unions throughout the Province with a view to improving social, economic and political conditions of the laboring classes and securing for them a fair standard of living and a proper place in the body politic of India.

 

LANDLORD AND TENANT

That the Committee consisting of Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, Mr. Santdas and Mr. Gunshamdas be appointed to enquire into and report on the relations now existing between the zamindars and haris of Sind and recommend the measure that may be necessary for more equitably readjusting their relations.

COW SLAUGHTER

That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to Muslims of India and particularly the Muslims of Sind for their resolution to respect the wishes of their Hindu brethren by avoiding cow-slaughter.

BOMBAY SIND RAILWAY

This Conference earnestly appeal the Government of Bombay to take very early steps to arrange a direct Railway connection between Bombay and Sind either through Cutch or via Nagarparkar and Deesa as a much shorter railway route than the existing one vitally affects the political and economic interests of Sind.

 

Translation of Vernacular Newspaper.

 

This conference is emphatically of opinion that in view of the fact that the Government of Bombay is not in adequate touch with public opinion in Sind. It is essential that the vernacular papers of Sind be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and submitted by him to the Bombay Government and the Commissioner in Sind.

ROWLATT ACT

This Conference is firmly of opinion that there would be no real peace in the country until the Rowlatt Act which has caused unprecedented feeling is repealed and therefore earnestly asks the Right Honorable the Secretary of State for India to advise the viceroy to take immediate steps to have it repealed.

 

DEPORTATION

This conference strongly protests against the action of the Commissioner in Sind for deporting three Indian gentlemen of Karachi, born in Indian States but residents of British India for long period, for their identifying themselves with the Satyagarha Movement, classing them as foreigners. This conference demands from the Government of India immediate repeal of such powers of the Commissioner in Sind and further to compensate those three gentlemen for all losses borne by them through such misuse of powers by Mr. Lawrence, the late Commissioner in Sind.

 

RAILWAY PASSENGER’S TROUBLES

That this Conference brings to the notice of the Railway authorities the inconveniences and hardship which the 3rd class passengers from whom the largest portion of the Railway revenue is derived have to suffer owing to:-

(a) Habitual overcrowding in Railway trains.

(b) Lack of several necessary facilities for traveling and of sanitary conveniences.

(c) Disregard of Railway servants of their duties towards the public.

(d) Rough, insolent and impolite behavior of some of the Railway servants towards Indians in general and 3rd class passengers in particular, and that this Conference requests that early action may be taken to remedy these grievances and it further urges that Government should see that no Railway body has the right of reserving compartments for only certain section of a community such as Europeans and Eurasians and Anglo Indians.

(e) This Conference further urges that not more than half the total authorized number of passengers allowable to travel by day should be allowed to travel by night in the same compartments.

DOCK PASSENGR’S GRIEVANCES

This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the very bad treatment meted out to the passengers of the B.I.S.N. Co at the Cutch and Kathiawar Coast ports and urges the Government of Bombay to appoint a Committee to look into the grievances and to redress them at an early dates.

 

RAILWAY FARES

This Conference urges the Government of India to immediately reduce the Railway fares which had been increased during the war to pre war level and to reintroduce the system of Return ticket.

 

KARCHI DELHI RAILWAY

This Conference requests the Government of India to take the construction work of the Karachi Delhi Railway at a very early date.

This Conference brings to the notice of the Agent, North Western Railway, Lahore that although the authorities sanctioned in the month of February to attach a through compartment of First and Second Class for Karachi Delhi and vice versa, the practice is not regularly followed and it is hoped that this will be given effect to strictly.

 

Higher Posts in Bombay Government Department.

This Conference views with great dissatisfaction the Government of Bombay’s decision in showing undue favoritism to persons of European Parentage in the matter of appointments to the Public Services in this Presidency and believes that unless this racial distinction is removed the new era would not produce the desired effect in the country.

 

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

This Conference urges upon the people of Sind that the economic improvement of country demands a practical propaganda for the Industrial Development especially of artisan classes and therefore earnestly urges the adoption of Swadeshi.

AMNESTY

This Conference strongly protests against the inadequate effect given to the amnesty clause in the Royal Proclamation and urges Government that all persons convicted of any offence connected with the political movement in India or interned or deported for political reasons should be immediately released and granted full liberty of action and movement, and in case where release is not considered consistent with public safety the grounds for such contentions be published. This Conference further urges the All India Congress Committee to organize agitation in the country and take other suitable steps to make Government give full effect to the intention of the proclamation in this behalf.

KHILAFAT

This Conference is of opinion that an alarming situation will arise in India if the Turkish Peace settlement is not compatible with the demands made by Moslems of India and requests the All India congress Committee and all Indian Moslem League Council, and Central Khilafat Committee to consider what steps should be taken in the event of failure of a satisfactory settlement of the Turkish problem.

 

ROYAL PROCLAMATION

This Conference tenders its respectful thanks to his Majesty the King Emperor for his Gracious Proclamation dated the 23rd December, 1919 and wholeheartedly welcomes the announcement of the Prince of Wales visit to India and trusts that by the time of the Prince’s visit to our Country the question of the Khilafat will be so amicably settled as to enable millions of His Majesty’s subject in India to give him whole hearted reception.

 

INCOME TAX

This Conference realizing the good intention of the Government of India orders with respect to the right working of Income tax laws, is of opinion that its working still continues to cause great dissatisfaction and discontent in many places in Sind and urges the authorities to openly issue such instructions to the Income Tax Collectors and Commissioner to administrate those laws in just and fair spirit.

2. This Conference is of opinion that the working of the Income Tax Act will be greatly frustrated if in the event of Income Tax Collector not accepting the figures of D. Form, the decision of assessment be not entrusted to the arbitration of three non official persons, one elected by the Collector and one by the Assesses and a Sirpunch elected by the two arbitrators.

3. This Conference is further of opinion that the present system of the appellate authority having no other agency of advice but that of Income Tax Collector is unjust and therefore demands that an advisory Board of 3 non official persons be appointed at each place to advise the appellate Commissioner just as is done in matters of rent Act appeals.

4. This Conference protests against un-business like and discourteous treatment accorded to assesses during their attendance in the Income Tax Office and urges that adequate provision should be made for the comfort of the assesses and they should be treated with courtesy and consideration and all possible facilities be given to avoid waste of time caused by prolonged attendance and frequent postponements.

 

INDIANS ON N.W.R. STAFFS

This Conference notes with regret and bring it to the attention of the N.W.Ry. Administration and the Railway Board that there are no Indian employees in the higher grades of services of the Loco Department and other services e.g. Loco Superintendents, Assistants and even Foreman of different shops and urges on the authorities concerned to take immediate steps to open the appointments to Indians freely.

This Conference places on record its emphatic protests against the invidious racial distinction observed by the Railway authorities in the grant of pay to Europeans, Anglo Indians, Native Christians and Paris and Indians holding the same appointment and demands the immediate abolition of the same.

That this Conference tenders its hearty thanks to the Members of the Congress Sub-Committee for their hard and earnest work in making through enquiries and a report regarding the martial law affairs in Punjab for the information of all people.

That this Conference offers its highest respects to Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Madan Mohan Malya and Pandit Motilal Nehru for their great services to Punjab in its extremely difficult days.

That this Conference is of emphatic opinion that Indians born in Indian States, residing in British India should receive all privileges under the new Reform and Scheme, and requests the Government of India to extend to them all those privileges of the Indians.

 

MUNICIPALITY EDUCATION

This Conference urges all Municipalities to frame schemes of Primary free and compulsory education and further urges the Municipal Councilors to find means for working such schemes if need be by extra taxation and requests the public to support such scheme and extra burden of such taxation whole heartedly and where adequate funds are not available to the Municipalities of cities which can not bear additional taxation no maximum limit should be fixed to the proportion of grant-in-aid by Government.

 

PUNJAB QUESTION

This Conference is of opinion that whilst Mob excesses, although committed after grave provocation were worthy of condemnation, the deliberate and calculated massacre without warning by General Dyer, of innocent, unarmed and otherwise defenseless people at Jalianwala Bagh was an unexampled act of barbarity and hopes that the Government of India and the Home Government will take such steps as will render impossible a repetition of such barbarities committed by responsible officers in the Punjab during period of martial law and hopes that recommendations made by the Punjab Sub Committee of the Indian National Congress will be carried out in their entirety.

(b) That all the official offenders should be immediately cashiered and impeachment or criminal proceedings be forthwith instituted against them.

(c) That an all India Deputation should forthwith proceed to England to place before the British Democracy and His Majesty’s Ministers, the true facts of the Martial law regime and to press for the carrying out of the Indian wishes.

(d) That the persons convicted with the last April disturbances not yet released be immediately released.

 

HONORARY MAGISTRATES

That in the opinion of this conference the system of appointing Honorary Magistrates and Benches on the recommendation of the Executive Officers and police has proved a failure and that in future Honorary Magistrates and Benches should be elected by the people as the Municipal Councilors are elected.

 

RENT ACT

That this Conference thanks the Government for introducing Rent Act at Bombay, Karachi, and Calcutta etc. and urges its extension for a further period of 2 years and also at other places of India wherever demanded.

 

BARRAGE SCHEME

This Conference urges that the Government should not acquire mosques, cremation grounds, and Gowshala and Goua rest house at Sukkur for the purpose connected with barrage.

 

ROBIN HOODS OF INDIA

The resolution about Hur settlement was proposed by Mr. Jonejo, Bar-at-law of Larkana. He said that thousands of his co-religionists, men, women and children who had committed no actual offence had been confined in what were called settlements or enclosures. There they were treated as if they were animals. It was monstrous to deprive them of their liberty and other human rights simply because they were Hurs. Mr. Santdas Mangharam, pleader of Hyderabad, Sind, in seconding the resolution said that the Hurs were confined under the Criminal Tribes Act. Lately in the time of Mr. Lucas, Commissioner in Sind. Lots of Hur families had been deported to Ahmednagar where they were under similar restraint. It was quite wrong to punish people against whom there was no regular charge. Those guilty of any offences may very well be treated with severity but not the others. Children must not be condemned because they were born of their parents. Mr. Murlidhar, pleader of Shikarpur, moved an amendment proposing the following committee to enquire into the question and report; Hon. Mr. Bhurgari, Hon. Mr. Harchandrai, Messrs. Hirdaram Mewaram, Jethmal Parsram, Jairamdas Doultram, Santdas Manghara, pleader Jonejo and Mukhi Jethanand of Hyderabad Sind. He said that the Hurs were confined for the security of life and property of the people and not of the officials. The Government acted from good motives and opened schools for them, and they were permitted to go out to their cultivation. So far as he knew they were a dangerous Criminal Tribe who committed murder and theft as their profession. But the speaker only suggested a committee of enquiry which he taught would establish the un safety or letting these people at large. Seth Lokamal Chellaram of Karachi seconded him and spoke of those terrors of Thar, Bachoo Badhshah and Piroo Vazir. Mr. Jethmal Parsram said that he knew something of Hurs and had even lived among them but they were not such a bad lot. There was a question of principle involved in this question. The Conference was passing resolution against the deportation of Mr. Horniman and the expulsion from Karachi of three Kathiawari gentlemen. The Government said they were dangerous but there was nothing definite alleged against them. In the same way the Hurs must not be condemned because of general charge. He traced the pedigree to Main Hur who had been hired by Yazid to murder the Imams Hassan and Hussein but who fought for the latter as soon as he saw them. Some spoke of the Zulum (tyranny) practiced by the Police kept in charge of the Hur settlement. He was however not against the appointment of Mr. Murlidhar’s committee, Mr. Lalchand Jagtiani, teacher, New High School, Karachi said that he had lived as a boy among Hurs and had mixed with them. Some were no doubt thieves and murderers but they had their good qualities. In Europe such men would be educated and turned into good citizens. He referred to Robin Hood in this connection. Eventually the amendment was carried. The next resolution about the impeachment of the Viceroy and Sir Michael O ’Dwyer and General Dyer was moved from the chair and passed unanimously.

 

NEW COLLEGE

After half an hour’s recess the Conference met again at night fall and the invitation given by Mirpurkhas delegates to hold the next conference there was accepted. The 20th resolution was about location of the proposed Government Arts and Agriculture College on which there was a somewhat warm discussion. Mr. Murlidhar moved that the Colleges be located in Upper Sind where there was greater need for them as Hyderabad Sind was near Karachi and had a National College already and was moreover more advanced. Hon. Mr. Harchandrai in seconding said that Hyderabad students could afford to go to Baroda, Bombay and Poona even though they had a College at Hyderabad, Sind. He was of opinion that the need of Upper Sind was greater. Not only Upper Sind delegates who were undoubtedly in a great majority, wanted the College in their midst but Karachi delegates and even a few Hyderabadi delegates supported them. Mr. Lalchand A. Advani moved an amendment that a committee of the following gentlemen be appointed to report within a month where the College should be; Mr. Murlidhar, pleader, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Mr. Viroomal Begraj, Mr. Bhojsing Gurdinomal, Mr. Kishindas Jhamraj, Raj Bahadur, Mr. Bulchand Dayaram, Mr. Khemchand Ambritrai and Hon Mr. Bhurgari. He said that he had purposely put five Upper Sindhis out of nine members.

He would not mind if the decision was in favour of Upper Sind. Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal seconded the amendment and said that it was not proper that a question like this which was between one district and another should be taken up at a provincial conference held in one of the districts concerned which necessarily had a large preponderance of local delegates. He would have opposed the bringing up of such a question at the Hyderabad Session. Mr. Santdas moved another amendment that the question be simply dropped. He was not for a Government College at all. But here there was question between two rival claimants; Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta regretted the “tug of war” between Hyderabad and Upper Sind. only one College was being given and Lower Sind would do well to give in. Mr. Viroomal Begraj said he was pained Mr. Mehta’s use of the words “tug of war”. He was sure there was no such conflict. He personally would not send his boys to a Government College, but as Upper Sind needed a College badly, he would appeal to Hyderabadis with all earnestness to give up their claim. Mukhi Jethanand said that he was speaking as a Sindhi. He would personally not mind asking Hyderabadis in favour of Upper Sind but here all thought that this Conference should not take up this question. Votes then taken and the proportion was carried by an overwhelming majority. Hereupon Mr. Gopaldas J.A. left the Conference in disgust.

 

REFORM’S RESOLUTION

The last resolution was about the Reforms. It was moved by Mr. Durgdas Advani and it said that the Reforms were inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing and was on the Congress lines. It proved the cause of great disagreement in the Conference which broke up in the greatest disorder. The President said that four amendments had been handed to him and the discussion would be very long. It was a late hour already. He and many others had to leave by 10-30 p.m. train and they could also not stay for the next day having already reserved their berths. He suggested therefore this question should be dropped. At once there was a storm of indignation for which there were several causes. The most ardent followers of Mr. Tilak alleged that this was a device of the followers of Mrs. Besant. Why was this resolution not brought up earlier? Why could not the delegates stay a day longer? The Muhammadans who were dissatisfied with the resolution of the Conference about the Khilafat question and the welcome of the Prince of Wales sided with the Tilak party. The President was openly insulted and accused of partiality. There was great noise and commotion. Hurriedly the chairman of the reception committee, the very popular Mr. Viroomal Begraj moved a brief vote of thanks to the chair and Mr. Lokamal Chellaram seconded him. Then there was noise and disorder again and bitter recrimination and the president and other office bearers left. Mr. Tilka’s followers then went about among the audience and said that Tilak had desired that the Conference should pass a resolution on the Congress lines and they wanted the delegates to stay on and pass the resolution by electing another president for the time. This went on for some time when the captain of volunteers requested all to leave the pandal as the furniture had to be checked and returned the next morning and the Police Superintendent had given the ground on condition that the pandal would not be given to any one else without his permission. The gentlemen who already defied the chair wanted at first to defy the volunteers but Mr. Durgdas said that the meeting should be held outside or in the Muslim League pandal. Then the people began to go out. The protest meeting was then held in the open, Mr. Durgdas being elected Chairman and less than one hundred people being present. The resolution about the Reforms was adopted. Mr. Zafar Ali Khan of Delhi who had come down from the Punjab that morning in connection with the Khilafat movement was present at the meeting with several Muhammadans and supported the resolution strongly. Swami Govindanand took the most active part in the protest.

 

The material/data/information can be provided on request

SIND PRIVINCIAL CONFERENCE

6^th Session, Jacobabad

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS BY JAMSHED N.R. MEHTA

18 APRIL 1919

 

                                Presidential Address by JAMSHED N.R. MEHTA on the eve of

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Reception Committee, Brother and Sister Delegates and friends. 

            I thank you one and all for having done me the honour of electing me as President of the Sixth Sind Provincial Conference in this City of Jacobabad. My thanks to you consist of few words, because I cannot express what I feel.

            We meet here today to deliberate on National and Provincial questions and pass resolutions to guide our future course to serve our Motherland: there can be no greater happiness or joy than to serve own dear Land and I humbly bow to the Almighty and our Devas for giving us this opportunity to meet and speak for the Holy cause of our Nation, to unite in one bond for one purpose, vis. SWARAJ FOR OUR BHARAT DESH.

            Friends, when I think that it is only a few years ago that I have entered the arena of political life, I do feel my unworthiness to take up the responsible duty you have entrusted me with, today. I take it up since you so will it, and offer myself to Him to guide me aright and look to you to help me in the discharge of that duty. May I be worthy of your choice.

            At such meetings my first thoughts do go to our leaders-past and present, at whose feet we have begun to learn lessons of self-Government and Self-Determination; let us send our thoughts of reverence and love to all of them, those noble patriots and pioneers who have paved for us the way for service to our Motherland.

 

Self-Government and Self-Determination

            The foremost ideals and demands of ours are Self-Government and Self-Determination; the air of Bharat Desh is surcharged and electrified with this powerful idea. Our assemblies, our meetings, our actions, words, feelings, our ways of living, our daily steps, all make us to move forward towards these goals and we are willing to offer all our happiness, joy, peace and whatever that is good and valuable in life to this shrine of SWARAJ, Self-Government, Self-Determination, call it what you will. It is but reasonable that I should deal with this topic first.

            We feel that Swaraj of Self-Government is our Birth Right; we feel that the present system of Government is unsuitable for India and Indians; we feel that the present constitution of the Government is extremely costl and a great burden on our Land. We also know that the present administration is autocratic and selfish. We intensely feel the hardship, burden and injustice of unequal treatment accorded to sons of our land in comparison with the treatment given to the sons of other lands in our own Home; and we see in consequence that our Land is being continually drained of its wealth and resources and  reduced to improve; we want therefore a change in the system and constitution of the Government as at present existing. We want to exercise our right as Indians, as the sons of this soil to self determine what type of constitutional Government within the British Empire will suit the condition and needs of our country.

            Since 1886, our veteran leaders have been constantly pointing out to our rulers how India has suffered in all aspects of its life by the methods of administration by Great Britain, that had grown unsuited to the fast changing needs of the times- but they spoke and cried in vain. In the year 1906, the Dada of India gave out his holy pronouncement that Swaraj must henceforth be our goal and that we must look to it as the one way to relive India from its sufferings and since then the cry of Swaraj has spread to every corner of our dear land; every year our demands grew firmer and stronger; side by side, the reactionary measures of the officials calculated to prevent our aspirations from taking proper shape also grew stronger. The struggle went on. Constant efforts were made by subtle means to divide and widen the gulf between Hindus and Moslems; certain persons were made official favourites to form a Government party. Measures to suppress National papers and gag those that propagated liberal views taken; needle reforms and measures for the good of India in spite of all popular demands were not introduced, with the result a most unfortunate result, that today in India, we find the public and Government as two distinct parties, as if the interests of the two are separate and opposite. Friends, it is no pleasure to me to make these statements. To me, and I am sure, to you all this state of affairs is unwelcome and painful. Well, this struggle continued, and it became a subject of constant anxiety to several thoughtful leaders of our Land. It was apparent that such a state of affairs could not last long and could do good to no one; a scheme was thought out by our leaders for improving the system of Government, ultimately leading to self-government within the British Empire. That scheme is well known to you as the Congress-League scheme; this scheme if accepted by the Government would have had the result to bring about some satisfaction until the final goal was reached by the people of a nation that aspired and struggled for liberty, justice and equality. Practically the whole of India accepted this scheme as the immediate step towards the goal of self-government; the state of affairs reached to an anxious stage owing to the righteous impatience of the people on one hand to be free and the desire of Government officials on the other hand to muzzle the people. At last one who represented the King Emperor realized the gravity of the situation and invited the Secretary of State for India, to visit our land personally and to judge the situation; the great war was raging, our land was “Hanm-Sharik” with our Emperor and his allies in all the battle-fields and our soldiers fought on all the four continents of the world. The Secretary of State, the Right Hon’ble Mr. Montagu, whom India had always known and accepted as a friend, came to India soon after the announcement of the 20^th August 1917 that responsible Government as an integral part of the British Government was the goal of British Rule in India. The Viceroy and the Secretary of Sate after prolonged consultation of all shades of opinion in India and careful consideration of the views placed before them issued a report containing suggestions for Reforms; it was apparent that the report bore evident indications of the influences of those who were against Indian Rights and aspirations. The report rejected the Congress League Scheme and suggested quite a different scheme, which almost all in India pronounced with one voice as inadequate to meet Indian aspirations. Yet there were a few leaders who took the view that the reforms suggested by Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montagu were an advance on the present system and though inadequate to meet our demands they ought to be welcomed and if need be accepted as a first instalment. But a large majority- and a very large majority declared at the Special Congress in Bombay that the scheme was inadequate, unsatisfactory and disappointing. They however did not reject the scheme, but demanded several substantial modifications while adhering to its principal frame works. The main modifications demanded were that in the Provincial Governments all subjects except departments of law, police, and justice, should be immediately transferred to popular control, the above three subjects being reserved to executive Government, only for a period of six years; and that in the Central Government, all departments except foreign affairs (excepting relations with the colonies and dominions), army, navy, and relations with Indian Ruling Princes, and subject to the declaration of rights given below, matters directly affecting public peace, tranquility, and defence of the country, should be transferred to popular control as the immediate step towards responsible Government. The Declaration of Rights which in view of its great importance deserves to be put before the public as often as possible reads thus:-

 

(Declaration of Indian Rights)

 

            RESOLUTION IV:- The Government of India shall have undivided administrative authority on matters directly concerning peace, tranquility and defence of the country subject to the following:-

            That the Statue to be passed by Parliament should include the Declaration of the Rights of the People of India as British Citizens:-

a.       That all Indian Subjects of His Majesty and all the subjects naturalized who are resident in India are equal before the law, and there shall be no penal nor administrative law in force in this country, whether substantive or procedural of discriminative nature,

b.      that no Indian subject of His Majesty shall be liable to suffer in liberty, life, property, or in respect of free speech or writing, or of the right of association, except under sentence by an ordinary Court of Justice, and as a result of lawful and open trial

c.       that every Indian subject shall be entitled to bear arms, subject to the purchase of a license, as in Great Britain, and that right shall not be taken away save by a sentence of ordinary Court of Justice;

d.      that the Press shall be free, and that no license nor security shall be demanded on the registration of a press or a newspaper;

e.       that corporal punishment shall not be inflicted on any Indian subject of His Majesty save under conditions applying equally to all other British subjects.

 

The wisdom of Providence however moved us onwards. The great war suddenly came to an end. We were victorious and our Empire loudly proclaimed that the battle was won for the freedom of all nations; that it was a war won to give the right of self determination to every nation, weak or strong. That it was a war which decided and proved that Right ruled over might. These loud proclamations of Britain and its Allies gave more vigour to India’ demands. Side by side with these India’s demands, a party opposed to Indian reforms, under the leadership of Lord Sydenham, carried on highly mischievous campaign against Indian Aspiration; During the interval of a few months between the Special Session of the Congress at Bombay held in August last, and the 33^rd Sessions of the Congress at Delhi in December, the Indian Members of the Bombay Legislative Council declared that they were ready for full provincial autonomy viz. that all departments of provincial government be transferred to popular control of Legislative Councils. This declaration and the increased opposition of officials to reforms and some acts of high handed bureaucratic policy between August and December 1918 made the 33^rd Sessions of the Congress to demand full Provincial Autonomy for all Provinces of India. Some leaders demanded this firmly, specially pointing out that the department of Police must be brought under popular control immediately, and that it would be ruinous to keep it longer under the control of autocratic executives as a provincial reserved subject. It was clear that the main reason for this demand, contrary to the resolution of the Congress only three months before, was due to extreme dissatisfaction at the administration of the police department. Friends, I do believe that the whole responsibility for the present situation in India lies with this department of police. It has been truly a horror to the people; its actions, ways and means are a good deal responsible for creating acute feelings against the present system of Government; instead of affording protection, it, as it stands, is a menace to our property, person and honour. The germs of sedition and anarchy which we see sprouting occasionally in a few individuals in India and which we whole heartedly condemn is undoubtedly the result of police oppression which has become unbearable. Measures to reform the police will be far more effective, in my opinion to kill sedition, than those suggested by the Rowlatt Commission and the “Black Bills”. It is first necessary to remove the roots of a rotten tree- in this case the harsh conduct and injudicious activities of the police. There may by and are exceptions, as I do not class all members of the Police alike, but what I have said above applies to both Indians and non Indians. If only efforts were made to make the Indian police, even one-tenth as good as the police in England, how much more happy would India be today! How much more smooth would be the relations between people and the Government; I earnestly hope that this aspect of the question will receive the earnest consideration of all concerned.

I feel I ought to lay before you some of the main views and arguments which were responsible for the difference of opinions and the division of the house at our last Session of Congress in Delhi.

There, some of our leaders gave out their views which were accepted by a minority (and I was one of the minority) that a sounder and practical aspect of the present political situation did not make it advisable to demand immediately all departments as transferred to the Reformed Legislative Councils in all provinces of India for the reasons:

That the demand of full autonomy and the insistence of its grant would prejudice the chances of securing substantial modification in the Central Government. That even if full provincial autonomy were granted the Central Government could transfer to itself any department out of the control of the Provincial Government, and thus baffle all plans of popular control. This sudden change in our demand would mean a stronger opposition from those opposed to reforms. That this demand might also alienate from us our best friends in Britain because full provincial autonomy for all provinces means practically the rejection of the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms. Also for sake of unity between leaders in India, viz, those of the moderate party and the advanced party, it was necessary and advisable to stick to resolutions agreed upon at the Special Congress at Bombay.

Such of our moderate friends as attended the Delhi Congress also expressed the view which practically meant that they regarded the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms as not adequate but they were prepared to accept it as such and welcome it, and press for more reforms.

Thus there were three distinct opinions expressed at the Congress. I personally do not see the least objection to such difference of opinion. Let us remember after all that as far as most of the essentials are concerned all parties do agree. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya in his Presidential address at Delhi stated that the Moderate Conference, the Indian National Conference, and the Moslem League agreed in asking for certain essential modifications and improvements in the scheme: he said:-

“It has thus become as clear as noon-day light that enlightened Indian Public opinion is unanimous in urging that the principle of responsible government should be introduced in the Government of India simultaneously with a similar reform in the Provinces and that there should be a division of functions in the Central Government into reserved and transferred as a part of the first instalment of reforms. It is unanimous in urging that half the number of the members of the Council of State should be elected. It is unanimous in urging that Indians should constitute one-half of the Executive Government in India. It is unanimous in asking that the popular houses should elect their presidents and vice-Presidents. It is unanimous in requiring that the elective majority should be four-fifths; and that the reserved list should be as small and the transferred list as large possible. It is unanimous in asking that ministers should be placed on a footing of prefect equality with the members of the Executive Council. It is unanimous in asking for a complete separation of judicial from executive functions. It is unanimous in urging that 50 percent of the posts in the Indian Civil Service, and to start with, 25 percent of the King’s commission in army, should be secured to Indians and that adequate provision for training them should be made in the country itself. It is unanimous in urging that the ordinary constitutional rights, such as freedom of the press and public meetings and open judicial trials, should be safeguarded, though there is a difference of opinion about the methods suggested to secure the end. I have not attempted and exhaustive enumeration. My object here is to show that there is, not withstanding difference over unimportant matters and not withstanding all that we hear of divisions and parties, practical unanimity in the country about the most essential changes and improvements which are needed in the proposals of reform.” Friends, since on these important points, there is agreement, there should be no objection to all parties working in concert for these modifications. Opinions may and do differ on other points and each individual or each party may certainly and shall have the liberty to work for its own special demands but where we unite in  opinions we must also work unitedly. The present time is the time and opportunity. The reform bill is soon to be represented to the Parliament. The very world politics indicates compromise. Compromise does not mean giving up efforts for future progress or binding ourselves for life to any agreement that we may come to. For years past we have been putting forward our demands; now has come the time for action when the need for being practical is essential. Much depends upon how we can influence the members of the Parliament and the Committees in England, and I plead for a balanced mind. Enthusiasm and hunger for Self-Government is one thing and the recognition of the political side of things is another. We are now in a situation in which our internal differences would mean opportunities lost for a long time. If we differ between ourselves in a way as to cut off friendship, refuse tolerance, forget gratefulness, reverence and respect because of difference of opinions, where shall we be? If we are coming to that stage of National life, I would say friends, “Halt”. As far as differences of opinion and different parties are concerned, I am not the least alarmed; differences exist everywhere and must exist in the Congress also; on important points and essentials we fortunately agree but even if we differ widely where is the harm? From difference of views if rightly discussed and handled we grow and advance. We may form parties but not factions.

The Indian National Congress has a wide platform. It inspires all with one aim, viz. Self-Government for our Mother Land; I feel sure it is watched and protected by Devas and Great Souls and it will and can never break down against any and all outside opposition as long as we have the good of our country in our heart. We shall be loyal to our Congress even though we differ. Let us have tolerance and forbearance and right shall come up triumphant out of all differences and struggles. If we prove that we have sufficient strength of love for our dear land and are able to sink personal differences and look only to our Motherland, the power of the Almighty shall always be behind us to protect and guide us and our sacrifices and efforts shall never be in vain and our day shall come nearer. Amen.

 

Within British Empire

My Friends, some words on this subject are essential. India’s ancient civilizations, its past glorious times, its great achievements in all departments of life, always fill us with pride and we consider it a blessing to be born on Indian soil in Bharatbhumi. But we cannot afford to live only on the glory of the past; considering our present, I feel that the advent of the British in our Land was arranged for by the Wisdom of the Providence, and I believe that the Almighty God has a plan of evolution thus bringing the East and the West so close. Though the plan has not been yet fulfilled, though we have been together for over a hundred and fifty years, because of limitations of our human nature we should not despair. Let us strive firmly and try to bring about a closer unity between England and India. I am one of those who are convinced that whatever be India’s past glory and England’s present prosperity, India’s salvation in this age lies in its connection with England and that of England with India, that the one without the other will be helpless and that without each other’s help God’s plan of a great Aryan civilization would fail. For the vast continent of India stretches into the Indian ocean with one arm extended towards the near East and the other towards the far East, possessing geographically such a favourable central position, that it already forms they key-stone of the British Empire; and when India ceases to be the great dependency that it is now and becomes a partner and an equal partner in that Empire, that Empire bids fair to become world Empire. That is the prospect that stands out before us. If rulers were wise this prospect would become speedy of realization to the mutual benefit of England and India and of the world at large. Not with standing all that I know and feel about the autocracy of the present system of Government in India and our suffering resulted therefrom, there is also much for us to feel thankful and grateful to them. Ideals of self-government and self-determination which we aspire to win have been evolved within us in the present generation by connection with Englishmen. The claim for freedom and liberty that we cherish have grown within us because we see what freedom and liberty have done in their lands. A good deal of pioneering work in many developments in our land has been done by them and some valuable lives of theirs have been given for and in India in the last hundred years and more:-

            The admirable virtues of England’s sons and daughters and of those of the dominions, during the war i.e. firm will, extreme patriotism, capacity to suffer, willingness to give up their lives and possessions, burning love for their country must appeal strongly to our minds and we must feel proud to belong to this Empire.

            In the last war, friends, our land has sacrificed thousands of lives for Britain and has made several other sacrifices too numerous to be stated and all these have not been done in vain. Sacrifice of blood and life must bring by natural laws the giver and the one for whom it is given more close in the firm bond of love, friendship and unity. And if we therefore are desirous of treading the most natural path- the path traced by the loving hands of God- let us try in our political field of work for unity between England and India to gain liberty and equality or Self-Government within the British Empire. I am not yet in despair; there are many deeds of selfishness which we must get redressed from Britain, there are many misgivings and misunderstandings which we must remove from ourselves.

            But on any occasion when we find ourselves under entire despair, friends, let us remember always that our Dharma forbids us any act of violence to person or property. We may follow the path of “soul force” or “Satyagrah” and undertake voluntary sufferings on ourselves rather than make others suffer by our passion and anger. To me the maxim of Zoraster is very clear, “Let sovereign know that God gives sufferance to human power only for the greater care for human freedom; the power that seeks to destroy shall be destroyed itself”. History is not without proofs of these teachings. Let us pray the day may never come for our British Empire but Heaven helps those who help themselves.

 

Rowlatt’s Bills, and the Delhi Tragedy

            Friends, I do not wish to speak much on this extremely painful subject. We have heard and read much about these measures, specially during the first twenty days of the month of March and those who have gone through the proceedings of the last Session of the Imperial Council carefully, must remember the extreme pain and agony through which they must have passed day after day, when reading how our leaders- one and all- loyally, with unfailing energy, struggled upto the last minutes with their arguments, logic rhetoric, persuastion, entreaties, and warnings, but all these have been in vain.

            The European members of the Council, and thank God only the Europeans, were not impressed at all. The Bills were passed by the entire block of officials and European majority. The wishes, the feelings and the demands of our extremely united Nation and a Country were ignored.

            Let us still hope that the Secretary of State will yet recommend His Majesty, the King Emperor, not to give his assent to these bills which have created such keen feelings in India. But friends, even if this last hope of ours is shattered. I would urge you to remain perfectly balanced, clam, and with full trust in Providence. Friends, do try to understand the real spirit of Mahatma Ghandhi’s Satyagrah movement. Soul-force can only succeed when not a tinge of anger and hatred is within us, and when we have entire faith in our Atomic Power. We would be weakening the great spiritual movement of Satyagrah, if we cannot follow the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. Follow them if you can, and be true to a letter, otherwise friends, I urge you do not-do not join the Satyagrah. To weaken “Atma” is fatal to our cause, I urge you for the sake of India, for the sake of Mahatma Gandhi, and for the sake of Satyagrah, to understand that this movement is entirely spiritual and not in the least political.

            The Delhi tragedy has grieved us immensely. Precious lives have been lost through unwisdom and injustice; no better proof can be had how India is suppressed by irresponsible servants of the government and how dangerous it is to give power to officials who have no sympathy, and who forget themselves in intoxication of power. But I feel, these lives have not been lost in vain. Time will prove it. I would urge that our people should erect in Delhi a monument in holy memory of those who lost their lives in the tragedy. It will enable us to keep our memory green and to keep our eyes ever on our goal.

 

The Year 1919 – Our hopes & our Anxieties

            The year 1919 promises to be a momentous one for our empire in many ways. The entire world in this first year of the peace is naturally busy with problem of “settling down” and in this process of “settling down” it must pass through highest hopes and deepest anxieties.

            So far as India is concerned my foremost anxiety is about the question of the “CALIPHATE”. India contains a large number of the followers of Prophet Muhammad and any disturbance of Muhammadan feelings must affect the whole of India. I know how strongly the current of feeling is running in India about the question of the “CALLIPHATE” and my greatest anxiety for 1919 for India is on this matter. Let us earnestly hope that justice, wisdom and statesmanship will prevail with those who are deciding the fate of the religious centres of Islam. It cannot be denied that the Muhammadans of India have loyally given their services to their British King against the Sultan of Turkey, as a Ruler, but certainly not as their Caliph; they keep their religious allegiance with the Sultan of Turkey as their Caliph and their determination to acknowledge him as Caliph must not be and cannot be interfered with.

            The conciliatory attitude which the Government of India have recently shown in this matter has made the position somewhat easy for the present and I would request our Anglo Indian Journals to refrain from remarks which may bring about a crisis. When even men like H. H. The Aga Khan and Syed Amir Ali have expressed their views on the matter with such firmness, it should not be difficult for our English friends to imagine the gravity of the situation.

            The replies of British Ministers, the Viceroy and the Governor that the Muhammadan case will be properly represented at the Peace Conference and that the subject would be left to the Muhammadans to decide have brought some relief and let us hope that Great Britain will insist upon this claim of our Muhammadan Brethren being accepted.

            The second great anxiety is in connection with the Indian Reform Bill. The general feelings is that now the war is over, India cannot get anything substantial and not much will come out of the King’s announcement of the 20^th August 1918; people have lost faith to such an extent that they feel that the terms of the announcement will be twisted and turned by British statesmen and officials to fit in with their proposals. Several measures adopted by the Viceroy and Provincial Heads since the Armistice, several acts of officials in higher services against Indians, and the rapid disappearance of that milder and kinder attitude which was shown by Englishmen towards the Indians during the War adds to the doubts of the Indian that no substantial Reform will be granted to India.

The relations between the two races are getting so strained that friendship between and European and an Indian is becoming impossible. I view this stage with great

regret and anxiety.

India has been a nation hungry for its food, for its education and for its political freedom, and the longer it takes to satisfy them the stronger their demands will become and feelings are bound to run higher. The patience of the Nation is getting exhausted and the anxiety of those who yet hope to see the matters set straight by peaceful methods is becoming deeper. The officials are greatly mistaken if they judge India by the circle of title-hunters, flatterers and eaves-dropping reporters by whom they are surrounded. The public know these persons in their true colours and the more such persons are honoured or found in the company of officials, the Government houses and Collectors’ bungalows, the more awkward becomes the position of Government. These sycophants and tale bearers do more harm to British Rule than to Indians against whom the minds of the officials are being constantly poisoned. What is to be extremely deprecated is that the gulf between the officials and the public is getting wider, and on that account the relations between the two races the Indians and the Europeans are getting so strained that as I said above day by day even personal friendship between an Indian and an European is becoming impossible. Instead of the struggle between bureaucracy and the people’s rights the opposition has become as it were between the Indians and the Europeans. Rude treatment of several Civil & Military European officers and subordinates towards the Indians, frequent advertisements of various Government Depts. such as Post, Telegraphs, Railways, etc. and the Port Trust advertising for posts to be filled up and mentioning clearly that only Europeans were required, injustice to Indians to get their rightful claim of promotion and position and passing them over to give room to the European Sub-ordinates over them, add much to resentment of the Indians. And the constant question one asks is “How long shall our Country suffer this?” One such question in an Indian heart means added feelings against those responsible and I ask my English Friends how long this will last? Can a nation allow it? Or will nature allow it?

And to thoughtful Indians all these cause grave anxiety; that India is losing faith in Britain is apparent and this is highly undesirable. Sometimes I do feel that, unwisdom guides the fate of on rulers. I urge and appeal therefore, to all Englishmen if my humble voice from this far away corner of India can reach them, to release the gravity of the situation. The only remedy is to grant immediately a substantial measure of reforms as demanded and make out a proper scheme even by stages to convince the people of India that the full share of responsible Government will be reached by certain specified stages and within a definite period, so that the people of the country in co-operation with the Government may in right earnest begin to work for the development and growth of the country accordingly.

It appears that under the Montague-Chelmsford Scheme of Reforms, a private book of instructions is to be given to the Governors, as to how the men of the I. C. S. and other services are to be protected against the orders issued by the responsible ministers of the province if they be Indians. Far better would it be if in that book of instructions the Governors be asked to instruct men of the I. O. S. and of other services and other Englishmen in the country to treat Indian people with sympathy courtesy and the respect, which is due to one man from another and to see that this is done. Continued efforts should be made to bring the officials and the public closer. Sympathy is the only way. India is the easiest country to rule. Its people are simple and devoted. In order to realise this you have only to see how a good and sympathetic official or his wife is being practically worshipped in India. People of India are grateful if only sympathy is shown towards them.

And my third great anxiety is for ourselves. Firstly I do feel sometimes our lack in sense of proportion in blaming officials for acts and imputing motives which are either greatly exaggerated or do not exist; I also view with alarm our growing bitterness towards Europeans generally, so much that our present tendency is to regard every European, official or non-official wherever we have occasion to deal with him as inspired by deliberate hostility towards us. My friends, this is not right on our part and cannot be justified. Many a time we do not even wait to see how a Governor or a new official would treat the Indians or how he would administrator the duties of his office. We are apt to class them all as one; this attitude does a great harm to our cause and must be checked for the sake of fairness and the desirability of preserving good will between the two great races of the Empire and on higher grounds of love and sympathy for all children of God. Sympathy and love cannot last long unless they are mutual. I am very fond of saying and I repeat “Let us help and co-operate wherever help and co-operation is needed; oppose where opposition is necessary and right”.

Secondly, we must correct our attitude towards our own leaders, who have practically dedicated their whole lives to the service of our cause. Leaders of all parties, whether of the right, the central or the left party must receive our respectful regard justified by their character, sincerity, patriotism and services to our country whatever be their opinions. Even as regards difference of policy and opinion every view honestly held deserves our consideration and tolerance. We must remember the words of a great Sage that ungratefulness is the greatest vice; and if we fall under the temptation of this vice of ungratefulness either towards our leaders or towards our rulers to whom we are extremely grateful for such services as they have rendered to the country, a reaction and arrest in our development must come. Our doubts then become the seeds of our own internal dissensions among us. Enmity within our own household is highly dangerous for our cause even more detrimental than any form of autocracy or bureaucracy of outsiders; we must drive out intolerance and intellectual tyranny from ourselves.

Thirdly what makes me anxious for ourselves is our want of deep study in matters political. We are growing highly sentimental and emotional and less inclined to appeals to reason. It is observed at most of our meetings. Appeals to sentiment, denunciation of Government or officials or putting forward of big demands elicit the largest response. Our devotion to leaders is measured by volume of cheering and the popularity of a speakers seems to depend on the use of strong language making of extreme demands. The stronger the language, the extremer the demands, the greater the applause. This attitude of our cannot help us in our progress nor can it convince our opponents of our capacities. I urge therefore strongly for close and devoted study of political problems, facts, figures and statistics. A fairly large bulk of excellent literature on Indian political problems has already been published and we must develop a love for study. We must encourage regular study groups in our associations and make efforts to educate our masses in as much details as possible so that they may have intelligent and real grasp of the various problems. We must see that our political literature is translated in all the vernaculars. Biographies and speeches of our leaders should be made available in all public libraries and all possible means should be adopted to awaken Indian masses to a realization of the value of the study of the problems.

Friends, I would not wish you to labour under a misapprehension that I am pessimistic of India’s growth; side by side with my anxieties for every problem, there are many gleams of hope; I am optimistic and look forward to a bright future for India. In the past, every nation and country has passed through the severe crisis of “Political hunger and demand for rights”. Even at the present time we see what is passing in some countries e.g. Russia and Germany. I am however hopeful that India’s struggle for freedom will not be with any evil or wrong doing. Though our land and ourselves will have to pass through strict ordeals and sufferings to reach the goal, I feel that the ideals of our past civilization and our Dharma are too deep-rooted in every Indian Child and will save us from recourse to wrong methods for political freedom.

For the year 1919, I hope to see unprecedented progress in our capacity to sacrifice and suffer, in our industrial development in our social life and in matters political and educational. The anxieties which I have dealt with for problems of Caliphate, Reform Scheme and ourselves are not without hopes of satisfactory arrangement and solutions. In the end I would urge, my friends, along with strong will and determination, a balanced mind and patient judgment.

 

The I. C. S

            In our present political activities a great deal is said about the I. C. S., and how to deal with this body is a matter sufficiently important for our future to deserve our keen consideration. Their joint and open opposition against Indian Reforms in certain provinces and the Viceroy’s opening speech at the last Imperial Council Meeting must lead us to reflect very seriously on the subject. There is no doubt that the I. C. S. has grown to be very unpopular in this country. This body of public servants has been running so long in a particular groove of the system of autocracy, that it is very difficult to move it out from this position. In fact the bureaucratic frame of mind has become, as it were, a second nature with almost all members of this service and its Indian members are not exceptions to this.

            But it is plain and clear that neither the I.C.S. nor any other service can remain as our rulers or masters any longer. The I.C.S. and other public services are the servants of the public as the very words imply and they must not arrogate to themselves the functions of Government which properly belong to the people and which they alone must exercise through their duly appointed representatives. The people of India have realized this and they are determined to acquire these rights.

            We have been observing that for the defence of this body, the European Association, The European Chambers of Commerce and a large and influential group of Englishmen most of whom are interested in India simply on account of trade connections or investment of capital have been working actively during recent times. The Sydenham Clique is provided with large funds by these individuals and associations. The result of my observation and study of this matter is a conclusion arrived at sometime ago which I am getting more and more confirmed that the I.C.S. is a useful tool in the hands of a body of Commercial men and financiers in England and India who are working for their own selfish advantages and oppose strongly the Indian aspirations and progress; because let us clearly understand that our impoverishment and sufferings are due not so much to the system of revenue administration as to problems relating to tariff, exchange, finance, banking, currency, railway and shipping. All these are controlled by these Commercial men and financiers, who actually form a very influential Government party in England and the I.C.S seem to be under their influence and guidance owing to the power they wield on party politics in England. This also explains why the Government of England, the Secretary of State and even the Government of India so often show great anxiety to protect and defend the I.C.S to such an extent as to make one feel that the Government is afraid of them.

            This commercial party holds the real key to the position of affairs in India; they know what an asset India is to England, and they know also how to keep India under their thumb. These men in the intoxication of power have become unconscious not only of right and wrong as far as the Indian Nation is concerned but they have also become blind to the dangers of alienating the sympathy and love of a nation and a country which has brought them great prosperity, which has been heart and soul with their country and people all throughout the Great War and which gave them such indispensable help at the time of their extreme difficulty and peril. I urge therefore my countrymen that we should go to the root cause of our sufferings; let us raise our eyes to the vital problems wherein lie the real mischief. We have steadily given away ourselves by our ignorance. We must thoroughly educate ourselves in these problems of tariff, exchange, currency and finance. Some of us must make regular study of these subjects. Let us strive for that important reform, that of fiscal autonomy which vitally affects the economic future of the country. We must produce students, thinkers and workers for handling and tackling such vital problems, the root cause of our sufferings, the drain from our country and the poverty and ignorance of our masses. We must find out and train men and women who would devote their entire time thus to our country’s cause, and we must be ready to provide maintenance for them and their families if need be.

I think we must also make a serious effort to impress upon this body of I. C. S. what is right and advantageous for all concerned. We must admit that, this body as a whole has been found able and hard working and possessing several good traits of character. It includes among its members several who according to their own light honestly wish to work for the good of India and some even if few have gone out of the way to labour for India’s good at great sacrifice and cost to themselves and have proved beyond doubt that they are true and good friends of India. For many improvements and developments in our country, we have to be grateful to them; in several respects their services have been valuable; hence I have often felt that attacks from our side on this body of public servants have been severer than can be justified; In fact I see a tendency amongst us to throw the responsibility for every possible grievance or deficiency on them; this we should avoid. They are highly educated and men of reason and I think we ought to impress upon them that their attitude does no good to Indians or Englishmen and in the .long run must do positive harm to their own country. Why should they oppose to the union of Hindus and Muhammadan in India? Will they or can they ever succeed? Have they not got enough proofs that where the question of political freedom will come the Hindus and the Muhammadan can and will unite as one nation. All what we wish is that the I. C. S. or any other service in India shall be Indianized and that they shall not remain in India, feeling or acting as foreigners. Sympathy and goodwill do not cost anything. These are sure to bring happiness to them and all Indians. On our part also we must then feel that we have no desire to rule over Englishmen in India just as we have no desire to be ruled by them; when India enjoys responsible Government their position of equality with Indian will be amply secured and that under the new changes, no Englishman serving whether in the I. C. S. or any other service will have reason to be dissatisfied; they should be assured of same respect and treatment which any son of the Soil would receive at our hands the same respect and treatment which the officials receive in England itself under responsible Government.

I feel similarly that there is no reason for the British Capitalists to be apprehensive of their future in India.

It would be India’s duty and pleasure to see that commercial relations between England and India are strengthened for their mutual benefit. All that we shall see is that India’s industries shall not be crushed and India’s trade shall not be wiped out for the sake of England’s Industries and English trade; but at the same time we shal1 see as citizens of the British Empire that we do not for our advantage attempt to harm the industries and commerce of England. The fears entertained by British officials and British Commercialists will turn out to be simply idle fears, for when the full measure of reform is granted to India, the ties between the two races will be found to be growing stronger and the volume of trade between the two countries will be found to be double or triple or even more than what it is now. The result is bound to be such for it can be proved from history. But all these can happen only if India’s rights of self-government are accepted and if India is to be treated with justice, equality and freedom. If we can only understand and make our I. C. S. friends also understand what a glorious future awaits the Empire by adopting a policy of mutual goodwill by the substitute of Responsible Government for autocracy in India and by accepting India as on equal partner in the Empire, the world for both England and India would be very much more different, from what it is now and much more happy than it is today. Some patriots dream of the days when India will be administered not by these hired services but by honorary managers in place of the I. C. S. and other Public servants. Who would not long for that day! That day shall be “The Day” for India! When that day comes, India will reach the summit of its glory; when India is able to produce such able sons and daughters as can administer the country as honorary managers, there can be no cause of anxiety for those in public services, because I am sure during such days of glory, India’s Industry, Art, Science and Agriculture will have so far developed as to easily employ and take up all highly educated men and women and possibly they would be far more happy in other departments of life than in public services.May that day come soon.

 

Our Work in England

Ever since the Delhi Congress our minds have been greatly exercised over the question pf our work in England and the immediate dispatch of deputations from various bodies. The Congress resolved to send a deputation but the wording of the resolution regarding the deputation has created doubts whether or not the deputation had the power of negotiation. Some leaders are of opinion that the Congress has given a mandate to the Deputation not to negotiate for anything less than what is contained in the resolution passed at Delhi; other leaders including our Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the revered President of the Delhi Congress are of opinion that the resolution as worded does not take away the power of negotiation. This may be if we construe the wordings of the resolution literally. But friends, the discussion on the resolution in the subjects committee as well as in the open Congress left no doubt in my mind that the deputation had a clear mandate and no power of negotiation. I hold therefore that we have no option but to choose the lesser of the two evils viz the mandate or negotiation with the risk of possible censure from the next Congress, I myself feel that our deputation must have our full confidence and possess power to negotiate even if there is a risk of a censure from the next Congress, though I hope our people will realise by the time the wisdom of granting the power of negotiation. Let us choose the leaders in whom we have trust, but having chosen, give them the liberty to negotiate. Our respected leaders whom we elect to go to England in a Deputation should have our fullest confidence and we must request them to do their best on our behalf, with their discretion, judgment and wisdom. I cannot imagine anyone of them, possibly doing anything to harm our interests and I on my part would give the authority to negotiate Carte-blanche.

We should also request our leaders forming the deputation to agitate strongly and work for the removal of the hardships under which our brethren labour in South and East Africa. We must impress upon Englishmen that the shameful and unhuman treatment given to the Indians in these colonies must add greatly to our feelings of resentment and we in India can no longer tolerate to see the sufferings of our brethren elsewhere.

But apart from the question of deputation for the reform scheme we have to continue our efforts to press hard in England our claims for our country. We have to educate the English people about India. Even most of the educated persons in England have no real idea of what India is; some think it is full of jungles and forests and uneducated masses of an aboriginal type. Some think India is full of seditionists and anarchists and feel that Englishmen in India are bearing great risks of life and property. I make it a point to ask every Englishman whom I meet as to what his views were about India before he had actually visited it and almost always everyone admitted his gross ignorance of the country at that time. Several statements about India made in well known English Dailies and Magazines and in some books on India written by English men, show how shockingly ignorant the writers are about our country. Questions asked in Parliament prove how little the members of the Parliament know and yet they profess to rule India wisely and well and consider our country as it great trust put in their hands by Providence to manage.

Several Englishmen are fond of judging India by its apparent prosperity, from the increasing numbers of large buildings, by its largely increased imports and exports and such other “side shows” as I call them and they look with pride on “what Britons have made of India” and nothing but the continued propaganda in England would make them to see or discover the reality that the apparent prosperity of India is a great dilusion. It is only the prosperity of a few rich men, the masses say 95 percent are poor, very poor, burdened with the high cost of living, miserable with low income and wages, starving with insufficient food and clothing, sick with plague, cholera and other epidemics. No better proof is required to substantiate the fact of extreme poverty of India than Sir James Meston, the finance minister’s own statement at the last session of the Imperial Council Meeting that the total number of persons in India assessed to income tax is only 381,000 and by raising the taxable minimum of income from Rs. 1000 to Rs. 2000 per year, he will be relieving no fewer than 237,000 assesses. A writer in the “Servants of India” truly states that “if there is much diffused prosperity in the country, signs of it ought to be visible in the daily life of the people. The plague, cholera and influenza epidemics do not show that the resisting capacity of the masses is greater than before.”

All these show how important is the need for us to educate England about India. I have not lost hopes in England.

Mr. A. G. Redmond Howard (one of the strugglers agitating for Home Rule for Ireland) has written somewhere truly, “Bureaucracy is foreign to the most elemental instinct of Englishmen, and if one may use a paradox” a very little historical investigation will show that Home Rule means nothing else but British Rule, in so far at least as that latter term is used in any democratic sense.” And what does India want? We also want the British Rule in that democratic sense; we are and promise to remain “loyal to the King” but refuse to be “the slaves of every passing clique” of selfish anti-Indian Englishmen. We would be faithful subjects of the King Emperor ruling over British Empire with all the strength of our love but not slaves of a bureaucratic body. We must therefore have a permanent army of workers in England but we cannot send such workers unless we are prepared to maintain them and also provide for their families; of what avail are the big words, demands and cries from the platforms, unless we are ready to make a sacrifice. Home Rule can never come without sacrifices. Sacrifices such as create sufferings for opponents is against the Divine Path, against our Dharma; for us there is one path, the path of self sacrifice. Let us give for it what is deal unto us-our workers, our able sons and daughters, our wealth, our brains our energy and time and then shall come the day of our glory. That day shall not only be glorious to us but for the whole of the British Empire, if Britain only so wills it.

 

Our Women

It is a happy sign of the times to see the awakening in our women also; it is gratifying to see them taking lively interest in matters of civic and national affairs. Some of them are agitating strenuously for equality of rights and this movement of women’s rights must be fully encouraged in every part of India. Friends, we must be prepared fully for this change. We must give up our present ideas of women that they are only meant for house and kitchen work, for nursing children and social comfort. I say “present” because such ideas about women never existed in the past, at least not in India. Our scriptures, our histories, our traditions, our stories and pictures prove beyond doubt that women in ancient India were quite competent and did take part in all the departments of life, even in battlefields and bore the fullest share of responsibility with men. The picture of the Deity as Ardha-nalishwara is a striking symbol of this great fact. I can write pages to quote chapters and words. To refuse women their rights and their proper position in life is to show one’s ignorance and non realization of the noble contribution to life which a woman is meant for; above all this refusal is harmful to ourselves, to our cause and to our country. They can be our ideal helpmates in our struggles for self Government and self determination and their infinite capacity of self sacrifice will be an invaluable asset to the country. It is only a matter of giving them opportunity and we will soon see them on the right level. I am not looking at this problem from a sentimental point of view. I feel no department of life can be complete without women by the side of men and the same rule must apply to our present struggle for freedom and liberty. We must have women as our co-partners with us in our struggle; then alone can the struggle be won. We must have them along with us to drink the nector-the amrit of liberty after the struggle; then alone can true freedom be enjoyed. Without them our struggles shall be lifeless, our peace joyless. No nation, no country, no community can long bear the burden of unequal treatment of position to the two sexes; it is a question of time; what men would not do willingly, nature must force them to do; why not then take a shorter path? let us acknowledge and accept women’s birth right, let them be by our side in bearing the burden of national struggles, for, they will add to our strength; their education will be more rapid, their children after such struggles and education, will be hardier and better trained and the next generation shall be far more highly advanced in body, mind and spirit than the present one. I urge the acknowledgement of women’s rights, because I feel, we shall be doing them justice after the great injustice that we have done them these many long years. We will be doing what is right for them and with their cooperation our day of political victory shall be brought nearer.

 

Some other demands

Friends, our important and urgent demands are so numerous that I cannot go into details unless I am prepared to speak for days and days together and you prepared to listen to dry facts and figures with patience; But I feel I can not omit a reference to at least some of them, be it even briefly.

The most urgent problem we Indians must look to is that of our Military expenditure; the staggering figures provided for in the last budget must open our eyes and we must insist that a portion and a large portion of it must be borne by the British Treasury. A large majority of troops in India is kept up for the protection of British interests as a whole and not for India and to tax India’s purse for this is highly unjust. The Indian troops and British troops are kept in India on such unequal terms and meted out such unequal treatment that I consider it outrageous that India should be asked to bear such as heavy burden.

The question of the position of our Indian Brethren in South and East Africa must be taken up by us earnestly. The disgraceful treatment accorded to them by handful of white men in the British Colonies must cause for all of us a revolt of feelings in our minds. If I describe the treatment which our Indian brethren receive there, the term “cruel” would fall far short in describing. We must strongly impress upon the Indian Government to take this matter up seriously and we must not rest until we see that the affairs of our brethren in other colonies are settled to satisfaction.

The Press Act is still operated without the least regard for justice, truth or fairness. The Indian press is gagged for trifling causes, whilst Anglo Indian Journals are allowed to abuse the Indians without the slightest restraint and are free to wound Indian feelings to their hearts’ contents. How long can this last?

Our education is another item of importance. We are not given the right type of education nor are given sufficient education. All civilized Nations have made greater progress in education and in this regard India stands last amidst civilized nations of the world. The type of education which leads to the prosperity of the country, which builds up mind and body, finds no place in our educational system and some people ask if this is being purposely done to keep Indians always a suppressed nation. The whole system has become so wooden, so mechanical in this department that it requires a radical change.

The last question but in no sense the least important is the question of the release of Messrs Mohamedali and Showktali. I do not wish to enter into the history of that case but it is now no longer a secret that the Government had and has absolutely no justification for their internments. It is more or less now a question of prestige bat what is past cannot be undone. It will be truly British to let them have their freedom and we on our part shall be glad to drop the curtain on the subject. The freedom of other innocent internees must also be demanded.

But I must stop here to turn to questions of our own Province.

 

Position of Sind in The Coming Reforms

As far as our little province is concerned this question should engage our uppermost attention, especially as the Scheme of Indian Reforms is soon to be out. We Sindhis must now clearly and definitely form our opinion and attitude as to what position we wish to hold in future. For some years past, we have come to two main conclusions; one is that the special powers delegated to the Commissioner in Sind must be withdrawn. We Sindhis consider it highly inadvisable to leave such powers in the hands of one person from whose personal whims, the men of the province may have constantly to suffer.

The second conclusion of ours is that the Government of Bombay has been too busy and too distant to give sufficient attention and justice to the growth of Sindh; it is even asserted that because of Bombay, Sindh has been done absolute injustice, in several instances. In recent years during the Governorship of Lord Willingdon we have forced the Bombay Government to pay some attention; our new Governor Sir George Lloyd promises to be more attentive; but where a fate of a province is concerned, one cannot depend upon such an uncertain factor as the personality of a Governor.

From time to time, several alternative schemes have been presented to us as to the future of Sind-

1.         To leave our province as it is, attached to the Bombay Presidency.

2.         To constitute Sindh as one of the separate provinces of India.

3.         To attach Sindh to the Province of Punjab.

4.         To join Baluchistan to Sindh and make Sind and Baluchistan a joint province.

5.         To join to Sindh a portion of Punjab upto Mooltan and make that joint area a separate province.

            Various arguments and opinions have been brought forward in favour of and against each of these alternatives and I propose to discuss each one of them. The proposal

marked 4 in my list viz to join Sind and Baluchistan in one Province seems to me impracticable and not at all advantageous. Baluchistan, as it stands, is held for military purposes and it is but fair that this portion be entirely managed by the military department of the Government. Though I do not see at all why a separate measure of popular Government cannot be introduced in other departments, expecting the military department in such places as Quetta, Peshawar and frontier stations which are entirely managed by the Military authorities, I hold that to attach Baluchistan to Sindh which is purely managed by civil authorities would be very disadvantageous. There would be a constant clash between the two authorities Civil and Military; also the Government will not introduce such a large measures of reform in Baluchistan as it might be prepared to introduce in Sindh. The revenue paying capacity of Baluchistan being very small will have to bear a share of Civil expenditure on Baluchistan and for all these reasons the proposal must be rejected in the interest of Sindh.

            Now let us consider whether it will be better for us to be attached to Bombay or to the Punjab. Our connection with the Bombay Presidency of over half a century standing makes some of us unwilling on merely sentimental grounds to separate from Bombay and to be attached to a new province; but sentiments have no place in matter like this and we must discuss the subject on purely practical grounds. A look at the map will show us immediately that naturally we are joined to the Punjab. Our land, railways, rivers and canals are all interwoven in one whole with those of the Punjab.

Looking at it from the point of view of commerce and trade interest our entire dependence is on the Punjab. The Chief department of business, the Railway management, is centered in the Punjab. The chief exports of Sind, wheat, hides cotton etc. are from the Punjab. A very great bulk of our export is into the Punjab; our local wholesale trade of Sind exists because of the Punjab. I do not see any independent factor between Sindh and Bombay. The interests of Sindh and those of Bombay are separated and distinct and it is therefore natural that the Bombay Government and the people of Bombay have not been able to appreciate the importance of Sindh at its proper value and have not felt that responsibility for Sind, which they would have, if the commercial and other interests of Bombay had been inter-allied, .interwoven or inter-independent on those of Sind as in the case of the Punjab.

Considering therefore these important aspects of the question, I feel that Sind must be detached from Bombay and joined to the Punjab. The Sind-Punjab Government will feel a greater responsibility towards the development of Sind, as it will be advantageous to both Sind and Punjab and hence the interests of Sind will be more protected. The one and only one difficulty which necessitates further consideration is our political freedom; some of our friends feel that remaining attached to Bombay will mean more liberal and advanced political reforms for Sind than what we would get if attached to the Punjab, because it is said that Punjab is politically not so advanced as Bombay. We are also told that the Punjab is a less educated province in comparison to Bombay and autocracy is more prominent in Punjab and we would therefore have much smaller measure of political reforms. Our activities also, we are told, will be a great deal cramped by the repressive policy of a less liberal government like the Punjab. Friends, I feel that the Punjab Government will in due course become more liberal, but if it were even not so, is it not right and proper that we of Sind should join the Punjab and help it. I would certainly like the people of Sind to make of Sind-Punjab connection as fine a job as is possible by making continued efforts more for liberalization of the provincial Government. It may mean a drawback temporarily, but I am sure, very soon we will be able to convince the joint provincial government that our province shall not have to wait very much longer for as large a measure of reforms as any other province may get.

Now let us discuss some merits of an autonomous Sind or of Sind with a small portion of Punjab say upto Multan attached to it.

            I would insist on autonomous Sind (with portion upto Multan) in preference to any alternative. From the ancient history of Sind it already appears that district upto Multan was attached with Sind. The customs, manners and the language of Multan is more akin to the, present in Sindh than to Punjab and administrative advantages for a province of Sind including area upto Multan, taking in all that portion of Bhawalpur state, will be far greater than if Sind alone constituted an independent province.

Sind is a fairly large province with an individuality and capacity and resource of its own. It can hold its own and stand on its own legs without being attached to any other province. From ancient times from B.C. 3600 upto the year 1842 Sind was always a province by itself except for a few years when it was annexed to Delhi. It appears that the province of Sind was considered as a prize by various nations who invaded it from time to time. Baluchistan, Afghanistan and Persia invaded it. Arabs, Moghuls, Rajputs at different times owned it. Its trade, its art, its industry were well known in the whole of the Eastern world, and merchants came from distant lands to trade with this province. It was one of the richest provinces of India. The History of Sind records many a heroic deed of its Rulers, its warriors and its Amirs. Sind was even then directed by the Government of Delhi through the agency of Governors.

            I have stated above that the progress of Sind has been a great deal checked by its being attached to Bombay. Our education and our industrial development have been neglected to the cost of our moral and mental progress. The sanitation in the villages of Sind is disgraceful. Mortality is extraordinarily high. There are very few hospitals and dispensaries. The number of roads in the moffusil and their condition are a very sad commentary on the present provincial administration; while in the case of the roads in the moffusil in the Presidency proper, the Government of Bombay have undertaken the upkeep of many of them from Provincial Revenue. In Sind this burden has been thrown entirely on the scanty finances of the local boards; the recent grant of Rupees Fifty thousand extracted from Provincial Government by the endeavours of some of our council members is grossly inadequate for the needs of the situation. For years we have been drawing the attention of the Governors of Bombay and the Viceroys to Bombay’s neglect of Sind but little has come out of it. Lord Willingdon promised and was able to show more sympathy but the distance between Bombay and Sind was great and the system was too rigid for him to be able to do his duty towards our province. The present Governor hopes to do his duty for Sind. To fight against the wooden machinery of Government he needs must be a very strong man; let us hope he will be; and even if he is, how long as I have stated before can we depend upon the uncertain factor of a governor’s personality.

            Our population is large enough. In the year, 1911 it was 3,513,435. I estimate it must be now over 4,500,000. I also estimate our provincial revenue is over 180 lacs per annum; and our province is certainly in a position to maintain full provincial administration with its councils and a high court.

We will be able better to attend to agriculture, sanitation, education and industrial needs of our province. We would be able to interest all our people in the administrative problems of our province; we will have no more to depend upon 3 or 4 honourable members of our councils to travel a thousand miles to make a few speeches or to put a few interpellations in the council to ventilate the grievances of Sind.

Sind will have its capital at Karachi with a very much more developed port and harbour. The present clash of commercial interests between Bombay and Sind will not affect the progress of Karachi, in so far as we shall no longer be under the control of rival commercial interests. I dream of an autonomous Sind far ahead of all provinces. I decline to believe as is so often stated that ours is a backward province. Neglected as we have been we are today more awake and more conscious of our needs than any other province of India. Politically Sind is an advanced province; in religion the most broadminded and free from orthodox fanaticism, socially much less bound by creeds and undesirable customs and intelligence our people are in no way inferior to those of any advanced province. And I dream of Sind taking its place in the first rank of advanced provinces, and before long lead them all. Some of our friends believe that if Sind is constituted a separate province with its legislative and executive councils the councils will be dominated by those who will be acting merely supporters of the bureaucracy for some time to come. I do not share this view but even if it be so, we should be prepared to go through that intervening period and struggle throughout for an early termination of that condition of things; and if we have faith in us, I have no doubt that we shall be able to bring round the supporters of official policy to a true appreciation of the public point of view in all matters.

And hence in the coming reforms we must demand nothing less than the reconstitution of Sind as a separate province, under a scheme of responsible Government with as many subjects transferred to popular control and as large franchise as may be conceded to Bombay. Friends, let there be no misunderstanding. I do not suggest that I favour the idea of the separation of Sind from Bombay and to grant to it any kind of Government. My support to the proposal of the reconstitution of Sind into a separate province is conditional on it being granted a measure of Responsible Government equal to that given to any other advanced province.

And yet friends, there is a possibility of this demand of ours not being granted to us. I would be immensely sorry if it is not, but as practical politicians, we must consider what should be done in case Sind is not separated from Bombay. In that case I make the following suggestions that:-

1.         The special powers exercised by the Commissioner in Sind be repealed and either this post of Commissioner in Sind be abolished or his powers be kept down to the level of other commissioners. There is absolutely no need of such powers to be delegated to the head of the province; such powers do more harm than good and create a good deal of dissatisfaction.

2.         A High Court of Sind be established at Karachi.

3.         Care should be taken when framing the provincial budget for Bombay to allot for expenditure in Sind a fair-share of the provincial revenues; also the income and expenditure for Sind be shown separately in the budget.

4.         At least one meeting of the Bombay council should be held in Sind every year.

5.         The present practice of treating Sind as “Cindrella” of the province in educational sanitary and commercial matters and in the domain of the local self Government must come to an end.

 

House tax in Sind

Friends, let me express to you my conviction on this subject; though I Know a large majority of you will disagree with my views:

During the last two years, Government’s efforts to impose House Tax in certain towns in Sind have been strongly opposed and protested against. I cannot understand how a municipality can be administered without such taxation. One of the main feature of a municipality relates to the sanitation of the town and sanitation is directly connected with houses; it is therefore in my opinion nothing but just, reasonable and right that houses be first taxed, It is argued that in Sind, the majority of house owners are very poor, they themselves residing in their small houses, and the house tax would hit them hard and alternative of octroi has been suggested. My belief is that octroi system unless it is restricted to articles consumed exclusively by the rich, hits the poorer more than house tax. Believe me that no trader pays octroi from his own pockets. He adds to his cost a fraction more but not less than what he pays as octroi. Octroi is mostly levied on such articles as are necessaries for poor persons and I am quite positive it adds more to their hardship than house tax. From the point of view of poorer classes we would be doing them a real service if we work for reduced octroi and if possible no octroi excepting articles consumed by the rich and agree in its place to an equitable form of house tax. We want our Municipalities to provide us with good roads, water, efficient sanitary arrangements and free education; some even demand model houses from the municipalities; demanding all these to say “no house tax” in not reasonable in my opinion. Once I read a argument against the proposed house tax in Sindh, that the municipality had a balance of Rs. 37, 000 and therefore there was no necessity of levying a house tax. If the municipality of a town of the size I have in view and had Rs. 37, 000 as its net balance, I do not think it should first wait to spend these away and then to levy a tax. After careful consideration, I have come to the conclusion that house tax is a preferable tax to any other tax. I would personally be very happy to know and find out sources of income for Municipalities, which may be levied more eqitably, so as to get the least out of the pockets of the poorer persons but still to secure adequate funds for the growing municipal needs; but I have yet failed to solve this question and I consider on the whole, the house tax as the lesser of the evils of taxation from the stand point of poor persons. In ancient time also each town and village panchayat had some form of taxation either per individual, family or house. Every small town or village according to our present needs requires some staff for administration, cleanliness and sanitation, a school and a dispensary and it is necessary to find out some means of income for the panchayat or the municipality; I do however admit that some reservation be made for taxing houses valued under a certain sum, or realising rent under a certain sum according to the status and resources of the town should be exempted from paying house tax; but those on whom a house tax can reasonably be levied should not be allowed to enjoy all privileges without giving something to the Municipality and I urge therefore your co-operation with Municipality authorities in this matter. On the other hand, I would urge the Government and Municipal authorities the extreme desirability of first inviting public co-operation as to the best and most equitable constructive proposals to increase the finances or municipalities, so as to prevent avoidable popular dissatisfaction; I consider it equally important that it should be the endeavour of the government and the Municipalities to see that the owner of the house called upon to pay such tax is in a position to pay it.

 

Municipalities and Local Boards in Sind

Under the new reform scheme, it is likely that the development of the local Self-Government Institution will be great and rapid. Hitherto in Sind, the progress of Municipalities has been very poor and very few towns have the privilege of Municipal administration; and where these Municipalities exist under the present District Municipal Act, limited powers are entrusted to members, the bulk of powers are retained in the hands of the officials; the system or Government nominations, the under influence of the authorities on nominated members and official interference are factors which are highly detrimental to Municipal administration.

We must therefore demand the following reforms:

1. Immediate changes in the District Municipal Act, giving more freedom of administration to municipalities.

2. Entirely elected or almost entirely elected municipal boards.

3. Powers to elect our own presidents and executive officers.

4. Powers to remove our executive officers if found unsuitable.

5. Creating widened franchise.

6. Larger grants from Provincial and Imperial funds, especially in cases of small municipalities.

7. Maintenance by Provincial Government of adequate expert staff for assisting municipalities in launching improvement schemes.

It is a matter of serious consideration to find new sources of income for municipalities. Somehow or the people expect to pay as little as possible and in return get much. I have given elsewhere my views about house tax in Sind and I wish to add some more suggestions here, I feel that the municipalities can very justifically charge some what higher percentages of octroi on luxuries:- costly cloth, wines and spirits, cigarettes, motor cars, high class furniture and such articles can safely be classed for special octroi dues. A portion of income tax, say 20 percent, of the total collection should be allotted to Municipalities. I think this is an equitable demand on the part of the Municipalities.

The growing demands of water supply, drainage, sanitation, dispensaries, hospitals, roads etc. must necessarily mean increased expenditure and it will be just if the municipalities are allowed a small portion say five percent of the profits earned on sales of lands and buildings. If a person buys a piece of land for Rupees ten thousand and sells for fifteen thousand, a sum of Rs. 250 would be a reasonable sum to pay to the municipality, because the profit earned is greatly due in majority of cases to the improvement and development of that quarter, effected by the Municipality.

I also suggest that a local Self Government conference for Sind be held every year where the councilors of all municipalities, local boards, village panchayats and also the officers of these bodies may meet and discuss various problems, pertaining to health, sanitation, engineering, finance, water supply and such other subjects; it will have a great educative value and will be a source of mutual help to all.

I would also urge and impress upon all of us that the right of electing members on the various boards is a sacred privilege, which must be exercised with the greater amount of care and consideration. Our votes must go to the right men, men of independence, energy, knowledge and integrity. Without such members, a good deal of time, energy and effort is wasted and it becomes hopeless to move on along progressive lines. The executive is generally fond of routine work and it requires study and patience to move them out of their routine to paths of progress and development. The future of Local Self Government depends largely upon ourselves; our firmness and determination to elect right men can certainly make municipal administration successful. Municipal work is highly interesting and fascinating; it ideals practically with the main problems of men’s happiness, viz: health, sanitation, children’s welfare, education, housing problems, etc. And I consider it is the duty of every man, more so a councilor to devote some time to faithful study of municipal problems. Some of us should be prepared to sacrifice our ambition of doing public work in other fields, for the work of devoting entire time to the Municipality. Sir Pherozeshaw Mehta was fervently devoted to Municipal work and he often said that some must be prepared even to give up the Imperial and Provincial Legislative councils and stick to municipal matters. Such high ideals of duty for our own city, town or village must be deeply cherished.

 

The Press in Sind

            The method of the bureaucracy as far as the Press in Sind is concerned; have been very high handed and we people of Sind must raise our emphatic protest against such methods. During these years seven papers in Sind, weeklies and dailies, have one after another been called upon to pay securities, although I make bold to say that none of these papers preached anything which had the remotest connection to sedition. The Press Act and Defence of India Act were never meant for persecution for constitutional agitation. Both these acts have been greatly misused and Sind has not been free from such measure, Not only have some of them been called upon to pay security but the registered libraries have been prohibited from subscribing for them; no government and court advertisement and notices are allowed to be published in them; no printing work controlled by Government is given to them and general public is indirectly influenced not to support the papers and all this means extreme hardship particularly in case of moffusil papers which are being thus slained to death. The press owners and the editors who have thus suffered and sacrificed deserve all our sympathy and respect, not merely in words but in deeds also and I suggest that every big town must support its national organs whole heartedly. We must remember that the present awakening is mostly due to these presses and these national papers, and we must show our real gratitude. An influential committee has been formed to help our Sind National organs to keep them going and I do hope our Sind will not fall backward in helping this committee to do its work successfully. I also appeal to the Government to cancel its orders for security and to withdraw all other restrictions from the presses and thus remove a just cause for discontent. While on this subject, I cannot but express, my feelings at the way in which some of the Anglo Indian journals continue to write against Indians and Indian aspirations. The Government is ever ready to suppress a paper which points out its defects of administration and to class such writing as sedition; it is my firm belief that the insult and libelous terms daily hurled upon Indian leaders and the Indian masses, in several Anglo Indian journals go a long way in raising the anger and bitterness of Indian readers which sometimes lead to what is called sedition. I have known of several youngmen whose hearts have been burnt up with resentment and anger after reading certain Anglo Indian papers, whose profession has been the constant vilification of Indians. Freedom of the Press I believe in; liberty of opinions I am always advocating but every statement must be based on arguments and the writer ought to know its effect on the people. Do these journals understand that the Indians daily read these libels, do not take them as the opinions of certain individual editors but as the views of Englishmen generally and of the Government. That their writings instead of uniting tend towards alienation and that they actually thwart the purpose of several able Indian leaders and their followers who have entered the political arena simply to work hard to unite India and Britain and bring about a state of affairs under which Britons may not be classed as foreigners in India, either by themselves or by Indians but as true Indians working for good of India and the Empire. I urge such journals to change their attitude and policy towards Indians for the sake of the British Empire. I say that the existing policy of the Anglo Indian journals does no good to anybody; it does positive harm to the people of India and the Government and even to their own interests.

 

Hindus & Moslems in Sind.

Our province of Sind contains a large majority of Muhammadan population and the progress of our province must mainly depend upon unity and good will between the Muhammadans and the Hindus. Our province has been fortunate in so far as that relations between men of different faiths have been on the whole very friendly. No community in Sind is rigidly orthodox, owing in a measure, to existence of Sufistic influence and the relations between the communities are characterized by tolerance. And we must continue to strengthen the ties between these two communities more strongly than before. Government policy to give special for Muhammadan education must receive our cordial support from all. Large grant in-aid specially made to this community must not be looked upon any way as unfair to other communities. They need it more than others and the sooner the education spreads amongst our Muhammadan brethren, the better will it be for the whole province. We know what higher education among Muhammadan has done for other provinces. The Muhammadans are as emphatic in their demand for political freedom in those provinces as the Hindus and we should like to see the same spirit in Muhammadans of Sind also. Communal representation in Municipalities and Local Boards, if it satisfies the communities must be willingly allowed; as to public services we must realize that the Muhammadan as in a majority in this province and they must be given a greater share in the administration sooner or later; a few seats in our Municipal Boards or councils must not be looked upon by the Hindus with dissatisfaction. This will pay the province well within a short period.

            I personally feel that the present policy of officials towards Muhammadans in Sind, whatever is its inspiration, is really guided by the loving hand of Province. Sind has to be ready to take its place in the front rank in India and all this must be taken as preparation for that period of glory.

            On the other hand I must also urge my Muhammadan Brethren to act more united with other communities in matters pertaining to the progress of the Province; the adoption of a better attitude and the abandonment of “JO HUKUM” are essentially necessary in these days when the struggle to win self government for India is a settled programme of our work. Aloofness from such activities must in the long run act to their own disadvantage. Surely a few scholarships, posts of Mukhtiarkars, some Mullah schools, sweet words of officials, a few titles and honorary magistrateship can never be the goal of Muhammadans in Sindh. Many Muhammadans of the present generation, it is satisfactory to note, have realized the necessity of complete unity in all activities and I would urge them to devote some more time to educative work in the moffussil to awaken the mass and their fellow-brethren.

 

Education in Sind

            In Sind, the state of our educational affairs is highly unsatisfactory. We have a very insufficient number of primary, middle or secondary schools. We have one solitary college but only for “Arts”; absolutely no means of acquiring sound technical, scientific, commercial, or agricultural education has been provided yet for Sindh. Our teachers are very poor paid. Even our coolies or sweepers are better paid; our text books are selected without much care or thought. Educationists in the real sense of the word hardly exist in Sind. The education department moves on in an automatic manner in same grooves as were cut thirty years ago, I do not see that the brains and the energy of educational officials in Sind are at all made use of. In a quiet corner of the cool city of Poona a Director of Public Instruction of Bombay Presidency is supposed to exist. In a quit little bunglow in civil lines at Karachi, a gentleman, styled the Educational Inspector is supposed to reside. I am doubtful if even this much is known about the Educational department to the public of Sind. The Educational Inspector is an unknown quantity; the deputies are merely known to teachers and some of the students as task masters; teachers in Sind are only known to students as some persons to keep them under control. Having some knowledge of education in ancient India and in western counties at present, I feel that the present system of education in Sind requires a great change. I believe much of time, energy and money is being wasted.

            As it is, the education department in Sind is almost a “Pardah Nashin”. No one knows any thing about it. Every child in Sind possibly knows the Collector, or the Commissioner, but no one knows the Educational Inspector. He hardly is counting in Sind. For matters educational we are either referred to the Commissioner who knows very little of education or the Director Public Instruction, who is hardly in touch with the Province, being a thousand miles away and can know very little about Sind.

            Friends, how long is this condition going to last? We must demand, I feel our own Director of Education in Sind who must be an eminent educationist and above all must know our people. He should be full of sympathy and should come in touch with every parent in Sind. He must be kept for years in Province, allowing him to rise according to his grade even if stationed in one post as the Director of Education in Sind. He must be directly responsible to the minister of education of the Presidency. Then alone, I feel our Sind will be able to get its full share of attention to improve this department both in matters of teaching and administration.

            We must insist on a detailed scheme of right education for our children, boys and girls. The education of our girls is shamefully neglected in our Province and we must strongly agitate for greater attention being paid. Sind has along been unjustly treated in allocating budget amount for our education in comparison to other parts of the Presidency and we must now demand not only just proportion in the future but also all our dues.

            I wish to speak a few words here with due respect to our Muhammadan Brethren in connection with their Mullah Schools. The present type of Mullah Schools does no good but does positive harm to development of Muhammadans in Sind. My Muhammadan friends, I urge you to open your eyes and be wide awake; speak out boldy that you do not want, you do not care for these old type of inefficient Mulla Schools; for religious education, insist on teaching religion to your children in regular schools or at home; this system of Mullah Schools will keep you ignorant and ever under bureaucracy because of want of sufficient secular education. You should demand that technical branches be attached to your schools;  demand your teachers to be trained more rapidly, demand more pay for them, a better living wage for them and thus only will Sind rise up in full glory. I am glad to know that some of our Muhammadan leaders have realized this. I am told also that the educational department has already made useful suggestions to Government to take advantage of the present Mullah Schools and extend their scope by radical improvements. I do hope that Government will take immediate steps to improve the existing Mullah schools and put them on a more efficient basis. The want of an agricultural, a commercial and a technical College for Sind is urgent and great, and I hope, in the next budget it will be cheerfully sanctioned by the Government. I fell that if the Government and the educational department will openly take the public into confidence, with regards to education schemes now under consideration, rapid results can easily be achieved and hearty public responses relied upon. There is one important suggestion which I venture to make with a few to ensure a better understanding of our educational needs by the people of the province and that is that report of the Educational Inspector of Sind should be published for general information and not only a few strong extracts from it put in the Presidency report as is done at present. And then friends, along with the progress of education in all its branches we must begin to get ready for our own Sind University. The day for it, I assure you, is not distant and we must keep in mind that before long we shall see the stately domes of the Sind University rising against the sky, on the Clifton shore between Keamari and Clifton.

 

National Education in Sind

            Friends, let us welcome warmly the establishment of National Educational Institutions in our Province. As you know a National University and a Society for the promotion of National Education, governed by well known men and ladies of India have been established since the last two years. It certainly does not aim to replace all the present educational institutions in India. For the present it aims at an experiment to arrive at a correct method as to the basis of education for Indians and to remove the defects in the present system, which has been productive of such great dissatisfaction and discontent. It aims to encourage the full and free growth of all the capacities of our boys and girls and thus to serve as a model for Government and other educational institutions. Owing to old established views on education that have taken their lodgement in the minds of people, and its complete severance from official control, the National education movement in India is bound to meet for some time with almost overwhelming difficulties and therefore is the greater reason why we Indians must help it, the more at the present stage. Let us remember that the first few years, all workers, helpers and students will be called upon to make sacrifice of money, energy and possibly career; the National Institutions will have to undergo the fire of criticisms and adverse reports, and therefore I urge all our Sindhi mothers, sisters, fathers and guardians to stand by them and help. At present there is a central Sind National College started on the bank of FuleliCanal in Hyderabad Sind, a school at Hyderabad, and a Pathshalla at Karachi. Various sacrificing professors and teachers are giving their energy. It can have no official help just yet. It cannot naturally reach an ideal stage soon but we must for India’s sake welcome those and consider our province fortunate in having the National Educational Institutions, much earlier than any several other provinces. National Educational Institutions are sure to be established all over Sind as soon as opportunity permits. Friends, I beg each of you therefore to help the movement and sacrifice daily even a pie, an anna or a rupee or more for this purpose. Begging from a Presidential Chair may be somewhat out of place, but I do it with full of consciousness, feeling as I do its urgent necessity for the development of the movement in Sind.

 

Agriculture and Zamindari Problems in Sind

            Our province is mainly an agricultural province and more than two-thirds of its population lives by tilling the land. It behoves us therefore to attend to the various problems connected with agriculture and the life of the Zamindars in Sind.

            The relations between the agriculturist in Sind and the Government so far as revenue matters are concerned, are mostly governed by what are known as the Commissioner’s Special Circulars and our first complaint is about them. So far as I have inquired I find that these circulars have not been issued under any Act and thus lack legal authority. Their legality was even doubted by an experienced high official as can be seen from his evidence before the Decentralization Commission. But besides our objection as to their legality, the general complaint of our Zamindar is that in framing the circulars, the Zamindar’s point of view have not been and are not being taken into consideration, I consider it therefore an absolute necessity and nothing but fair that the Government should revise these circulars in consultation with educated and representative Zamindars. It is indeed to be regretted that at the last session of the Bombay Council, when Hon. Mr. Bhurgri suggested that the revision of the circulars be entrusted to a committee of officials and non-officials, the Government did not agree to the proposal but said that the Commissioner in Sind in revising the circulars will act in accordance with the usual practice and policy of Government and take into consideration the interest of the classes affected. The Government often complain of not receiving cooperation of the public and here we have a definite refusal by the Government itself of the offer of Zamindars to cooperate with officials in revising the Commissioner’s Circulars. I still hope our present Governor will see his way to accept the Zamindars’ offer as it will save a great deal of dissatisfaction.

 

 

One of the sorest grievances of the Zamindars and the cultivators of Sindh, of very long standing is the demoralizing evil known as the Rasai system and the associated evils of Lapo and Cher. Complaints yet reach of the continuance of Rasai, Lapo and Cher; though it is satisfactory to note that some of the officials are strictly avoiding these and are endeavouring to repress them with a strong hand. Exactly an year ago a Committee was appointed to suggest measures for the suppression of these disgraceful practices. I would not now care much to speak about some very objectionable and unfair features of the proceedings of that Committee. But I do strongly protest at the inordinate delay made in publishing the report of the Committee. Although the evidence was finished in May last not even the printing of it was completed until the last month.

The Committee has yet to prepare its report. The matter is of vital importance and I hope, the report will now be ready and published soon; and now that the gravity of the evils and their wide prevailance and its real causes have been established without the slightest doubt, by the overwhelming official and non-official evidence, Government will take immediate steps to suppress the evils, calling upon all the higher officials to make serious and persistent efforts in removing the evils.

 

The Cooperative movement was originally started in Sind more than 13 years ago, I learn by Mr. Wali Muhammad Hussonally,; but partly owing to peculiar conditions of Sind, it did not make great headway until quite recently. The appointment of a separate Assistant Registrar for Sind has brought about a striking change. The number of Cooperative Societies in Sind has increased literally by leaps and bounds, until today they are well over 120. The movement is one of immense potentialities and if properly developed it will have very great effect on the agricultural and industrial life of Sind. Its indirect moral and educative influence on the people is of no less importance. The indefatigable efforts of Mr. Azim Khan, the Assistant Registrar of the Cooperative credit Societies in Sind have resulted in the starting of the Sind Cenrtal Cooperative Bank at Karachi, which will finance the various Cooperative Credit Societies in Sind, and I feel very hopeful that with the assistance and cooperation of the educated and mercantile community, the bank and the societies which it finances, will be able to do their part in serving Sind. We must friends; whole heartedly render our best assistance, financial and other to this cooperative movement which I regard as one of the root remedies of many of the ills of the agricultural population.     

 

I think it is not necessary for me to go into details of those Zamindari problems relating problems to Remission Rules, Fallow Rules and the period of land settlement. These important questions have been treated so thoroughly at the previous Conferences that I do not feel I can add anything more to arguments put forward before you, year after year. The period of settlement has lately been increased from 10 to 20 years but I do hope that before long this period will be lengthened to 30 years. The Fallow Rules I understand, have been slightly amended but we must carry on an unabated agitation for their radical amendment and also for the substitution of a more liberal remission rules.

I cannot pass over this question which has been for a long time past a subject of complain in Sind and which had been brought forward for discussion at the last Session of Bombay Provincial Council. The utility of the Durbar system itself is open to question; but chair-system in the sense that non-durbaris are not regarded as eligible for a chair when visiting officials is clearly indefensible. I am surprised that a committee is to be appointed by the Government for this subject. It is a matter of ordinary and good manners that a chair be offered to any member of the public who visits an official either for business or any other purpose, and I do not see what will a Committee do? A direct instruction or an order to the officials in Sind should be issued by the Governor in Council pointing out that this practice of asking visitors whether they are eligible for chair is highly annoying to the people, that it must be immediately discontinued and the ordinary rules of etiquette to offer a chair to members of the public must be strictly observed. Offering a chair, to a visitor whether he is eligible for it in the Official Darbar or not, cannot in the least come in the way of the prestige or the dignity of the officials.

If this practice is not abolished I would certainly go to the length of suggesting our Sindhis to refuse Durbar invitations and entirely stop visiting officials.

The Government of India and of Bombay have treated Sind most unfairly so far as Canals are concerned. Sind which is most in need of water and canals has received the least attention. Even though pointed out by eminent experts that Canal projects carried out in the Punjaub without adequate measures being taken to insure proper supply of water to Sind, would be detrimental to our province on scientific and technical grounds, the Government practically gave a deaf ear to such warnings. Several schemes have been prepared over and over again for constructing more canals and for securing more water to agricultural land in Sind but in spite of the passage of many years, no actual work has been commenced. They are still projects on paper. The Sukkur Barrage scheme, the most urgent necessity of Sind is still hanging fire and in the meantime the condition of our agriculturists is growing worse, our zamindars are dragged down with debts and in consequence the agriculture suffers with shortage of food, high price and even famine.

Whilst on the subject of Canals, I cannot but express our extreme dissatisfaction at the meager allotment budgeted for irrigation in the last session of the Imperial Council; a huge sum of seventeen million pounds was allotted to Railways but for Canals only one and half millions. I do admit the importance of efficient railways but at present in India we want food before anything else.

The Government projects and schemes on account of official routine system, always proceed slow and the perpetual tumbling block of “no finances” always comes in the way and I therefore suggest that the canals in India be allowed to be constructed and developed by private enterprise and capital. There will be no difficulty for us in Sind and anywhere in India to float Joint-stock companies to construct Canals and supply water to agriculturists on easy terms; all such schemes just as is done in cases of light Railway Companies can be placed before the Government for it sanction. Option may be given to the Government to buy up canals from the companies after a period of fifteen or twenty years. Each Company may be granted a span of few miles and joint arrangements similar to those of Railway Companies can be made for water supply by different canal companies throughout the area. A special canal Committee of experts should be appointed to work out various detail schemes for canals in all parts of India and opportunities should be given to private capitalists and financiers to float the Canal Companies and take up construction works without delay. I am sure within a few years we can thus make a marvelous headway in irrigational development in India; the Indian capital and labour will thus be more fully and usefully employed, the young men of India will find a larger scope for utilization of their energy, our impoverished masses will be able to get abundent food and perhaps famine shall be no more.

My friends, I have come to the end of my Presidential discourse; all throughout the address I have attempted to paint the Government, the officials and ourselves, friends and opponents, in colours in which I can see; whether they are true or false, how far true or how far false, I leave to your judgment. I will not be ashamed to own my misjudgment and correct myself if at any time, I am so convinced.

I am a dreamer and an idealist and I dream of a glorious India along with a glorious world. I am one of those who believe Providence will not allow us to stand still if we desire to work for our growth. Our country has awakened once again and until its struggles for its place in the present civilization are over, it will not rest.

I feel anxious at present for more than one reason but I am not despondent; but I feel and urge the necessity of a cool brain side by side with a strong mind and will; let us make due allowance for the present stage of human nature and its limitations, and above all let us trust in God and His Agents. Let us feel the hand of Providence which is everywhere and we will be a free Nation before long, standing side by side with all other nations. I feel that the day when we will stand as equal partners in the British Empire is not far away. I would however beg of you to feel that “SWARAJ or HOME RULE” does not mean our salvation or the end of our unhappiness and misery. I would urge you not to be deluded with the mire of Self Government. Do we not see that Home Rule in England or America has not ended miseries or unhappiness there? Poverty, disease and even autocracy have not ended in England, Canada, America or Australia; slums do not appear to have vanished; hungry faces are still to be seem by thousands. Strikes, labour unrest, bitter party agitation and hatred, religious bigotry have not ended. Capitalists’ ambition to keep the labour suppressed is yet dominant. Turn where you will in the world and you find the one common cause of all miserlyman’s own greed and selfishness to earn money, become rich and secure happiness at the expense of others; and unless man is prepared to change his innerself, his mental condition and his heart, no form of self Government or Home Rule can bring happiness in any country. I do urge friends, that we who aspire to gain Swaraj should be really prepared to give freedom and allow full opportunities to those whom Providence has brought around us within the sphere of our influence in whatever way. Thus alone shall we save our Bharat Land from strikes, famine and unrest. I would urge yon to study the growth of such towns as Port Sunlight, Delectaland and Bradford in England or Dayton in the United States of America and see if we cannot attempt to bring about the co-operation of capital and labour in however humble a way in our own surroundings and sphere to make mankind happier.

When I read and study the various schemes now being worked in some of the cities of Europe and America, for the welfare of every mother and child in those cities, for aged persons, for the blind and the maimed, for providing healthy homes for all poor persons, for the moral improvement of every man and woman, my heart leaps with joy and yet at the same time with sorrow-I have often sadly murmured, “My land, My motherland when shall such a day come for thee?”

And my brothers and sisters, therefore do I feel that the real ultimate goal of life is not self-Government which is but a means to that goal. Side by side we have to fix our eyes towards something higher, much nobler, more powerful, more lasting nay Eternal.

I would also urge not to work upon the maxim “India for Indians only.” We must not take a narrow sense of that expression. India must be not only for Indians but for all those who make India their Home. Let there be no limit as to who can be an Indian. We do not want foreign exploiters to draw away the wealth of India but we would welcome all who make India their own country and work for its welfare as any Indian would. Let us make our country a melting pot for all to become Indians and no one shall remain as a “foreigner” in India; This is the true tradition of our Bharat Land; our scriptures, our Spiritual Teachers have taught us these essentials of happy natural life; and whatever be the struggles for political freedom let us not forget these noble lessons of our Great Teachers without which our land shall never achieve true greatness. How happy would India be if the Britons in India did not remain as mere foreigners as they do at present but would willingly become Indians at Heart and true Christians by faith.

Before I sit down, my last words, my hope, my appeal to you my friends: let us work together and work hard to make our India once again glorious as in the past, the Land of the Great Devas, the Sages, the Rishis, and the Prophet; then shall truly India’s mission of Swaraj or Home Rule be fulfilled.

 

VANDE MATRAM

 

 

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6TH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT JACOBABD (1919)

The first session of the Provincial Conference took place this morning (April 18, 1919) in a large pandal erected for the occasion and lasted for about there hours.

After the singing of a national song, and the reading of letters and telegrams expressing regret at inability to be present, the chairman of the reception committee, Seth Asardes Shewaram, who is a Zamindars and merchant, read his address in which, after welcoming the delegates and thanking the town’s people for the honour done him, he traced the history of the town. Originally it was a small village called Kangarh which came to be called Jacobabad after Jacob Sahib’s arrival. In those days it was the residence and some regiments only, but in course of time, after the constructing of the Kashmore Bund to keep off river floods and the excavation of the Begari and Shahi Canals, extensive cultivation was carried on round about and eventually it became a centre for trade in grains and other produce. The town could boast of two things, the Victoria Tower built to commemorate Queen Victoria and the clock in Jacob’s Residency in which there was an arrangement of the movements of the sun, the moon and the stars. Referring to the Montagu Chelmsford reforms he said that they feel short of the Congress League Scheme and expressed a hope that finally they would take such a shape as to give us cause for believing that they would lead us to self government in the near future. The Rowlatt Bills had been passed in the teeth of opposition from all the Indian members, which had caused wide spread dissatisfaction throughout India. He hoped that better counsels would prevail and the Bills would soon be repealed. Never before within memory had the prices of necessaries run so high, and it was regrettable that not with standing the shortage of foodstuffs in the country the Government had exported large quantities to Africa and some Asian parts. At every conference a resolution in favour of Swadeshi was passed, but it bore no fruit. He hoped that some practical shape would be give to the movement this year so that they might be able to give a better account of themselves year.

He suggested the following reforms to be carried out immediately in Sind: The separation of Judicial and Executive function; the raising of the term of revenue settlements from 20 to 30 years; raising of the term for Nowbat from 5 to 10years; relaxation in the Remission rules by the appointment of a local Advisory Committee whose opinion should carry weight generally in such matters; satisfactory arrangement for the adequate supply of water for the whole year if possible and the appointment of an Advisory Committee of zamindars to make suggestion to the proper distribution of water; abolition of Rasai, Chher and Lapo; the introduction of free compulsory primary education; the opening of a Government High School for the Upper Sind Frontier district; the opening of a College for Upper Sind, to be located at Sukkur; and Repeal of the Arms Act so as to allow every respectable person to carry arms to defend himself from the attacks of dacoits and robbers.

In conclusion he expressed great regret that their Muhammadan brethren were fighting shy of joining their Hindu brethren on political platform. He compared the two communities with the two wheels of a carriage which could not expect to reach its destination if the progress of either of them was retarded. He advised the Muhammadan not to be deceived by the small favors shown them by Government but work in the path of true progress.

Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta was then formally elected president. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 22, 1919 Page No. 4).

 

SECOND SITTING

1. The second sitting of the conference took place this morning (April 19, 1919) and lasted for about four hours. The first and foremost resolution moved was one in the usual terms condemning the Rowlatt legislation. It was moved by Mr. Santdas Mangharam of Hyderabad, who said that Government had leveled a charge against the leaders that they were misrepresenting facts about the Rowlatt Bills. He was there to refute that charge. In all the meetings held in connection with the “Black” Bills he was satisfied that the leaders had tried their best to place all sides of the question before the public. He was followed by Mr. Abdul Rehman of Karachi, Mr. Jethanand of Jacobabad, Mr. Sidhwa of Karachi and Mr. Virooml of Sukkur who supported the resolution which was carried unanimously.

The following resolutions (among others) were also passed after some discussion:

2. “This Conference emphatically protests against the repressive policy of the local government towards the Press in Sind as indicated in other things, by the demand of securities under the Press Act from a large number of Sind newspapers on wholly unjustified grounds, by its order prohibiting registered libraries from subscribing to most of the leading English and Vernacular newspaper of the province and by stopping the publication of Government advertisements and notices in such prescribed newspapers”.

3. “This conference considers it its duty to place before the Government by true sentiments of the Muhammadan of India with regard to the fate of their co-religionists outside India, the question of the Khalifate and of the custody and suzerainty over the holy places such as Mecca, Madina, Jerusalem, Najaf, Kerbella, Kazemain and Baghdad and cordially supports the resolution of the All India Moslem League at the Delhi session in December 1918 on that behalf. “(B) That the British representatives at the Peace Conference will use their influence and see that in the territorial and political redistribution to be made, the fullest consideration will be paid to the requirements of the Islamic laws with regard to the full and independent control by the Sultan of Turkey who is the acknowledged Khalifa of the Prophet over the holy places of Islam above enumerated and over the Tazrutularab as defined in Muslim books”.

4. “This Conference is of opinion that the time has come when steps should be taken to constitute High Court for Sind with the same proportion of Judges recruited from Indians and from the bar as in other High Courts of India”.

5. “This Conference is emphatically of opinion that it is imperatively necessary for the better administration of affairs in Sind that the Vernacular newspapers of Sind should be translated in the office of the Oriental Translator to Government at Bombay and extracts therefore submitted to Government”.

6. “This Conference is strongly of opinion that the Government of Bombay should take steps to start forth with the promised and long delayed High School at Larkana and to establish Government High Schools at Nowshahro at Nawabshah district, at Jacobabad for Upper Sind Frontier district and at Thatta from next year.”

7. “This Conference is of opinion that Sind being mainly an agricultural province steps be taken to open an Agricultural College in Sind”.

8. In the evening a Hindi Conference was held where a resolution in favour of Hindi being taught as the secondary language in all schools was passed. It was also resolved that the municipalities in Sind should be requested to introduce Hindi as the second language, in all schools.

 

 

 

 

THIRD DAY’S SITTING

 

To day (April 20, 1919) there were two sittings in the morning and the evening, each lasting over four hours. The morning sitting was held one hour after owing to the pandal having been flooded by heavy rain on the previous night and the evening sitting had to be postponed from 5 to 7 p.m. and was held in the open space of the Dak Bungalow as the pandal grounds were flooded. The morning sitting was attended by about 1,000 persons, of whom about 600 were delegates, 150 members of the reception committee and the rest visitors. The evening sitting was attended by about 3,000 peoples, there being no restriction about tickets.

There was animated discussion on resolutions on Hindu Moslem Unity, the Swadeshi movement, the Rowlatt Bills, Income tax and self determination.

The proceedings of the conference were marked by order and sobriety seldom noticeable at such large gatherings.

The following were among the resolutions passed at the two sitting:-

1. “This conference urges Government to budget adequate funds for the progressive provincialization of roads in Sind, so as to place Sind on a level with the rest of the Presidency in the matter of communications in as brief a period as possible”.

2. “This conference places on record the extreme dissatisfaction of the Zamindars of Sind at the operation of several of the Commissioner’s special circulars, particularly those relating to Follows and remission and requests Government to appoint a mixed committee to enquire into and report on the operation of the special circulars and the necessity and nature of their amendment.”

3. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that in the forthcoming legislation on local self government full popular control should be provided for, in all local self government institutions, entirely free of official control, with wholly elected Boards, completely responsible executive, enlarged functions and increased powers and taxation.”

4. “That in view of the passing of the Rowlatt Act despite united popular opposition this conference expresses sympathy with the Satyagraha movement started by Mahatama Gandhi.

5. “This conference calls upon the Government to publish the report of the committee appointed to enquire into the charges against Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali and in view of their extremely protracted interment and the irritable state of public feeling in the country on this account, to order their immediate release”.

6. “This conference further urges that all the Sind internees not yet released should be immediately set free”.

7. “This conference strongly supports the resolution of the Congress for the application of the principles of self determination to India and urges the Prime Minister of England, the Secretary of State for India and Lord Sinha to place this question before the Inter Allied peace Conference and the forthcoming peace Conference and requests the upholders of the principles of self determination at the peace Conference to support the claim of India for the application of the principle as outlined in the resolution of the Congress”.

8. “This Conference urges all the municipalities in Sind to introduce free and compulsory education within their limits,:

9. “This Conference greatly deplores the policy of persecution followed by Government against Lalla Lajpat Rai for a long number of years and strongly urges Government to grant him full freedom of movement and action”.

10. “This conference strongly urges Government the imperative necessity in the interests of the agricultural prosperity of Sind of the early commencement of the Sukkur Barrage and therefore requests Government to press forward the scheme without further delay”.

11. “This Conference strongly condemns the highly unjustified and undignified coercial methods adopted by Mr. Rothfeld, Collector of Sukkur for imposing house tax in Shikarpur despite the protests of the latter and the public and deprecates his action in withdrawing Rs.25,000 from the Municipal funds in an autocratic manner whereby he has placed the Municipality in such a position that it is unable to defray monthly expenses, The Governor of Bombay be approached by a telegram to cancel this unjust order”.

12. “This Conference is of opinion that the present system of control of food and prices in order that it may give real relief to the poor requires improved organization and therefore strongly urges Government to appoint for each district and important city a Committee of Control consisting of representative merchants and the Controller or Assistant Controller and exercising full powers of Control”.

13. “This Conference is of opinion that the newly constituted Municipality of Hyderabad should be given the power of electing its president by a bare majority as is the rule in all major municipalities in Sind”.

14. “This Conference urges the Government of Bombay to commence the work of erecting the public buildings of Karachi during the current year,”

15. “This Conference strongly condemns the action of the local authorities of Karachi in threatening persons who have been residents in British territorial though born in Indian states with removal from British territory if they co operate or participate in the demonstration and functions connected with the Satyagraha and Home Rule movements and urges Government to rescind any orders of removal that may have been issued against such persons.”

16. “This Conference strongly condemns the methods and means adopted by Government officials for imposing house tax in several cities and small towns in Sind despite vehement popular opposition and in direct conflict with the wishes of the people. This Conference further protests against the procedure of establishing notified areas which has as its real object the imposition of house tax.”

17. “This Conference urges on all the communities in Sind the imperative necessity of giving every encouragement to the Swadeshi movement”.

18. “This Conference is of opinion that the present arbitrary system of assessing Income tax results in great hardship on the people and is causing severe discontent in the country and the Conference therefore recommends that a committee of three non officials conversant with the practices and circumstances of each locality should be associated with the assessing officer for the purpose of assessment.”

19. “This Conference expresses its profound gratification at the growing feeling of unity and brotherhood between the Hindu and Muslim communities in India and urges the peoples of Sind to work for the strengthening and perpetuation of this bound of union as it is calculated to foster the growth of common nationhood.”

In the afternoon a Temperance conference was held in the pandal over which Mr. Kishindas Jhamrai, B.A, L.L.B Presided, In his presidential address he discussed at length the evils of drink and suggested legislation prohibiting the use of intoxicating drugs. Failing this he suggested the substitution of Licensing Boards of Abstainers as far as possible on place of the present Advisory Board which should have powers to grant licenses. Resolutions condemning the use of liquor generally and on marriages in particular, appreciating the sacrifice of certain newspapers for foregoing their income from advertisement for liquor, requesting Government to insert lessons on the evils of drink in text books, requesting Government not to allow more than one shop for every 10,000 people, requesting Government to close liquor shop on all holidays, and requesting Government to appoint a Licensing Board of abstainers as far as possible in place of the present Advisory Boards, were passed.

 

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28th Session held in Karachi

 

The Twenty-eighth National Congress met in Karachi, Sindh, on the 26th, 27th and 28th December, 1913. The Pavilion was dignified and well decorated, and each of the sixteen gates was ornamented with a motto descriptive idea. The delegates were 550 in numbers, distributed as follows:

 

Bombay and Sindh … … … … 264

U.P … … … … … 13

Punjab … … … … … 10

Behar … … … … … 4

Madras … … … … 33

Bengal … … … … … 22

Canada … … … … … 3

Sindh (Reception Committee)… … … 201

550

 

Some notable figures were absent from the Congress. The heart-effection which killed him in 1915 kept Mr. Gokhale away, and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, Mr. Surendarranath Bannerji and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya were all absent.

The Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, the Chair-man of the Reception Committee, welcomed. The President-elect and the delegates, and gave a short sketch of Sindh and its special difficulties, such as its decinial revision Settlements and its irrigation problem. He then turned to the various questions which lay before the Congress for discussion, and finally called on the delegates formally to elect the Hon. Nawab Syed Muhammad Bahadur as President. The proposal was moved by Rao Bahadur R.N. Mudholkar, seconded by Rai Baikunthanath Sen, supported by Mr. Gopaldas Jhamatmal and Pandit Rambhuj Dutt Choudhuri, and carried with acclamation.

After speaking of the necessity of the continued work of the Congress, he alluded to the King-Emperor’s message on leaving India, and urged that the unity hoped for by His Majesty should be sought, and that Muhammadans, Christians, Parsis, and Hindus should advance together, rather than in separate groups. He noted the rapprochement of Hindus and Musalmans, as shown by the hope expressed by All-India Muslim League that the leaders on the both sides should meet periodically “to find a modus operandi for joint and concerned action in questions of public good“. He next spoke of the troubles of the Indians in South Africa, then reaching their Climax, and he advised retaliatory measures against South Africans whites, such as shutting out Natal coal, and closing the door of the Civil Service against them. He then turned to the India Council and the need for its radical reform; it must be only an advisory, not an administrative body. He repeated the condemnation of the Regulations which had spoiled the reforms, showed ho dilatory was the action of Government with regard to Local Self-Government, emphasized the enormous importance of the Primary and Technical Education, and the need of Permanent Settlement to relieve the grave economic situation. The President alluded also to the Public Service Commission then in India, and urged the granting to Indians of Commissions in the Army, Quoting some recent remarks on the subject by Lord Minto in London, the previous year, relating his efforts to bring it about. He then said a few words, fraught with deep emotion, on “the subversion of the Ottaman power in Europe and the strangling of Persia,” and expressed the grief with which all the Muslims had felt the blow to their Turkish brethren. He concluded with an earnest plea that Hindus and Musalmans should clasp hands, and work for the motherland. “The tide of the National Unity….by God’s Grace, will surely sweep away in its majestic onward course the unnatural and artificial barriers of race, colour and religion”.

The President resumed his seat amid loud applause.

The second day’s work began with the moving from the Chair of Resolution I, regretting the deaths of Mr. J.Ghosal and Mr. Justice P.R. Sundara Aiyar. It was passed standing.

Resolution II, dealing with the Indians in South Africa, was moved by Dewan Bahadur L. A. Govinda-raghava Aiyar, and seconded by Lala Lajpat Rai in Hindustani. It was supported by six more speakers, who urged the arguments so familiar to us all, and was carried.

The second day began with the moving of Resolution III, the Separation of Judicial and Executive Function, by Mr. C. P. Ramasami Aiyar, who quoted Sir Harvey Adamson’s condemnation of a judge having the police organization at his back; Mr. R. C. Dutt and Sir Pherozeshah Mehat had showed that the reform would not entail extra expenditure. A re-distribution of functions among munsiffs, magistrates and judges could be made without greater cost. Mr. K. C. Ganguli seconded, complaining that the Congress had passed an annual resolution since 186, but the bureaucracy opposed it. Messrs. Lalchand Navalrai and Abdul Rahman supported,and the resolution was carried.

Resolution IV welcomed the adoption be the Muslim League of the ideal of Self-Government for India, and declaration of the necessity of the harmonious co-operation, to be found by the leaders deciding on joint concerted action. It was proposed by Mr. Bhupendranath Basu, saying that Hindus and Muhammdans must concentrate their attention on the one united ideal, for the India of to-day was not the India of Hindu or the Muslim, nor of the Anglo-Indian, much less of the European, but the India in which all had a share. “ If there have been misunderstanding in the past, let us forget them.” If they were united, “the India of the future will be a stronger, nobler, greater, higher, aye, and a brighter India than was realized by Ashoka in the plentitude of his power, a better India than was revealed to Akbar in the wildest of his visions ”.

Rao Bahadur R. N. Mudholkar seconded, and said that the Congress and the League now stood on a common platform, and could work together. Mr. Jehangir B. Petit said that many had thought that if they did they would be a powerful instrument for good and a force a force to be reckoned with. Mr. D. A. Khare said that Self-Government would be won by the brotherhood of Hindu and Muslim. Mr. Mathradas Ramchand further supported, and Mr. C. Gopala Menon welcomed the pronouncement of the Muslim League as marking an important epoch in the history of Congress. Mr. D. E. Wacha said that the Congress had entered on a new Nativity and with the new Star they would achieve new success. The Resolution was carried with great applause.

Resolution V was on the Reform of the India Council. It was moved by Mr. M. A. Jinah, who pointed out that the Council as composed of old official who had served in India, and non-official India had no voice. The Secretary of State of India was responsible to nobody, and was a greater Mughal than any Mughal who had ever ruled in India. Mr. N. M. Samarth seconded, and said that secretary of State of India should be elected by Indians. The Hon. Mr. Krishna Rao supported, and gave a short review of the changes that had taken place in the constitution of the Council. The Resolution wad further supported by Messrs. Gopaldas Jhamatmal and Surendarnath Malik, and carried.

The Congress then adjourned.

On meeting for the third session, the Congress took up a new question, the “continuous journey clause” of the Canadians Privy Council Order, No. 920. the ingenuity of this clause was that it forbade Indians to enter Canada unless they had made a continuous journey from India, and they could not make a continuous journey because there was no direct boat-servise and the Steamship Companies refused through books. Hence it forbad the entry of any Indian to Canada, and prevented any Indian already there from bringing his wife and family. [It as this order which caused the chartering of the Kumagatu and the subsequent troubles.]

The Resolution (VI) was moved by Sardar Nand Singg Sikra, who, himself a Singh, spoke for his brethren in Canada, but pointed out that all India suffered in the suffering of Sikhs in Canada and Indians in South Africa, and “we join hands as one United Nation, and with one heart and one voice we condemn the Colonial atrocities”. The Chief Justice of British Columbia had condemned as illegal the Federal Orders in Council, but that did not seem to help them much. Grnrral Swayne had explained the real reason of the exclusion. He said:

One of those things that make the presence of East Indians here, or in any other white Colony, politically inexpedient, is the familiarity they acquire with the whites, the instance of which is given by the speedy elimination of caste in this Province, as shown by the way all castes help each other. These men go back to India, and preach ideas of emancipation, which, if brought about, would upset the machinery of law and order. While this emancipation may be a good thing at some future date, the present time is premature for the emancipation of caste.

Is then the whole Empire is a conspiracy against Indian freedom, and is caste to be a weapon in the hands of the bureaucracy to prevent her emancipation?

The Sardar Sahab was on of the three delegates elected by the Canadian Sikhs on February 22nd, 1913, to go to the Congress and represent their grievances.

Mr. Krishna Kumar Mitra seconded, remarking that it would be better for Canadians to say openly that they would not admit Indians rather than pass sp cowardly a law. Mr. Ayub Khan and Pandit Rambhuj Dutt Choudhri supported, and the Resolution was carried.

Resolution VII was on the Public Service Commission, and as very full, laying down the grievances under which Indians suffered and suggesting changes. It was moved by Rai Baikhunthanath Sen Bahadur, who remarked on the charges leveled by witness before the Royal Commission against Indians; it was said they had defects in moral character, and were lacking in physical in physical endurance, administrative efficiency and power of initiative. He brought in rebuttal the districts in East Bangal where there was anarchical disturbances, and while those managed by British Civilians were kept quiet. He asked for the cases where Indians had failed. Witness from English commercial houses naturally preferred their own kith and kin and depreciated Indians.

The Hon. De. Nilratan Sarkar seconded, and took the sound ground that Indians had a birthright to serve their own country, and that non-Indians should be admitted only hen necessary and for a short time. But in the Public Services,” the upper branch is synonymous with Europeans, and the lower with Indian. This is as indefensible in principle as it is mischievous in practice.” “We are to remain content as a Nation of assistants.” He illustrated Indian efficiency with various examples, and remarked that Dr. Pal Roy had no equal in India, “but he is to remain all his life in the Provincial inferior Service”. Messrs. V. V. Jogiah Pantulu and Mathradas Ramchand supported the Resolution and it was carried.

 

Mr. Bhupendranath Basu moved Resolution VIII, asking for the repeal of the Press Act. He pointed out that in 1837, Sir Charles Metcalfe had liberated the Indian Press; Lord Lytton replaced fetters in 1878 with his Vernaculara Press Act, but Mr. Gladstone replaced it. When Sir Herbert Risley spoke in 1910 in favour of introducing the present Press Act, he had destroyed several papers, such as the Gugantar, and had said that in the 47 cases instituted by Government under the old law of sedition, a conviction had been secured in every one. What more did they want? The Law Member, ho certainly believed what he said, had laid stress on the right of appeal to the High Court, but in a late case the High Court had said that a forfeiture was invalid and illegal, but the High Court had no power to interfere. So there was “a special la of a very drastic nature without any safeguards,” and it was “a wet cloth on all expressions of public opinion“.

 

“Situated as the Government of India is, foreign in its composition and aloof in its character, that law is the source of great peril.” Mr. Dalvi, seconding, quoted Sir L. Jenkins, the Chief Justice, in the Comrade case, who said that it is difficult to see to what lengths the operation of these sections may not be plausibly extended by an ingenious mind.

Mr. J. Choudhuri, supporting, gave his own case as editor of a legal journal, the Calcutta Weekly Notes. His printer and publisher died, and he had to find a new one, and was running backwards and forwards between his office and the Presidency Magistrate’s Court before his declaration was accepted. The C.I.D could find nothing against the printer, except that his knowledge of English was not as perfect as perfect as it might be! Sir Herbert Risley had said that the Press Act would not affect existing papers, and that the administration of law would not be in the hands of the Police. Both assurances were false. When a declaration is made, the magistrate hands over the papers to the C.I.D, and the Habul Matin, an Existing paper, was called on to furnished security.

Mr. Kishindas Jhamrai supposed the Resolution, and it was carried.

Resolution IX, on the Permanent Settlement, was moved by the Hon. A.S. Krishna Rao, seconded by Rao Bahadur Hiranand Khemsing, supported by Mr. Mathradas Ramchand, and carried.

Then followed a series of Resolution, put from the chair: X, Army Commission ; XI, Education (including a protest against the veto by the Government of India of thee lecturers, Messrs. Rasul, Subrvardi and Jayasal, on the ground of their connection with politics); XII, High Courts; XIII, Swadeshi; XIV, Indentued Labour; XV, Local self-Government, XVI, Council regulation; XVII, Executive Councils for U.P and Punjab; XVIII, authorizing the All-India Congress Committee to arrange a deputation to England, to represent Indian views on: (1) Indians in S.Africa and the colonies; (2) Press Act; (3) Reform of the India Council: (4) Separation; XIX, Thanks to Sir William Wedderburn and members of the British Committee. These Resolutions, put seriatim, were really our old friend the Omnibus.

Resolution XX, was an expression of deep regret at the retirement of Messrs. Wacha and Khare, from the office of Secretaries, and thanks for their work. Rai Baikunthanath Sen Bahadur voiced the gratitude of the Congress to the eminent veteran, who had acted for 18 years, with great self-denial and ability. Mr. Khare had worked well for 6 years. Mr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar seconded, saying that the greatness of the Congress was largely due to the Secretaries. The Resolution was carried with cheers, and then the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vichindas proposed and Mr D. G. Dalvi seconded the election of the Hon. Nawab Syed Muhammad Bahadur and Mr. N. Subha Rao Pantulu as General Secretaries for the ensuring years. Carried.

Mr. N. Subha Rao invited the Congress to Madras, and Resolution XXII decided the acceptance.

The vote of thanks to the Chair was moved by Mr. Ghulamali G. Chayla, seconded by Mr. Bhupendranath Basu, supported by Mr. Lakamal Chellaram and Mir Ayab Khan, and carried by acclamation. The President’s brief reply closed the proceeding, and the Twenty-eighth National Congress dissolved.

 

RESOLUTIONS

I. Resolution-That this Congress desires to place on record its sense of the great loss sustained by the country by the death of Mr. J. Ghosal, who was a staunch worker in the Congress cause, and Mr. Justice P. R. Sundara Aiyer.

 

Indians in South Africa and Canada

South Africa

II. Resolved-(a) That this Congress enters its emphatic protest against the provisions of the Immigration Act in that they violet the promises made my Ministers of the South Africans Union, and respectfully urges the Crown to veto the Act and requests the Imperial and Indian Governments to adopt such measures as would ensure to the Indians in South Africa just and honourable treatment.

(b) That this Congress expresses its abhorrence of the cruel treatment to which Indians were subjected in Natal in the recent strikes, and entirely disapproves of the personnel of the Committee appointed by the South African Union to acquire into the matter, as two of its members are already known to be biased against confidence of Indians in South Africa and here.

(c) That this Congress tenders its most respectful thanks to His Excellence the Viceroy for his statesmanlike pronounce of the policy of the Government of India on the South African questions.

(d) That this Congress requests to Imperial and Indian Governments to take the steps needed to redress the grievance relating to the questions of the $3 tax, indentured labour, domicile, the Educational test, validity of Indian Marriages, and other questions bearing on the status of Indians in South Africa.

(e) That this Congress expresses its warm and grateful appreciation of the heroic struggle carried on by Mr. Gandhi and his co-workers, and calls upon the people of this country of all classes and creeds to continue to supply them with funds.

 

VI. Resolved-That this Congress strongly protests against prohibition of immigration, resulting from operation of the Canadian Privy Council Order No. 920, generally known as the “Continuous Journey Clause, ” as the order in question has practically the effect of preventing any Indian, not already settled there, from going to Canada, inasmuch as there is no direct steamship service between the two Countries, and the steamship companies refuse through booking, and further subjects the present Indian Settlers in Canada to great hardship by precluding them from bringing over their wives and children. This Congress, therefore, urges upon the Imperial Government the necessity of securing the repeal of the said Continuous Journey Regulation.

Legal

Separation of Judicial and Executive Functions

III. Resolved-That this Congress, concurring with previous Congresses, urges the early Separation the Judicial from Executive Functions in the best interests of the Empire and prays that any scheme of Separation that may be undertaken to be really effective must place all judiciary solely under the control of the highest Court in every Province.

High Courts

XI. Resolved-That this Congress is strongly of opinion that all the High Courts of India, Inclusive of non-chartered High Courts, should have the same direct relation with the Government of India alone, as the High Court of Fort William in Bengal has at the present time. The Congress is, further, of opinion that the
Chief Judge of unchartered High Courts should be appointed from the members of the bar.

[See VII c,3.]

 

Union for Self-Government of Congress and Muslim League

IV. Resolved-That this Congress places on record its warm appreciation of the adoption by the All-India Muslim League of the ideal of Self-Government for India within the British Empire, and expresses its complete accord with the belief that the league has so emphatically declared at its last sessions that the political future of the country depends on the harmonious working and co-operation of the various Communities in the country which has been the cherished ideal of the Congress. This Congress most heartily welcomes the hope expressed by the league that the leaders of the different communities will make every Endeavour to find a modus operandi for joint and concreted action on the questions of national good and earnestly appeals to all the sections of the people to help the object we all have at heart.

 

India Council Reform

V. Resolved-That this Congress is of opinion that the Council of the Secretary of State of India, as a present constituted, should be abolished, and ,makes the following suggestions for its reconstructions:

(a) That the salary of the Secretary State of India should be placed on the English Estimates.

(b) That with the view to the efficiency and independence of the Council, it is expedient that it should be partly nominated and party elected.

(c) That the total number of members of the Council should not be less than nine.

(d) That the elected portion of the Council should consist of not less than one-third of the total number of members, who should be non-official Indians chosen by the constituency consisting of the elected members of the Imperial and Provincial Legislative Councils.

(e) That not less than one-half of the nominated portion of the Council should consist of public men of merit and ability unconnected with the Indian administration.

(f) That the remaining portion of the nominated Council should consist of official who have served in India for not less than 10 years and have not been away from India for more than two years.

(g) That the character of the Council should be advisory and not administration.

(h) That the term of office of each member should be five years.

 

Public Service

VII. Resolved—(a) That this Congress place on record its indignant protest against, and emphatically repudiates, as utterly unfounded, the charges of general incompetence, lack of initiative, lack of character, etc., which some of the witness, among whom this congress notices with regret some of the highest administrative officers, have freely leveled at Indians as a people.

 

(b) That this Congress begs to express its earnest hope that the Royal Commissioners will, alike on grounds of justice, national progress, economy, efficiency and even expediency, see fit to make recommendations which will have the certain effect of largely increasing the present very inadequate proportion of Indians in the high appointments in the Public Services of their own country; thus redeeming the solemn pledge contained in the Character Act of 1833 and the Royal Proclamation of 1858.

 

(c) In particular, this Congress places on record its deep conviction:

 

(1) That justice can never be done to the claim of the people of this country unless the examinations for the recruitment of the superior offices of the various Services be held in India as well as in England ;

(2) That the age limit in the case of candidates for the Indian Civil Service should not be lowered, as such a step will operate to the disadvantage of Indian candidates as well as prove detrimental to efficiency ;

(3) That the Judicial and Executive Services and Functions should be completely separated and the Judicial Services recruited from the legal profession and placed in subordination to the High Court instead of to the Executive Government ;

(4) That such restrictions as exist at present against the appointment of persons other than members of the Indian Civil Service to certain high offices be removed ;

(5) That any rule or order which, in terms or in effect, operates as a bar against the appointment of Indian as such to any office under the Crown for which the may otherwise be eligible, should be rescinded as opposed to the Act and the Proclamation hereinbefore mentioned ;

(6) That the division of Services into Imperial and Provincial be abolished and the conditions of Services be equalized as between Indians and Europeans, and that in case the division be maintained, the recruitment of the Executive branch of the Provincial Civil Service be made by means of an open competitive examination instead of by nomination ;

(7) That in case the said division be maintained, the Indian Educational and other Services be recruited in India as well as England, and Indians of the requisite attainments be appointed thereto both directly and by promotion from the respective Provincial Services ;

(8) That civil medical posts should not be filled by the appointment of members of the Military I.M.S or I.S.M.D., and a distinct and separate Indian Civil Medical Service should be constituted therefore and recruited by means of a competitive examination held in India as well as England ; educational and scientific appointments, however, being filled by advertisement in India and abroad ;

(9) That the present scale of salaries is sufficiently high and should not be raised, and further, that exchange compensation allowance should be abolished, as it has been a costly anomaly since exchange was fixed by statute ; and

(10) That the people of those dominions of the Crown, where they are not accorded the rights of British citizens should be declared ineligible for appointments in India.

 

Coercion

Press

VII. Resolved-That this Congress reiterates its protest against the continuation of the Indian Press Acton the Statute Book, and urges that the same be repealed, specially, in view of the recent decision of the High Court of Calcutta, which declares that the safeguards provided by the Act are illusory and incapable of being enforced.

 

Permanent Settlement

IX. Resolved-That this Congress is strongly of opinion that a reasonable and definite limitation to the demand of the State on land and a introduction of a permanent Settlement directly between Government and Land-holders in ryotwari-areas or a settlement for a period of not less than 60 years in those Provinces where shorter periodical settlement revision prevail will substantially help in ameliorating the present unsatisfactory conditions of the Agricultural population.

 

Military

X. Resolved-That this Congress again respectfully points out to the Government of the India the injustice of keeping the higher ranks in the Army closed against the people of this country, and urges that the same should remain no longer unredressed.

[And see VII c.S]

 

Education

XI. Resolved-(a)That this Congress, while thanking the Government of India for its donation of larger grants towards the extension of Primary Education in India, is of opinion that a beginning should now be made for introducing Free and Compulsory Education in some selected areas.

 

(b) That the Congress, while approving of Proposals by Government for introducing teaching and residential Universities, is strongly of opinion that that system should be supplement, and not replace, the existing system of University Education among the poorer classes will be seriously retarded.

 

(c) That this Congress reiterates its prayer to Government to make adequate provision for imparting Industrial and Technical Education in different Provinces, having regard to the local requirements.

 

(d) That this Congress records the strong protest against the action of the Government of India vetoing the selection by the Calcutta University of Messrs. Rasul, Suhravardi and Jayaswal, as the Lectures on the ground of their connection with politics; as the bar of politics is so general as to lend it self to arbitrary exclusion of the best scholarship from the lecturer’s chair, so detrimental to the interest of Education in the country.

 

Swadeshi

XIII. Resolved-That this Congress accords its most cordial support to the Swadeshi Movement, and calls upon the people of India to Labour for its success, by making earnest and sustained efforts to promote the growth of indigenous industries by giving preference, wherever practicalable, to Indian products over imported commodities, even at a sacrifice.

 

Indentured Labour

XIV. Resolved-That owing to the scarcity of labour in India, and the grave results from the system of Indentured Labour, which reduces the Labourers, during the period of their indenture, practically to the position of slaves, this Congress strongly urges the total prohibition of recruitment of labour under indenture, either for work in India or elsewhere.

Representation

XV. Resolved-That this Congress expresses its regret that the recommendations of the Decentralization Commission, with regard to the further development of Local Self-Government, have not yet been given effect to, and urges that the Government of India may be pleased to take steps, without delay, to increase the powers and resources of Local Bodies.

XVI. Resolved-That this Congress records its sense of keen disappointment that at the last revision of the Legislative Council Regulations, the anomalies and inequalities, rectification of which the four previous Congress strongly urged upon the Government, were not removed. And in order to allay the widespread dissatisfaction caused by the defects complained of, and in vies of the experience of last four years, this Congress earnestly pays that-

 

(1) there should be a non-official majority in the Imperial Legislative Council;

(2) there should be a majority of elected members in all Provincial Council;

(3) the system of voting for delegates be done away with, where it still exists;

(4) the franchise be broadened by simplifying the qualifications of the electors, basing it on education, property or income’

(5) the Government should not have the power arbitrarily to declare any person ineligible for election on the ground of his antecedents or reputations;

(6) no person should be held ineligible for election on the ground of dismissal from Government Service, or of conviction in a criminal court or from whom security for keeping the peace has been taken, unless his conduct involved moral turpitude;

(7) no property or residential qualification should be required of a candidate, nor service as member of a local body;

(8) a person ignorant of English should be held ineligible for membership;

(9) it should be expressly laid down officials should not be allowed to influence elections in any way;

(10) Finance committees of Provincial Councils should be more closely associated with Government in the preparation of Annual Financial Statements;

(11) there should be finance committee of the Imperial Legislative Council as in the case of Provincial Legislative Councils;

(12) the right of putting supplementary questions should be extended to all members and not to be restricted to the member putting the original question;

(13) the strength of the Punjab Council be raised from 26 to 50, and more adequate representation be allowed to the Punjab in the Imperial Council.

As further, this Congress, while recognizing the necessity of providing for a fair and adequate representation in the Legislative Councils for the Muhammadans or the other communities where they are in a minority, disapproves of the present regulations to carry out this object by means of separate electorates.

XVII. Resolved- That the Congress that urges that an Executive Council, with an Indian member, be established in the United Provinces at any early date, and is of opinion, that a similar Council should be established in Punjab too.

 

 

Deputation to England

XVIII. Resolved- That the All-India Congress Committee be authorized to arrange for a Deputation, consisting as far as possible, of representatives from different Province, to England, to represent Indian views on the following subjects:

 

(1) Indian in South Africa and other Colonies;

(2) Press Act;

(3) Reform of the Indian Council;

(4) Separation of Judicial and Executive Functions;

(5) And important questions on which Congress have expressed opinion.

 

Thanks of Congress

XIX. Resolved- That this Congress record its sense of high appreciation of the services of Sir William Wedderburn and other members of British Committee, and resolves that the organization of British Committee and India should be maintained.

[See II c, XI a, XX]

 

Retirement of General Secretaries

XX. Resolved- That this Congress expressed its sense of deep regret at the retirement of Mr. D. E. Wacha and Mr. D. A. Kahre, from the office of its General Secretaries, and begs to place on record its sense of warm appreciation of the very signal and distinguished Services under rendered by the former for 18 years, and the latter for 6 years, to the cause of the Congress.

 

Formal

XXI. Resolved- That the Hon. Nawab Syed Muhammad Bahadur and Mr. N. Subba Rao Pantulu be appointed General, Secretaries for the next year.

XXII. Resolved- That the Congress of the year 1914 be held in the Province of Madras.

 

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REPORT

OF THE IMPERIALS

SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

KARACHI

1918

5TH SIND PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

KARACHI

PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH

 

 

Brothers, Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen!

 

The gratitude I feel for the great and the signal honour which you have been pleased to do me by electing me to preside over your deterioration on this memorable occasion in our Capital City of the Province. I realize that this honour is the highest distinction which it is in the power of my countrymen, most to the Congress Presidentship, to bestow. But when I realize the responsibility attached to this honour, I sincerely feel that worthier shoulders than mine would have before sustained the burden.

 

When however, I received your mandate in the midst of my humble work I at firs hesitated, but then I felt it my duty to obey and here I am, for better or for worse.

 

At a time like this, I feel that what is required is a bold, emphatic and respectful declaration of our grievances, desires and aspirations, I shall endeavour to fulfill this task to the best of my ability and will rely on your indigence for my short-comings.

 

The King Emperor

Gentlemen! Our first duty today is to lay the feet of our august and beloved Sovereign George V King and Emperor our unswerving fealty, our unshaken allegiance and our enthusiastic homage. The throne in England is above all parties beyond all controversies.

 

It is the permanent seat of the majesty, the justice, the honour and the beneficence of the British Empire.

 

And in offering our homage and our fealty to its illustrious occupant, we not only perform a loyal duty but also express with the gratitude of our hearts for all that is noble and high minded in England’s connection with India. The late Queen Empress Victoria the Good and her worthy son, King Edward the Peace Maker are known to have exercised within the limits of their constitutional position vast influence for good in favour of a policy of justice and sympathy towards India. Our present King Emperor had announced his resolve to walk in the foot steps of his father and grand mother. We have therefore our fullest trust in him and the British Parliament that a policy of righteousness will be pursued towards India in the decision of India’s claim to Self-Government within the Empire, after Mr. Montagu goes back and submits his report on the subject, “We only claim that we should be in India what Englishmen feel to be in England and in the Colonies”.

 

Tribute to the Dead

Ladies and gentlemen! We have every year to concern the loss of some of our brilliant and enthusiastic workers, who pass away leaving us Emperor in the ranks of our public men.

 

Since we met last at Shikarpur, the cruel hand of death have snatched away from us Mr. Achalsing Advani, a leading pleader of Karachi, a man of great intellectual abilities, undaunted courage brilliant powers of expression and unbounded enthusiasm. He was the rising star in the Political horizon and a man of great personality who took keen interest in unifying Political forces in Sind. It was only last year at Shikarpur, that while addressing you from the Conference platform, this young man gave you a promise that he will thoroughly master of Sindhi language at today’s Conference. But it was he who pressingly invited the Conference to Karachi this time. He has pressed away. How greatly do we miss today his familiar and sweet face from this platform!

 

Next, gentlemen, we have to mourn the loss of that great towering personality – the Pioneer of Modern nationalism, who was our pilot under storm and stress – Our India’s grand old man, Mr Dadabhai Nourji. He was India’s greatest leader and friend. No language will suffer in describe his deeds, and service to his country, his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion in the course of Home Rule. His name is a bye-word in every family in India. To him is due the word “Swaraj”.

 

An other great patriot and friend of India, Sir William Wedderburn has been removed by death. He was the last of that noble trio who for long years and under the most trying circumstances toiled hard and incessantly and unselfishly for the uplifting of India. Mot of us knew Sir William personally as the judge of our Sadar Court and then of the Bombay High Court. Twice was she president of the Indian National Congress at Bombay and Allahabad. Any one like myself, who had the good fortune to know him personally, will testify how he inspired, elevated and educated those who came under his influence by the nobleness of his nature, his world-wide sympathies, his profound earnestness, his ceaseless devotion to the cause of India and by his indomitable faith in the British sense of justice and his inestimable exertions even by the calumny end obloqucy which his own countrymen heaped on his head. He was deeply touched and greatly distress by the sad plight of the poor Indian raiyat and like Mr. Dadabhai his whole heart was fixed upon devising, advising, and insisting on measures emulated to alleviate their unfortunate condition. Sir William at the age of 72 came all the way from England in 1910 to preside at the Allahabad Session of the Congress in order to cement the bonds of unity between Hindus and Muhammadans.

 

We have suffered another great loss in the cause of the Indian nationalism in the death of the Hon: Mr. A. Rasul of Colcutta. He in his intense passion for his Motherland recognized that the cause of Mohammadans was indissolubly bound up with that of the Hindus and took a leading part in effecting that rapprochement between the two communities which has been so valuable in our political unification. And yet another eminent and distinguished Indian, an enthusiastic worker in the cause of our Motherland the great promoter of the Hindu University, Sir Sundurlal has just passed away. His death is indeed a great loss to the country.

 

 

Gentlemen, our gratitude to those dear and noble souls will be best paid, in the words of our noble leader Mrs. Annie Besant : By following in their footsteps, so that we may win the Home Rule which they longed to see with us and shall see ere long from the other world of life in which they dwell today.”

 

War and Home Rule

 

Brother Delegates – The great war still continues. Our leader Mrs. Annie Besant said early in course of the war. “ That the war could not end until England recognized that autocracy and bureaucracy perished in India as well as in Europe.” Did not the Bishop of Calcutta declare the other day that, it would be hypocritical to pray for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India? The one prominent feeling, that arises in the minds of all of us, is one of deep admiration for the self-imposed burden which Britain is hearing in the world’s struggle for liberty and freedom and a feeling of profound pride that India had not fallen behind other parts of the British Empire, but has stood shoulder to shoulder with them by the side of the Imperial mother in the hour of her surest trial. In the great galaxy of heroes there are now and there will never cease to be beloved Indian names testifying to the fact that our people would rather die unsullied than outlive the disgrace of it

 

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پنجين سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس ڪراچي

تاريخ 30 مارچ 1928ع

پهرين ڏينهن جي ڪاروائي اٽڪل هڪ بجي مهل شروع ٿي،

پهريائين آنربل مسٽر هرچندراءِ مرحبا ڪاميٽيءَ جي چيئرمين پنهنجي آجيان جي ايڊريس پڙهي.

آنربل مسٽر هرچندراءِ جي ايڊريس پڙهڻ کان پوءِ چيئرمين صاحب. مسٽر غلام علي چاگا! کي پريزيڊنٽ جي مانرريءَ لاءِ رٿ پيش ڪرڻ جي آگيان ڏني، مسٽر غلام علي چاگا! رٿ پيش ڪئي ته مسٽر مرليڌر جيرامداس پريزيڊنٽ چونڊيو وڃي، جنهن کي راءِ بهادر مسٽر هيرانند ڪيمسنٽ ٽيڪو ڏنو ۽ مسٽر ويرومل بيگراج، مسٽر لالچند نولراءِ، مسٽر لوڪامل چيلارام پٺ ڀرائي ڪئي.

 

ٺهراءُ چوٿون

ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام… گهڻي ڳالهائڻ ڪري نري پئجي ويئي اٿم گهگي نري سان هندي ڳالهائي ڪين سگهندس، قابل لائق صاحبن مون کان اڳي تقريرون ڪيون آهن، ڪائونسلن ۾ اسان جا چار پنج ميمبر آهن، ڀارا ڀتا خرچي ويندا آهن، ڊبل فرسٽ ڪلاس ملندو اٿن، اتي پنج ڏهه رپيا روز ملندو اٿن، گهڻا ڏاڍي محنت ڪن، مهينو ٻه اڳي سوال ڏياري موڪلين، هن ڀيري مسٽر ڀرڳڙي 338 سوال موڪليا، 20 سوال موڪلين، پندرنهن ڏينهن اڳي پوءِ به جواب ملين ته پڇا پئي ڪجي يا پڇا ڪا نه ٿي آهي، سوال عام مد نظر لاءِ نه آهي، هن سوال جي پڇا ڪرڻ ۾ تڪليف گهڻي ٿيندي۽ فائدو ٿورو، ڪيترن جو جواب ملي، هائو نه، مطلب ته گونگن ٻورن سان ٿا ڳالهين، رٿن تي اچو ته سرڪاري ميمبرن جي صف ٺهي وڃي، سرڪار جا ٺاهيل ميمبر پيا گورن ڏي نهارين، بروڪرسي جي ڪرپا سان ڪرسي ملي اٿن، آنربل ميان پير بخش رسائي بابت چوي ته سنڌ ۾ رسائي اصل ڪانهي، ديوان ٽيڪچند سوال ته اصل پڇي ڪو نه، هن کي سوال ئي ياد ڪو نه پوي، مسٽر ڀرڳڙي چيو ته سنڌ جي اخبارن جا ترجما بمبئي سرڪار جي ڌيان تي اچن ٿا ته ديوان ٽيڪچند چوي ته نه، اچو هاڻي شاهي ڪائونسل ۾، مسٽر سرمارٿ آندي ته نشو بند ڪجي، سرڪار جي پاران ميمبر چيو ته اسان ڀنگرين جي ڀنگ ٿو ڦري وڃين يا هن غمگين دنيا کي وڌيڪ غمگين ٿو ڪرين، مطلب ته ساڳيو حال، ڄهرائن جي به اهڙيا حالت، هنن کي چمڙي ڪچي آهي ٿڌي هوا جي ڪري ۽ اسان جو گرمي ڪري رنگ پڪو ٿي ويو آهي.

مسٽر لارينس گهڻي خيال کانپوءِ آنرري مئجسٽريٽن جي پلٽڻ ٺاهي آهي، چٿر گڏهه هندواسي ۾ پڙهيو هوندو، گهمندي ڪنهن شهر ۾ وياسين، هڪ آنرري مئجسٽريٽ سان ملاقات ڪئي سين، چيائينم ته هڪ مائٽ چيم ته توهان کي ڪجهه ملندو به آهي؟ چيومانس سير نه ڏيڍو. لاڙڪاڻه ۾ زوري هائوس ٽيڪس ٿي پوي، مسٽر بولس جي بهادري۽ لياقت پيني بمبئي تاءُ بکي، زميندارن چيوسين ته ڪرسي جو آزار آهي، ڊپٽي گورو کي وياسين ڏسڻ، ٻه ڀائر وياسين هن وٽ، وڏي کي ڪرسي جو پروانو ڪو نه هو، هيڏي ڍل ڀريندو هو ته به هن کي ڪرسي ڪانه ڏنائين، اها آهي لياقت. هيڏانهن سوراج جي گهر، هيڏانهن سنڌ ۾ ههڙي هلت، عملدارن جي دلين تي سخت ڪٽر ويٺل آهي، و اسان کي ڪا به اختياري ڪا نه ڏيندا. چون ٿا ته لڙائي هن واسطي آهي ته ماڻهن کي سندن مڙني موجب حڪومت ڏجي پوءِ ڇو ٿا هندستان سان ڍلائي ڪن، لڙائي ۾ اسين مدد ڏينداسين، اسان جون دليون ٺريل هجن ته لڪها لشڪر تيار ٿي سگهن، اسان کي انجام ڪن ته اسان کي سوراج ملندو ته آءُ پهريون پهريون ئي لشڪر ۾ داخل ٿيندس. سي آءِ ڊي کي کپي ته اهو پيغام سرڪار جي ڌيان تي آڻين. هندستان جو سلطنت سان ڏيڍ سو ورهين کان ناتو آهي، هنن کان مدد نه وٺن پر جپلن کان! اها ڳالهه بروڪريسي لاءِ شرم جي آهي.

مسٽر عبدالرحمان… ڳالهائڻو باقي ڇا آهي، مسٽر چاگا! به سچ کولي پڌرا ڪيا دليلن سا، رعيت جي به خيرخواهي ڪئي اٿس ۽ سرڪار جي به. سوال هيءُ آهي ته اسان کي خوراج ڇو ملي ، ان لاءِ توهان کي سبب مليا آهن، اسان جا دليل ورهين کان ساڳيا آهن، سچ يا عمر ساڳيو رهندو، ديوي دمينتي چيو ته زالن کي مردن اٻلاچي چئي اٻلا ڪري ڇڏيو آهي، تيئن سرڪار به اسان کي هيڻو هيڻو چئي هيڻو ڪرڻ گهريو پر اسين هيڻا آهيون ئي ڪين. خيال ڪريو ته ماڻهن ۽ حاڪمن جي وچ ۾ خيالات ٿيئي ڪين، جڏهن بادشاهه رعيت جا عرض روبرو ٻڌندو هو، اسان جي حاڪمن ۾ گهڻيون خوبيون هيون، پهرين ڪهڙي بهاني آيا تن جو هاڻي ذڪر ڪو نه ڪرڻو آهي، پوءِ نيٺ جڏهن يورپ جي ٻين قومن سندن سئو ٽن پڇين تڏهن چيائون ته ويا آهيون هند واسين کي سڌارڻ، ولايت ۾ انگريز ڪهڙا نه آزاد خيال آهن، هتي منجهن ڪيتري نه ڦير آهي، هتي وڃ ڪنهن يورپي آفيسر کي ڏسڻ ته پهريائين ته پٽيوالي جو هٿ ڪوسو ڪر پوءِ صاحب پاڻ اسان جهڙن ولايت مان آيلن کي پاڻ وڌيڪ ترسائين، ولايت ۾ وزير اعظم کي ڪارڊ موڪل ته هڪدم گهرائيندو جي ڪنهن سبب ڪري نه گڏجي سگهندو ته هو افسوس ظاهر ڪندو ۽ لکندو ته ڪنهن ضروري ڪم ڪري توهان کي ڏسي نٿو سگهان، ولايت ۾ هڪ هندستاني پارليمينٽ ويو گهمڻ، اتي هڪ يورپي ملاتي نڪ مٿي ڪري چيو ته تون انهي ملڪ جو ماڻهو آهين، جنهن کيپنهنجي حڪومت ڪانهي، مان توسان ڪين ڳالهائيندس. Sense of self respect (آپ مان) اسان ۾ پيدا ٿيو آهن اهو نابود ٿي ڪين سگهندو، ٻانڀڻ سمجهندا آهي ته مسلمان گهٽ آهن، پر انگريز اسان کان اڳي گهڻو گهٽ ها، مسٽر ڀرڳڙي توهان کي ڪالهه کولي ٻڌايو، مان کان پڇو زميندارن جا حال هلڪي ۾ هلڪي زميندار کي عريضون ٿيون ڏيڻون پون حاڪمن کي، ڪائونسلن ۾ ڪير ٿو ٻڌي. واپاري اڳي ڪانفرنس ۾ شريڪ ڪين ٿيندا هوا، اڄ شڪارپوري ڀائر ڪيئن نه شريڪ ٿيا آهن، تعليم کي وڌايو. مهاراڻي وڪٽوريا صاحبه ايشور کي سا کي سمجهي اشتهار ڪڍيو ته هند واسين کي انگريزن جهڙو سمجهيو هند جي حاڪمن به اهو بحال ڪيو. ان تي عمل ڪيو اٿن؟ ان نظر سان هندواسين کي ڏسن ٿا؟ 20 ورهين کان هندستان ۾ اهو ايڪٽ پاس ٿيو، جنهن مان ثابت ٿيو ته رنگ روپ جو ڀيد آهي، اهو هو هٿيارن جو ايڪٽ، ادنيٰ يورپي جو هند واسين کان گهٽ آهي، اهو جرمن جنهن بابت انگلينڊ جون اخبارون الاجي ڇا جو ڇا پيون لکن، تنهن کي به هندستان ۾ هٿيار کڻڻ جي اختياري هئي ۽ راجڀڳت هند واسي کي گهر بچائڻ جي لاءِ هٿيار کڻڻ جي موڪل نه آهي. اڄ انهي ڪري اسان جي هي دردشا ٿي آهي. اڄ به فرانس جي رڻ ۾ شير بلوچ سو ربيرسکه آهن جن کي سڌ ڪانهي ته جنگ جي ميدان مان پٺي ڪيئن ڏجي. 24 مئي جي جمع جي ڏينهن افسوس جو 1904ع ۾ انهي سڳوري ڏينهن اهو قاعدو پاس ٿيو ته هندستان جي ماڻهن کي وڏيون نوڪريون نه ڏجن. افسوس! جي اسان جي سرڪار ساري دنيا ۾ زور وٺي ته هندواسين ۾ اعتقاد رکي هندواسين کي سوراج ڏئي راضي ڪري سندن دليون پاڻ ڏي ڇڪي وٺي ته هندواسي سلطنت جي لاءِ سر صدقي ڪرڻ لاءِ هر دم تيار رهندا. اسانکي اڄ سوراج ملي ته پنجن ڏهن ورهين جي اندر جرمن ڇا پر ساري دنيا هندواسين سان ڪين پڄي سگهي.

ڪرٽس جي تجويز —– ٺهراءُ پنجون

هن ڪانفرنس جي هيءَ راءِ آهي ته جيڪا رٿ سڌارن جي مسٽر ڪرٽس جي نالي سڏجي ٿي اها هندستان جي ماڃي ڪندي ۽ اها به مثل پوٿي جي آهي ۽ تنهن ڪري هن ڪانفرنس بلڪل سخت اعتراض ٿي وٺي ته اها رٿ سنڌ سان اصل نه لڳائي وڃي.

مسٽر ڄيٺمل پرسرام.. مون کي هي ٺهراءُ مليو آهي اهو ٺهراءُ بلڪل ننڍرو آهي، هندواسين جي دلين ۾ ڪهڙا جذبا ۽ خيال آهن سي اسان ٻڌا، هوم رولر جوان ڇتا ڪين ٿيا آهن، پر بزرگ ۽ وڏا به ڇتا ٿيا آهن، مسٽر ڪرٽس جي رٿ ڪهڙي آهي، مسٽر ڪرٽس جو نالو توهان ٻڌو هوندو، هن جي ٽنگ هندستان جي نصيب ۾ اچي اري آهي، هنجو مطلب آهي ته ڪالو نيز اها گهر ڪئي آهي ته حڪومت کين ضابطو ملي يعني هندستان هيئرن پنجن ئي پئنچن جي هٿ هيٺ رهي، پرسڻگون لڳي ويئون ۽ اتفاق سان پنو پڌرو ٿي پيو، ٻارهن مهينا هن حضرت ڪرٽس جو نالو ڪو نه ٻڌوسين، اسان ڀانيو ته ڇٽاسين پر هن مان ڇٽڻ ڪونهي، اهڙو ڀڀڪرو ڏئي نڪتو ۽ مانٽيگو جي اچڻ وقت ڇايا وجهي ڪن بنگالين کي برغلائي باز آندائين، خيال دل ۾ نه ڪريو ته هڪدم اسان کي بيوروڪريسي سوراج ڏيندي؟ ڪرٽس وائسراءِ ۽ وڏي عملدارن جي رنٻ رنٻ کي سهي ڪري رهيو آهي، سو اهي ۽ اهڙا ٻيا هن سان شامل آهن، گڏيل علائقن ۾ ليفٽنٽ گورنر ۽ پوليس عملدارن هن سان شامل هئا. 20 آگسٽ تي هي ڦيرو ڦريو، هو چوي ٿو ته هندستان کي سوراج ضرور ڏيڻو آهي ۽ چوي ٿو ته اسان کي بادشاهه سلامت جي چوڻ موجب سوراج ڏبو، پوءِ تڏهن اسين وٺڻ لاءِ تيار نه آهيون ڇا؟ چوي ٿو ته توهين لائق نه آهيو، توهان کي ڌيمي ڌيمي سوراج ڏبو، ڏسون ته تجويز جو بنياد ڪهڙي ڳالهه تي ٻڌل آهي. بنياد جون ٻه چار سٽون توهان کي پڙهي ٿو ٻڌايان. چوي ٿو ته جيڪو ٿورو سوراج جو ذرو ڏينداسين انهي جون واڳون هندواسين جي هٿ ۾ نه رهنديون، پر انگريزن جي پارليمينٽ جي ماڻهن کي جيڪي وڻندو سو توهان کي ڏيندا، جي متو پورو آهي ته نتيجا به پورا هوندا. اهو متو بادشاهه سلامت کي نه ٿو وڻي، طرفين جي ڪائونسل ٺهراءُ ڪيو آهي ته سڀني ملڪن ۾ سندن مرضي موجب حڪومت ڏجي، اتي جرمن جي بئنڪن جو سوال اٿيو. جرمن بئنڪن ۾ جابلو جهنگلي ماڻهو آهن، اهي بئنڪون انگريزن کي مليون آهن، انگريزن چيو آهي ته بئنڪن جي ماڻهن کان پڇجي ۽ انهن جي مرضي موجب کين حڪومت ڏجي ڇو هو چون ٿا ته اهي ماڻهو جرمن جي فائدي ۾ اصل نه آهن، جهنگلي قومن کي پنهنجي حڪومت سندن مرضي موجب ڏني ويندي ته پوءِ افسوس آهي مسٽر ڪرٽس لاءِ جو هو هندواسين کي جهنگلي ماڻهون جهڙو به نه سمجهي! پارليمينٽ جا ميمبر هندستان جي حالت کان اڻ واقف آهن، هندستان جي سوال مهل 10-15 ميمبر مس حاضر هجن، ان ڪري پاڻ چئبو ته انگريزن کي هندستان جي اصل خبر ڪانهي، اهڙن جي هٿ ۾ هندستان جي حڪومت جو فيصلو ڇڏڻ واجب ڪين آهي، هينئر هندستان ۾ ٽن قسمن جي حڪومت آهي، هڪ سملي جي جبل تي رهي ٿي، پر انهيءَ حڪومت کان پوءِ پرڳڻن جي حڪومت آهي، جهڙوڪ بمبئي سرڪار جنهن جو مکيه اسٿان آهي مها ڀليشور. ٽين حڪومت آهي ميونسپالٽي يعني خود مڪاني حڪومت. هندستاني اڃ ڇا گهري رهيا آهن، اسين ائين ڪو نه ٿا چئون ته گورا هڪدم ٽڪٽ وٺي لنڊن م وڃن، پر اسين چئون ٿا ته نوڪر شاهي حڪومت مان اسين ناراض آهيون، اها اسان کي ڪا نه گهرجي. مسٽر ڪرٽس چوي ٿو ته شاهي سرڪار جي حڪومت کي هٿ به نه لايو، يعني هندسرڪار ۾ تبديل اصل ڪا نه ٿي سگهندي ان ۾ هٿ نه لائبو، پر هند سرڪار بابت ميسوپوٽيميا ڪميشن جو چوڻ اهي ته لائق ڪين آهي. بغداد جي لڙائي ۾ انگريزن پهريائين مارايو. خوشيءَ جي ڳالهه آهي جو هنن پوءِ وري موٽي کٽيو، پر سولين (فرشتن) جي حڪومت جي مارائڻ ڪري انگلنڊ جي شاهي سرڪار کي تعجب لڳو سو ڪميشن مقرر ڪئي جن چيو ته اهو حڪومت جو سرشتو جهونو آهي، انهي ۾ ڦيرگهير ٿيڻ گهرجي، مسٽرڪرٽس جو ٻيو چوڻ آهي ته هند سرڪار ۾ توهان جو واسطو به ڪو نه رهندو، اسين چئون ٿا ته پريس ائڪٽ تلوار، هند جي بچاءُ جو ائڪٽ، انڪم ٽيڪس جو ائڪٽ سڀ هند سرڪار پاس ڪيا آهن، پوءِ تڏهن اسان کي ڪهڙو سؤراج ملندو، مسٽر ڪرٽس چوي ٿو ته هند سرڪار کي ڇڏي ڏيو، باقي پرڳڻن جي سرڪار کي وٺو، مسٽر ڪرٽس کي هڪ شاباس هجي جو چوي ٿو ته ليجسليٽو ڪائونسل جو نمونو بيوقوفي جو آهي، انهن ۾ سرڪاري ميمبر چوندو آهي ته هي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿئي يا ناپاس ٿئي، جنهن ڪري سرڪاري ڪامورن کي پتلن وانگر ڪنڌ ڌوڻڻو آهي، ڀل اتي ميمبر چونڊيل وڃن تڏهن ڪئن ٿو چوي ته اسان کي ان سرڪار جي فيصلي تي راضي رهڻ گهرجي، ڪاروباري ڪائونسل جا ميمبر هو اصل نه ٿين، پرڳڻي سرڪارين تي هاڻي اچون، بمبئي سرڪار ۾ پڻ هندستانين جو واسطو هئڻ نه گهرجي، شاهي ڪائونسل وانگر ايگزيڪيوٽو ڪائونسل م هندواسين کي پير پائڻ نه گهرجي. چوي ٿو ته بمبئي جي پريزيڊنٽي کي جدا ڀاڱن م ورهايو. مثلاً سنڌ جي پرڳڻي کي سوراج ڏيئي ڇڏيو. بمبئي کي هٿ نه لايو، هندستان کي هٿ نه لايو، هر هڪ ڀاڱي کي جدا جدا سوراج ڏيئي ڇڏيو، چوي ٿو ته ڪمشنر کي گورنر بنايو، بمبئي سرڪار وانگي سنڌ جي ڪمشنر کي شاهي وزارت ڏيو، اڳي هو بنا وزارت بادشاهه هو، هاڻي هو وزيرن سان بادشاهه ٿيندو، روينيو، جنگي، عدالتي، ڀنگ چرش، تعليم وغيره جا جدا جدا وغيره ڏيوس، بمبئي جي ڪائونسل ۾ به چار پنج وزير آهن، مسٽر ڪرٽس اسان کي اهي سڀ اختياريون ڏئي ته اسين ڏاڍا خوش ٿيون، پر هو ڪو نه ٿو چوي ته سنڌ جي ماڻهن کي وزير ڪجي، چوي ٿو ته سوراج جا اسين لائق نه آهيون، تعليم جي کاتي مان يونيورسٽي ۽ ڪاليجون ۽ هاءِ اسڪول سنڌين کي هلائڻ ڪين ايندا، وزير کي الف جي ۽ ٻي جي ڏيوس، ڏيڍ سو ورهين ۾ انگريزن ڪهڙي ترقي ڪئي، سندس منهن ڦڪو به نٿو لڳي، چوي ته هندستانين کي ميونسپل حڪومت سموري ڏيو، ڪسيون صفا ڪرائڻ جون اختياريون هند واسين کي ڏيو، ان لاءِ اسان کي سوراج ڏيو، ڪسين جو وزير! حيرت جي ڳالهه آهي، اسان جي ڳوٺ ۾ شمعدانن کي اڳريون ٿڳريون لڳل هيون، اها آهي سندن ڪاميٽي جي لائقي، هڪ وزيري ڪين جي، ٻي روشنائي جي، ٽين لوڪل بورڊن جي رستن جي، چوٿين الف بي انهن مان هو وزيراعظم بنائيندو. اسين حيدرآبادي پهنجي سڳوري ميمبر کي وزير ڪري موڪلينداسين، خدا ڪري ميان پير بخش وزير اعظم ٿئي، ست سال وات مان هڪ لفظ به ڪو نه ڪڍڻو پوندو. 1932ع ۾ بيو سوراج ڏبو، پوءِ هڪ ڪميشن مقرر ٿيندي، آلو نور جئن اڳين ڪميشن وانگر مقرر ٿيندي، پوءِ هاءِ اسڪولن جي تعليم توهان کي ملندي، ستن سالن کانپوءِ توهان کي ڀنگ چرش جو وزير ملندو، وري ٻين ستن سالن کان پوءِ اهڙي طرح ستن ستن سالن کانپوءِ وينداسين، توهان کي وڌيڪ اختياريون ڏيندا، مسٽر داس چيس ته ندوري C.I.D جنهن اسان جي رڳن کي به ساري ڇڏيو آهي ۽ پوليس جي اختاري ڏيو انهيءُ تي مسٽر ڪرٽس جي ننڊ ڦٽي آهي، خبر نه آهي ته ڪڏهن اسان کي سوراج ملندو، چوي ته شاهي خزاني مان ڪجهه پئسا توهان کي ملندا پر نه وڌيڪ پڇوس ته اسان جي سنڌ ڇو اچي ياد پئي آهي. اسان جي بدقسمتي آهي، اُٿو سنڌ کي سجاڳ ڪريو، نه ته ڪمشنري سوراج سديو توهان تي قائم رهندو.

مسٽر لولا… هي رٿ اها آهي، جنهن تي اسان جو هميشه جو مدار آهي، هندواسين جي سرتئي وڏو بوجو آهي ته اسين ڪئن ٿا پاڻ ملهايون، اهڙي وقت اسين ڇا ٿا ڪريون تنهن بابت اسان جي آزمائش ٿيڻي آهي، بادشاهه سلامت جو به چوڻ آهي ته هندستان کي سوراج ڏيو، اسين ڇا ٿا گهرون، تنهن کان بروڪريسي کي چڱي طرح واقف ٿين گهرجي، اسان کي جوابدار حڪومت کان گهٽ اصل نه گهرجي. سوال آهي ته اها حڪومت ڪنهن سان جوابدار ٿيندي، ڪاروبار حڪومت ليجسليٽو حڪومت جي جوابدار ٿيندي، تڏهن چئبو ته اسان کي جوابدار حڪومت آهي، ان ۾ اسان جا چونڊيل ميمبر ٿيڻ گهرجن. ڪرٽس رٿ ۾ اسان کي ڪجهه به ڪين ٿو ملي.

مسٽر نهالچند.. ڪرٽس رٿ جون خاميون مسٽر ڄيٺمل ظاهر ڪيون آهن، ارڪان آهن ته اسان جي سرڪار اها رٿ سنڌ جي نسبت قبول ڪري ٿي، ارڪان هي آهن ته وائسرائي ۽ گورنر ۽ ليفٽننٽ گورنر سان گڏ مسٽر ڪرٽس کي به نينڊ ٿي، ٻيو ڪو به غير عملدار ڪو نه ويو هو، مسٽر چنتامني ان بابت سوال پڇيو ته هو اتي ڪيئن آيو، ئ هن گورنرن کي گهڻي وقت کان صلاح پئي ڏني آهي، وائسرائي جي ڪائونسل ۾ به جيڪي تقريرون ٿيون آهن، انهن مان به ڪرٽس جي رٿ جي بانس پئي اچي، هاڻي اسان تي فرض آهي ته ماڻهن کي خبردار ڪريون ته ان رٿ ۾ ڇا آهي ۽ ڪو به ديسي ماڻهو ان رٿ ۾ شامل نه ٿئي ۽ ڪو به درجو نه وٺي

ٺهراءُ ڇهون : سنڌ ۾ هائوس ٽيڪس

هي ڪانفرنس نهايت زور سان عملدارن جي انهيءَ نموني کي نندي ٿي، جو هنن ڪيترين نامينيٽيڊ (مقرر ڪيل) ميونسپالٽي ۾ زوري ۽ عام خلقت جي نهايت رنجيدگي ۽ ناراضپي هوندي به هائوس ٽيڪس مڙهي آهي ۽ حضور جن جنهن نموني ۾ لاڙڪاڻي، روهڙي ۽ مانهند جي ميونسپالٽين ۾ هائوس ٽيڪس وڌو ويو آهي تنهن تي هن ڪانفرنس جي سخت اعتراض آهي، هي ڪانفرنس هند سرڪار کي هي ڳالهه ذهن نشين ٿي ڪرائي ته اهڙي زبردستي جي هلت ڪري عام ماڻهن جو اعتقاد انگريزن جي آزاد کي پسند خيالي ۾ گهٽ ٿيڻ جو امڪان آهي.

مسٽر ڀوڄسنگه …….. ڪراچي ۾ جيڪي صاحب رهو ٿا ۽ جن کي ڪليڪٽر جي هتي جي ايتري خبر ڪانهي، تن کي خبر ڪانهي ته ڪيئن سنڌ جي ڪيترن ننڍن شهرن ۾ هائوس ٽيڪس ڪامورن جي زبردستي ڪري پوي ٿي، لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ڪمشنر ڪليڪٽر کي حڪم ڏنو آهي ته جي ميمبر قبول نه ڪن ته زوري انهن کي هائوس ٽيڪس قبول ڪرائجي سا ڳالهه ثابت ٿي ڪري ته مڪاني حڪومت نه ٿي، لاڙڪاڻي جي ڪليڪٽر اخبار ۾ لکيو ته هائوس ٽيڪس پوڻ گهرجي، تنهن تي سڀ ماڻهو پئنچاتون ڪري وٽس ويا جنهن ڪري هن ڪمشنر صاحب کي لکيو ته هتي هائوس ٽيڪس نه پوي. پر مٿان حڪم آيس ته ضرور پوي، پراڻن شهرن ۾ مسواڙ ڪانهي، ملڪيت جو اگهه وڏو آهي، مسوار آنو سو تي ڪو نه ٿي ملي، اتي ملڪيت جي قيمت تي هائوس ٽيڪس وڃن ٿا، يعني ڪه گروي جو وياج ڏيڻو آهي، ميونسپالٽي جي ميٽنگ ۾ عيوضي ڪليڪٽر وٽ ويا، شهر جي ميمبرن استعيفا ڏني، هنن ٻيا ميمبر مقرر ڪري هائوس ٽيڪس جي رٿ بحال ڪئي، اهڙي حالت روهڙي ۾ ٿي، اهڙي حالت مانجهند ۾ ٿي، لاڙڪاڻه ۽ روهڙي کي چونڊيل ميونسپالٽيون جلد ملڻيون هيون، ماڻهن ڪمشنر صاحب کي چيو ته چونڊيل ميمبر اچن پوءِ هائوس ٽيڪس جو سوال اچي پين، اها ڳالهه نه قبول ٿي، هاڻي وري انهن تي سرڪاري ڪامورا چيف آفيسر مقرر ڪيا، وڃن سکر جي درٻار ۾ ڪمشنر صاحب چيو ته سنڌ ۾ ڪي حرڪتي ماڻهو آهن، جي ماڻهن کي پيا گمراهه ڪن ته هائوس ٽيڪس پوڻ نه گهرجي، پر اها ڪمشنر صاحب جي HOBBY ٿي رهي آهي، سرڪار کي ميونسپالٽين کي خاص گرانٽون ڏيڻيون آهن، سرڪار ڪسين ۽ نلن لاءِ هميشه پئسا ڏيندي آهي، پوءِ به زبردستي ڪري ماڻهن تي سندن مرضيءَ جي خلاف هائوس ٽيڪس وجهڻ نه کپن، ان بابت بمبئي ۽ هند سرڪار کي استدعا ڪرڻ گهرجي.

مسٽر لعل چند نولرائي……. هن رٿ تي منهنجي مرضيءَ نه هئي ته مان ڪجهه چوان، ڇو جو مان ان دردناڪ ملڪ مان آيو آهيان، پر صاحبن جو مطلب هو ته مون کي ذاتي خبر آهي، تنهن ڪري مان توهان کي سچي حقيقت مان واقف ڪريان، هي سوال هائوس ٽيڪس جو نه آهي، پر سوراج سان تعلق رکندڙ آهي، مڪاني حڪومت جي مول متي خيال ويٺو ته ميونسپالٽين کي وڌيڪ چونڊيل ميمبر ملندا، تنهن ڪري هنن کي پنهنجو پريزيڊنٽ چونڊڻ جو حق ملندو، تنهن ڪري چڱو ٿئي جي سرڪاري ڪامورو چيف آفيسر ميونسپالٽي ۾ رکجي، اها رٿ سندس من ۾ ئي رهي، پر طاهري سبب اهو ئي ڏيڻ ۾ آيو ته شهر ۾ سڌارا ڪبا، انهي لاءِ هائوس ٽيڪس وڃجي، چيف آفيسر جو 150- 200 اسسٽنٽ جو، 70- 100 پگهار باقي ڇا رهندو، هائوس ٽيڪس مان ٽي هزار اپت ٿيندي روهڙيءَ مان.

مسٽر سنتداس…. ننڍري هوندي ڪن تي پرلاءُ ٻڌو هوم ته ”هائوس ٽيڪس“ پوندي، پڇيم ته اها هائوس ٽيڪس ڇا آهي، چيائون ته جن گهرن ۾ رهو ٿا تن تي محصول ڀري ڏيڻا پوندا، هائوس ٽيڪس جي متا اصل خراب ڪين آهن، مون کي پاڻ انهن مان ڪي پسند آهن، پر خود مڪاني حڪومت جي متي موجب ماڻهن جي مرضي موجب ٽيڪس ٻڌڻ گهرجي، منهنجو اعتراض آهي ته ٽيڪس تي پر جنهن نموني تي اها ٻڌڻ ۾ ٿي اچي، تڏهن چئبو ته عملداري حڪومت آهي، نه خود حڪومت، مانجهند ۾ ڏاڍو ظلم آهي، پراڻيون ڀونگيون آهن، پهرين هائوس ٽيڪس بحال ڪا نه ڪيائون وري ٿوري مهل کان پوءِ اها رٿ اتي جو اتي آئي، جن وري هائوس ٽيڪس جي رٿ ۾ ووٽ ڏنو، تن کي زمينون امداد ٿيون آهن، ان بابت سول ڪورٽ ۾ دعويٰ هلي.

مسٽر عبدالرحمان …… منهنجي همدردي لارڪاڻه سان آهي، مان پهريائين لاڙڪاڻه ۾ ويٺل هوس، ڳالهه اصول جي آهي، ٽيڪس ڪهڙي متي تي پوي، جنهن شهر جي فائدي لاءِ ٽيڪس وجهجي ان لاءِ ماڻهن کان پڇي ڍل وجهجي، مسٽر ڀرڳڙي رٿ پيش ڪئي ته سيس ٽيڪس اسان جي فائدي ۽ تعليم لاءِ ڍل وجهو، پر سرڪار چيو ته اسين زوري ڍل نه وجهنداسين، جڏهن پاڻهي پيا سر ڏين ته نٿا وٺن پر جڌهن ماڻهو ناراض تڏهن هنن جي مرضي جي بر خلاف هائوس تيڪس وجهڻ ڪامورن جي شان جي خلاف آهي، آفيسرن جي مهربانين جي امتحان جو سرٽيفڪيٽ هن جلد پاس ڪيو، ٻيو مسلمان دوست جنهن ڪانفرنس وقت اسان جي ڏاڍي مدد ڪئي، سڌارو به ڪو نه ڪري سگهجي، پئسو به پيدا ڪو نه ٿئي، مسوار تي ميمبر آڻي انهن کان واقف ووٽ وٺي هائوس ٽيڪس وٺي ٽڪيس مڙهڻ مان ڇا فائدو، اسان جي هٿ ۾ علاج ڪو نهي، پر اخلاقي متو آهي، سرڪار جي ان ڪرڻي تي پنهنجو رايو ظاهر ڪرڻو آهي، لاڙڪاڻه جو ڏکه سنڌ جو ڏکه آهي.

ٺهراءُ ستون : ڪمين جي پارٽي جو شڪر ادائي

هي ڪانفرنس انگلينڊ ي ڪمين جي پارٽي جي نهايت شڪرگذار آهي، جو هنن ڀارت ڀومي کي هوم رول ملڻ ۾ تجدلي مدد ڪئي آهي ۽ پرن ڪيواٿن ته هو پارليمينٽ جي اندر خواهه ٻاهر مدد ڪندا.

 

ٽيون ڏينهن : 1 اپريل 1918ع

1 بجه مهل ڪاروائي شروع ٿي، پهرين ”ڀارت همارا ديس هي“ راڳ پوءِ ٻيو راڳ ڳايو.

ٺهراءُ اٺون : قومي تعليم

هي ڪانفرنس قومي تعليم تي واڌاري لاءِ برپا ڪيل سوسائٽي سان تهدل همدردي ظاهر ٿي ڪري ۽ جيڪي متا ۽ مرادون ان سوسائٽي جا آهن تن سان هي ڪانفرنس بلڪ يڪراي آهي، هي ڪانفرنس سنڌ جي سڀني ماڻهن ۽ مجمونن کي وينتي ٿي ڪري قومي تعليم جي واسطي وڏي دل سان هر طرح پيسي جي مدد ڏين ۽ قومي تعليم واسطي مقرر ڪيل هفتي جي محفائي ۾ هرئون توڙي ورئون دل و جان سان مدد ڏين.

مسٽر سنتداس منگهارام …. هي رٿ لنبيري آهي، تنهن ڪري انگريزيءَ ۾ نٿو پڙهان.

صاحبو. جيڪڏهن هن رٿ جي هڪ هڪ فقره جو بيان ڪريان ته ڪلاڪ به پورو ڪين پوندو، پهريون اصول آهي ڌرمي وديا يعني تعليم جنهن کان سواءِ انسان حيوان سمان آهي، جنهن ۾ ڌرم نه آهي، سو پسونءِ سمان آهي، نورالهي آتما کانسواءِ انسان حيوان آهي، ٻيو اصول آهي انسان. 1. آتما. 2. دل. 3. مغز. 4. جسم. آتما جو قوت آهي ڌرمي وديا، دل جو قوت آهي اخلاقي تعليم ۽ ديس ڀڳتي. دماغ جي تعليم ۾ به رولا پيا آهن، ڪن جو خيال آهي ته ڪتابي وديا پاڙهيو، ڀارت جي بکه هنرن ۽ واپار مان ئي لهندي، پهرين تجارتي هنري کيتي جي وديا قومي تعليم وارا ڏيندا، اسين ڪتابي وديا جي بر خلاف ڪو نه آهيون

اتم کيتي… ڏسو حال مئٽرڪيوليشن ڇوڪرو پڙهيو ته در در پني خط وٺي نوڪري ڪندو، پنڻ اختيار ڪرڻ کي اڃا سڱ ٿيندا آهن ڇا؟ اسان کي اهي جوان کپن جي ڪارخانا کولين، ملس کولين، نوڪرن جو مان به گروي آهي، ڪرٽس قبول ٿو ڪري ته خود گورن عملدارن کي به وويڪ انوسار ووٽ ڏيڻ جو اختيار ڪو نهي، ڪي چون ٿا ته اها تعليم ته چڱي پر ان ڪري اسان کي نوڪري ته ڪا نه ملندي، مان پڇان ٿو ته اسان کي سديو نوڪرئي رهڻو آهي؟ ڇو اسين حاڪم ڪين ٿينداسين ڇا؟ حاڪمي ملندي واپار ۽ کيتي مان بدني ورزش جو بلڪل ضرور آهي، قومي تعليم جي ترقي لاءِ سنڌ قومي ڪاليج برپا ڪيو ويو آهي، ڪاليج جي ڪم شروع ڪرڻ کان اڳ سڀ ماستر ۽ وديا رٿي گڏجي هندو نموني ۾ فرش تي ويهي ايشور جي آر ڌنا ڪن ٿا. ڌرمي تعليم هر هفتي ۾ ٻه ٽي ڪلاڪ ڏني وڃي ٿي، مهراج تلڪ، گانڌي، گورو نانڪ صاحب ۽ ٻين اهڙي ست پرشن جا جيون چرتر ٻڌائي هنن ۾ ديس ڀڳتي ۽ ديس قرب ڏنو وڃي ٿو. رسائين وديا.Chemistry پاڙهڻ ۾ اچي ٿي، قومي تعليم جي اها مراد ڪانهي ته اسين مولوي ۽ پنڊت پيدا ڪريون، مغرب جي وديا جي نموني تي وديا ڏني وڃي ٿي، تجارت جو پروفيسر به خاص وديا ڏئي ٿو، ضرور انهي ڪاليج کي اچي ڏسجو، ساري سنڌ لاءِ اهو ڪاليج آهي، گڏيل علائقن ۽ احمد آباد مان به شاگرد آيا آهن، ٻين هنڌان به درخواستون اچن ٿيون، انهن کي داخل ڪريون ٿا، پيسي جي مدد حيدرآباد چڱي ملي، مکي ڄيٺانند 5100، ڀرڳڙي 5000، ٻن هفتن ۾ پنجاهه هزار مليا، ڪراچيءَ پاڻ چڱو موکيو آهي، شڪارپور ۾ بيماري سبب ڪين مدد گهري سين، هاڻي هو وڏي دل سان مدد ڏيندا، خاص ڪانفرنس ۾ نئشنل ڪاليج جا شاگرد والنٽيئر ها، سيٺ نصروانجي جي ملس ۾ باه وقت شام 5 کان 12 بجي رات تائين ڪم پي ڪيائون، هن ڪانفرنس ۾ هو شيوا پيا ڪن، اهي شاگرد هتي موجود آهن، ساراهه ڪرڻ نٿو چاهيان، ديس ڀڳتي ۽ شيوا جا انگ منجهن پيا وجهون، ماتر ڀومي اسان جو اشت آهي، ڌرم آهي پهريون فرض، وديا آهي ٻيو فرض، اهي ٻئي فرض اسان ۾ هوندا ته ڇو ته اسان جو مان مٿي ٿيندو، پيسو ڏيو ادار چت ٿيو، مانجهند هڪ ڏينهن ۾ 400 رپيا ڏنا، قومي هفتي ۾ بندوبست تحسين جوڳو آگهي، حيدرآباد ۾ پليگه آهي هو هفتي ايندا، سڀني شهرن جا ماڻهو ان ۾ مدد ڏين، ان هفتي ۾ سڀ ڀائر ورت رکن، بلغفولي جي خرچ جي بچت اسان کي ڏين، موٽرن ۾ نه چڙهن، پيٽرول جي بچت اسان کي ڏين، حيدرآباد جا ٻالڪ اسان کي هفتي ۾ پنهنجي خرچي مان پيسا ڏين ٿا، توهين مدبر به اسان کي اميد ته وڏي دل سان ڏيندا.

مسٽر جمشيد مهتا……. جيڪي قومي تعليم بابت چوڻو هو سو مسٽر سنتداس چيو آهي هاڻوڪي تعليم ڪري ماڻهو من جو غلام ۽ سرڪار جو غلام ٿو ٿئي، قومي تعليم جو مکيه متو آهي ته ديس شيوا، ماءُ پيءُ جي شيوا، ڪٽنب جي شيوا سيکارجي، قومي تعليم ڪري غلام گيري مان ڇٽجي ٿو، ماڻهو هاڻوڪي تعليم ڪري آفيسر ڏسي غلام ٿي پنهنجا سڇا خيال ظاهر نه ٿا ڪن، هنن جي راءِ سان ها ۾ ها ملائن ٿا، قومي ڪاليج جا شاگرد ديس شيوا سکن ٿا، هوم رول جو پهريون ڏاڪو ديس شيوا آهي، حيدرآباد جي ڪاليج خاص حيدرآباد لاءِ نه آهي، ڳجهه ڳجهه ۾ اهڙا اسڪول ۽ ڪاليج کولبا، ڪراچي ۾ بسنتي اسڪول کليو آهي، ان کي به مدد ڪريو.

مسٽر نارائڻداس وشنداس…. توهان صاحبن مان گهڻو نئشنل ڪاليج ڏٺو هوندو، گذريل هفتي مون پاڻ اهو وڃي ڏٺو، ان جو خاص متو آهي ته هندستان جي ڇوڪرن کي هندستاني بنايون، هاڻوڪي وديا موجب اسان جا ڇوڪرا وديشي ٿين ٿا، هاڻوڪي وديا ڪري اسان کي ديس جي ٻولي قوم، ملڪ ۽ ڀڳتن لاءِ پيار ڪونهي، قومي تعليم ڪري انهن سڀني لاءِ اسان ۾ پريم ۽ اتساه وڌي ٿو، ضرور انهي ڪري قوم لاءِ فڪر ٿ يندو جنهن ڪري اسان کي هوم رول ملندو، اها نئين وديا نه آهي، منوسمرتي پڙهي ڏسو ان موجب وديا ڏئي ماڻهوءَ کي ماڻهو بنائن ٿ ا، ڌن جي مدد بلڪل ضرور آهي، تنهن ڪري اميد ته ڌني پرش وڏي دل سان مدد ڪندا.

مسٽر عبدالرحمان….. وقت تنگ هجڻ ڪري بلڪل ٿورو چوندس. متان ائين چوڻ ۾ اچي ته قومي تعليم فقط هندن لاءِ آهي، مون اها ڪاليج وڃي اکين سان ڏٺي اهي، اتي خاص پڇا ڪيم ته خاص مسلمانن لاءِ مذهبي تعليم لاءِ ڪهڙو بندوبست رکڻ ۾ اچي ٿو، جهيڙا اسان ۾ فقط ڌرمي ڳاليهن ڪري ٿين ٿا، مسلمان ڀائر چوندا ته هتي مدرسه آهي، اسان کي مسلماني ڪاليج کولڻ جو ارادو آهي، پوءِ تڏهن ڇو ٿا هندن سان شامل ٿيڻ گهرو، انهيءَ جي جواب ۾ ٿو چوان ته اسين سنڌي آهيون، سنڌ جي سڌاري لاءِ خاص ڪوشش ڪرڻ گهرجي، مسلمانن جو تعداد سنڌ ۾ گهڻو آهي، کيتي جي تعليم به مسلمانن لاءِ فائدي واري آهي، جئن تعليم وڃي ٿي وڌندي تنهن ڪري اسان کي ڪوڙي تعليم ۽ هٺ ڪري گهرجي، حلج ڪرڻ کان لچ ٿي اچئيون پوڙي ڪري گهر ۾ پيسو هجين يا نه، يورپ ۾ لارڊ گهرجون شيون وڃي ٿا خريد ڪن، اسان کي ڇو ٿي لڄ اچي تنهن ڪري توهان کي عرض ٿو ڪريان ته سجاڳ ٿيو، جاڳو ۽ ملڪ جي انتي لاءِ سعيو ڪريو.

سيٺ لوڪارام…….. سوراج جي رٿ ڪالهه پيش ٿي، اڄ قومي تعليم جي رٿ پيش آهي، سوراج جو پهريون مول آهي قومي وديا، قومي وديا ڪري آزادگي ۽ مردانگي پيدا ٿئي ٿي، جنهن وقت اوديا ۽ جهالت دنيا ۾ هئي، جنهن وقت ماڻهو ڌرم ڪرم کان ڪريل ها، تنهن وقت هندستان ۾ ڏيئو ٻريو ٿي، يعني مذهبي علميت جي ڪري اوديا جي اونداهه نورت ٿي، انهي ڪري يورپ جون بادشاهتون ڊوڙنديون آيون هندستان ۾، اهو ڀارت جنهن ساري دنيا کي روشن ڪيو ٿي سو اڄ اوديا جي ڪري اونداهه ۾ غلطان آهي، هنر چٽ ٿي ويا آهن، اڄ مئنچيسٽر جي ڪپڙي لاءِ اسين پريشان آهيون، اهو ان ڪري جو ڪاريگريون ۽ هنر ناس ٿي ويا آهن، سنيون ۽ ٽاچنيون به ٻين وٽان اسان کي ملن ٿيون، قومي تعليم جي نه هجي ته وياس و شوا متر جهڙا رشي جيڪر نه پيدا ٿي سگهن ها، اڄ به انهن جي نالي ڪري اسان کي فخر پيو آهي، جي وري قومي تعليم تي زور رکيو ته وري به ڀيم ۽ ارجن پيدا ٿي سگهن ٿا.

زوري ابتدائي تعليم

ٺهراءُ نائون

هي ڪانفرنس لارڊ ولنکڊن جي سرڪار جي شڪرگذار آهي جو هنن آنربل مسٽر پٽيل جي ائڪٽ جي پٺڀرائي ڪئي، جنهن ائڪٽ موجب ميونسپالٽي جي حدن اندر زوري ابتدائي تعليم جاري ڪري سگهجي ٿي، پر سرڪار جي ڌيان تي هي ڳالهه آڻجي ٿي ته انهيءَ ائڪٽ جا متا ٻهراڙيءَ ۾ به عمل ۾ آندا وڃن ۽ جنهن ميونسپالٽيءَ ۾ زوري ابتدائي تعليم جو ائڪٽ لڳايو وڃي تنهن جي زوري تعليم تي خرچ جون ٻه ڀاڱي ٽي پتيون سرڪاري ڏئي، هي ڪانفرنس سڀني وڏين ميونسپالٽين جي مشيرن کي استدعا ٿي ڪري ته هو پنهنجن پنهنجن ميونسپالٽين اندر زوري ابتدائي تعليم جاري ڪن ته پنهنجي خرچ جي حصي ڀرڻ جو بندوبست ڪن.

آنرايبل مسٽر هرچندراءِ………. منهنجو ارادو ڪونهي هن ٺهراءُ تي تقرير ڏيڻ جو، 1. انهيءَ ڪري جو مون ان تي ڪيتريون تقريرون ڏنيون آهن، 2. ڪيترن کي ان تي ڳالهائڻو آهي، پريزيڊنٽ صاحب کي مون خاص استدعا ڪئي ته منهنجو نالو ڪڍي ڇڏي، پر هنن جو چوڻ هو ته ڪراچي ميونسپالٽي جي پاران مان ظاهر ڪريان مان چوان ٿو ته ڪراچي ميونسپالٽيءَ ۽ ڪراچي جا ماڻهو ان لاءِ قرباني ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار آهن، مسٽر پٽيل جي بل جي پٺ ڀرائي ڪرڻ لا3 سڀ ڪو راضي آهي، وديا بابت ڪيترو چئي ٻڌايون، سڀ خرابيون اوديا جي ڪري ٿين ٿيون، سڀ چڱايون وديا جي ڪري ٿين ٿيون، وديا کان سواءِ ماڻهو پسون سمان آهي، اسين سڀ قومي تعليم جي فائدي ۾ اهيون، پر جيستائين ايتري قومي وديا ڦهلجي تنهن وچ ۾ اسان کي کپي ته اسين زوري مفت تعليم جو قلم لاڳو ڪريون، نئون ٽيڪس وجهي به قرباني ڪريون پر ٽيڪس ماڻهن جي مرضيءَ موجب پوڻ گهرجي، سوراج جي معنيٰ ئي آهي ماڻهن جي مرضي، اسان جو ڌرم آهي ته ماڻهن جي مرضيءَ موجب ٽيڪسون پون، اسان جا دشمن چون ته توهين اڻ پڙهيل جاهل آهيو انهن کي جواب ڏيڻ لا3 قرباني ڪرڻ گهرجي.

مسٽر چاڳلا…….هي رٿ جا آنربل مسٽر هر چند راءِ پيش ڪئي آهي، تنهن بابت مون کي چوڻو آهي ته جيڪڏهن سوراج جي هل چل ايتري نه ٿي هجي ها جنهن ۾ ڳالهائيندڙن ائين نه ڏيکاريو هجي ها ته اسين سرڪار جي غفلت ڪري اوديا جي اونداهه ۾ آهيون ته جيڪر مسٽر پٽيل جو بل پاس نه ٿئي ها، گهڻي خوشي جي ڳالهه آهي ته بمبئي سرڪار اهو بل پاس ڪيو، پر جيستائين تعليم تعليمي کاتي جي هاڻوڪي رستي موجب هلندي تيستائين اسان کي بلڪ ٿورو فائدو رسندو، هيءَ تجويز عمل ۾ اچي پوءِ هر ڪنهن ميونسپالٽيءَ کي کپي ته تبديليون تعليم کاتي جي ڌيان تي آڻن ۽ اهي عيب نورت ڪرائين. ٻي ڳالهه اها آهي ته قومي تعليم جيتوڻيڪ هاڻي عمل ۾ آئي آهي ته به مسلمان مسلم يونيورسٽي کولڻ کان ان جي فائدي ۾ ها، پر افسوس جو اها يونيورسٽي اسان جي مرضيءَ موجب نه برپا ٿي، تعليم اسان جي مرضيءَ ۽ گهرجن موجب ملي ته عملدارن جي.

مسٽر مولچند پيسومل…… معزز صاحبن هن رٿ تي جيڪي چيو آهي تنهن کان وڌيڪ مون کي هي چوڻو آهي ته بمبئي سرڪار هاڻي بل پاس ڪري هيءَ سهنج اسان کي ڏنو آهي تنهن حالت ۾ سنڌ جي سڀني ميونسپالٽين کي هن جو وجهه وٺڻ گهرجي ۽ تڪليف ۽ قرباني ڪري به زوريءَ ۽ مفت تعليم جو قلم پاڻ سان لاڳو ڪرڻ گهرجي، سڀ مدد سرڪار نه ڏيندي ۽ پاڻ تي تڪليف سهي فائدو وٺون، هڪ آنربل ميمبر چيو ته اسان کي بل جي لاڳو ڪرڻ ڪري نوڪر ملندائي ڪين اها کل جهڙي ڳالهه آهي.

مسٽر نارائنداس نندجي (گجراتي ۾) …… رٿ جي ترجيح ڪئي ۽ چيائين ته جيتري ان رٿ جي لاءِ ڪوشش ڪجي اوتري ٿوري آهي، هندستان جا هيترا پرش ۽ استريون لکي پڙهي نه ڄاڻن انهن سڀني جي پاڙهڻ جو اونو اسان کي هئڻ گهرجي ۽ انهن جي پاڙهڻ لا3 بندوبست اسان کي ڪرڻ جڳائي، سرڪار لڙائي تي هيڏو خرچ ٿي ڪري، اسان جي اوديا نورت ڪرڻ لاءِ جي انهن کان گهڻو گهٽ خرچ ٿئي ته اسين سڀ پڙهي سرڪار کي دعائون ڪريون. انڊين سول سور ۽ انڊين پوليس سروس ڪري هندستان ۾ تعليم ۽ صفائي تي ايڏو خرچ سرڪار ڪري نه ٿي سگهي، ڇو جو سرڪار انهن کان وڏا پگهار ٿي ڏي.

ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام…… سکيا جو سوال وديا جو پرشن سڀ کان ڀاري آهي، سڀ سڌريل قومون ڳالهه جي ضرورت سمجهن ٿيون، مفت زوري تعليم جو قلم جت ڪٿ لاڳو آهي، هر ڪنهن ديس ۾ اهو نيم آهي ته سڀ ٻالڪ ۽ ٻالڪيون علم پڙهن، برودي ۽ ميسور ۾ به اهو قلم لاڳو آهي، سرڪار کي اهو اڳي کان ڪرڻ کپندو هو، پر گورا عملدار وڏيون ڀلون پيا ڪن، آنربل مسٽر گوڪلي جي بل جي برخلاف وديا هاڻي مسٽر پٽيل جي بل جي پٺ ڀرائي ڪئي اٿن، هاڻي اسان کي کپي ته ميونسپالٽين ۽ لوڪل بورڊن کي ان باري ۾ ڪوشش ڪرڻ گهرجي. مسٽر ڪرٽس جو چوڻ آهي ته توهان جا ووٽر اڻ پڙهيل آهن، اسان جي ديس ۾ وڏا واپاري آهن، اسين جهنگلي نه آهيون، پر سڌريل آهيون، ته به اسان کي گهرجي ته اهو قلم لاڳو ڪريون، ڪراچي پهرين وکه کنئي آهي، حيدرآباد جي ڪمبختي آهي اسان کي ميونسپالٽي ڪانهي، جڏهن ملندي تڏهن اسين ضرور اهو قلم لاڳو ڪنداسين، سکر، شڪارپور ۽ ٻين ميونسپالٽين کي به اهوڪم ڪرڻ گهرجي، جي پيسو نه هجي ته محصول وجهجي، ان مان به پورائي نه ڪري سگهون ته چندا ڪريو. سيٺين وٽ وڃو ته جي پيسا ڏيندا ته توهان جي پتا جي نالي تي اسڪول کولينداسين.

مسٽر ڏيپچند…….. هن رٿ جا ٻه ڀاڱا آهن، جئن ته سرڪار ميونسپالٽين کي زوري ابتدائي علم جو قلم ڪن اسان کي گهرجي ته ننڍن ڳوٺن ۾ به اهو قلم لاڳو ٿئي، جي سرڪار جواب ڏئي ته اسان وٽ جنگ جي ڪري خرچ ڪري نه سگهندي ته کيس استدعا ڪجي ته انگلڊن ۾ جيئن تعليم تي وڏي دل سان خرچ ٿو ڪرڻ ۾ اچي، تئن هتي به ٿئي، ابتدائي تعليم ڪري سڀ پاڻ ۾ کير ٿي وينداسين، پوءِ اسين سڀ سوراج جي ڪوشس ڪنداسين، هاڻي سو مان ڏهن کي فقط وديا ملي ٿي، جي سون کي ئي وديا ملي ته سوين گوڪلي ۽ تلڪ پيدا ٿيندا ۽ سوين سرلا ديويون ۽ سرو جني نئدو پيدا ٿينديون، پرهيلن جو اولاد به سپاتر ٿيندو، اسان کي ان ڪري ضرور سوراج نصيب ٿيندو.

مسٽر نرسنگه لعل…. هندو ڌرم شاستر موجب وديا بند ڪرڻ مها مچا آهي، محصول هر ڪنهن تي 8 آنا ٿو پوي، پوڻا ٽي آنا تعليم تي خرچ ٿا ٿين، ڇو نه سڀ پئسا ٿي سرڪار اسان جي تعليم تي خرچ ڪري، ولايت ۾ هن مهاڀاري جنگ جي وقت به هيڏي وڏي دل سان رچ ٿو ڪرڻ ۾ اچي، هندستان ۾ ڇو تنگدلي ٿي ٿئي، اسان سان لڳي ماءُ وانگر ڇو ٿي هلت ٿئي، هڪ راجا حڪم ڪيو هو ته جيڪڏهن منهنجي ملڪ ۾ ڪو به شاستري نه پڙهندو ته هن کي ملڪ مان تري ڪڍندس، سڀ ماڻهو بلڪ پاڻي ڀرڻ وارا به شاستري پڙهي پيا، سکيا اهڙي ڏيو اکه تي مکه، نڪ تي چپ.

مهاتما گانڌي وانگر سرڪار کي تنگ ڪري پيا تعليم لاءِ وٺو ته اسان جا ٻيرا پار.

 

ٺهراءُ ڏهون : پريس ائڪٽ

هاڻوڪي بي جوابدار حڪومت کي جو پريس ائڪٽ هيٺ ايڏيون وڏيون اختياريون سونپيون ويون آهن، تنهن جو نتيجو اهو ٿيو آهي جو هندستاني اخبارن ۽ گورين اخبارن جي وچ ۾ گهڻي پاس خاطري ٿي ٿئي، تنهن ڪري هن ڪانفرنس جي پڪي رائي آهي ته انهيءَ ايڪٽ مان هندستاني اخبارن جي آزادگيءَ کي فڪرو آهي ۽ اهڙو ائڪٽ خود انگريزن جي متن جي برخلاف آهي ۽ يڪدم رد ٿيڻ گهرجي، هي ڪانفرنس انهيءَ ڳالهه کي نندي ٿي جو انهيءَ پريس ائڪٽ هيٺ ڪنهن به واجبي سبب کان سواءِ نيو ٽائيمس، هوم رولر ۽ واپار سماچار ۽ هند واسي کي نما نيت ورتي وئي آهي.

مسٽر درڳداس……. صاحبا ٿوري وقت هئڻ ڪري مان رٿ کي ٽن ڀاڱن ۾ ٿو ورهايان، اخبارن جو خاص ڪم آهي سرڪار جي ڪمن مان نڪته چيني ڪڍڻ، نوڪر شاهي ڪاروبار جا حاڪم ضرور چوندا ته اخبارن کي پنهنجي چنبي هيٺ رکون، ٻين ملڪن مان پريس ائڪٽ هينئر نڪري ويو آهي، پر هتي لوهه جي نورين وانگر آهي، ائڪٽ اخبارن کي ويڙهي ويا آهن، 1857ع ۾ بلوه وقت پريس جي آزادگي بند هئي، پوءِ لارڊ لٽن پريسکي آزادگي ڏني، 1910ع ۾ يعني 20 صديق ۾ وري پريس ائڪٽ پاس ڪيائون، جو ماڻهو حق گهرڻ لڳا، لارڊ منٽو ڏٺو ته اخبارن جي دوران جو سوجهرو ملي ٿو، سو بند ڪجي، پريس ائڪٽ جا قلم بلڪل سخت آهن، جنهن ڪري اخبارن سان گهڻي سختي آهي، انگلنڊ، آمريڪا ۽ ٻين ملڪن ۾ پريس ائڪٽ ڪونهي، رومانيا جهڙي ننڍي ملڪ ۾ اهڙو ائڪٽ ڪونهي، عام خاص طرح پريس کي قبضي هيٺ ڪو نه ٿا رکن، خراب طرح سان اهو ائڪٽ ڪتب آڻين ٿا، ائڪٽ پاس ڪرڻ وقت سرڪار چيو ته اهو ائڪٽ عام خاص طرح سان ڪم نه آڻبو، پر جزوي وري اخبارن سان لاڳو ڪبو، پر هاڻي اهو عام طرح ڪتب آڻن ٿا، ان ڪري اخبارون بند ٿيون آهن، اهو ائڪٽ نڪرڻ گهرجي، پر اهو ائڪٽ رد نٿا ڪن، جيستائين هوم رول نه ملندو، تيستائين اهڙا ائڪٽ رد ٿي ڪين سگهندا، هوم رول ملڻ شرط اهي سڀ ائڪٽ منسوخ ٿيندا.

مسٽر سنتداس……اڄ مان آيو آهيان، انهيءَ ائڪٽ تي ڳالهئاڻ جنهن کي ٻوٿ ٻڌڻ جو ائڪٽ يا زنجير جو ائڪٽ چئجي ته ٺهي وڃي، انهيءَ ائڪٽ هيٺ هند واسي تي ڪاروائي هلي، جاچي پڙهيو اٿم ته ڏسان ٿو ته ڪهڙو به راجڀڳت وفادار اخبار نويس هن ائڪٽ جي چنبي ۾ اچي ٿو سگهي، ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ جي مرضي تي سڀ ڪي منحصر آهي، قلم 3 ۾ هن کي اختياري آهي ته ڪو به ماڻهو جو پريس کولي ان کان هو ضامن وٺي جي معافي نه وٺي ته سبب ڏجي، جئين 110 قلم هيٺ سڀني بدمعاشن کان معافي وٺبي آهي، تيئن سڀني پريسن کان وٺي، جهونيپريسک ان به ضامن وٺي ٿا سگهن، جي ثابتي هجي ته ڪو راجد وهي ڪري ٿو ته قلم 124 الف هيٺ مقدمو هلائي، مقدمو ثابت ٿيڻ کان پوءِ هن جي پريس ضبط ڪجي ته حرڪت ڪانهي پر ائين آهي ئي ڪونه، ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ کي ڪلي اختياري آهي، هند واسي اخبار توهان سڀني پڙهي ته ڏٺي آهي، ڪامورن جي نڪته چيني ڪرڻ گويا سرڪار جي ٺٺولي ڪئي وڃي ٿي، آئيني بيسنت کان پهرين ضامن نه ورتائون، اسان کي ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجستريٽ چيو ته مان هاءِ ڪورٽ جي فيصلي سان ٻڌل ڪو نه آهيان، فقط ماڻهو ٻڌل آهن، پريس ائڪٽ جي ڪري ماڻهن جي لاءِ ڪا به ڳالهه نه ٿي ڪري سگهجي، مسٽر ڄيٺمل لکيو ته ڪاميٽي ته فلاڻي طرح پئسا خرچ ڪري ٿي، ڪليڪٽر لکي موڪليس ته اها خبر ڪٿان تو کي ملي، جواب ڏنائي منهنجو خاطو معتبر آهي، هن پوري خبر مون کي ڏني آهي، جي اها پوري نه هجي ته مون کي خبر ڏيو ته مان درستي ڪريان، جواب آيس ته جنهن صورت ۾ تون نالو نه ٿو ڏين، تنهن صورت ۾ سمجهجي ٿو ته اها خبر ڪنهن جي ڪوڙي آهي، توکي خبردار ٿو ڪجي ته اهو حڪم ڪنهن ڪڍيو؟ ڪليڪٽر جو ڪاميٽي چيئرمين به هو، وري جي ڪو ڪامورو درٻار ڪري سان کي گاريون ڏئي انهي تي اعتراض وٺجي ته لڳايو پريس ائڪٽ، ڳالهه ڪين طلم، رڳو راجڊوهين سان اهو ائڪٽ لاڳو ٿيڻ گهرجي، ڪو ڪو نه چاهي ٿو ته راجڊوهي زور وٺن. پر ماڻهن جي تڪليفن جي پوري پرور ڏيڻ اخبارن جو ڪم آهي، گورن وٽ فقط اهي ٿا وڃن جن جو منجهن ڪم آهي، ڪراچي ۾ هيڏي ڪانفرنس ٿي، آهي ڪو عملدار جو اچي ٻڌي ته ڇا ساڻن اهنج آهي. نٿا پاڻ اچن، نٿا اخبارن کي لکڻ ڏين، باقي رکي اٿن C.I.D هوءِ ڇا ڪري سگهندي، هند واسي کان ضامن وٺڻ ڪري شڪارپور جي پئنچات ڀائرن ڪالهه هن کي پنج هزار ڏنا، ٽي هزار اٿن، ٻه هزار ڏيندا. بمبئي جي شاگردن پنهنجي خرچي مان 40 رپيا ڏنا اٿ، سرڪار هند واسي سان پاڻ مهرباني ڪئي، جو هن کان ضامن گهڙيائون.

مسٽرڪرمچند گرمکداس……. هن رٿ جي ترجيح ڪرڻ ۾ مون کي گهڻو چوڻو نه آهي، پريس ائڪٽ هڪدم رد ٿيڻ گهرجي، انهيءَ لاءِ قومي سبب ڏنا ويا آهن، پريسون هڪ قسم جي روشنائي آهي، اخبارون نه هجن ته سرڪار کي خبر ڪانه پوي، اونداهه ۾ ٿاڦوريون هڻي،ا ڳي ڏيئا هيون، هاڻي بجلي آهي، اخبارون بجلي جي روشني آهي، هو رعيت جا اهنج ڀلي ڀت ظاهر ٿيون ڪن، جي ڪو اڙهه زوراوري ڪري ته ماڻهن ۾ هن جو قدر ڪو نه ٿيندو، پر جنهن اخبار ۾ ماڻهن جو اعتقاد آهي، ان تي سختي ڪرڻ نه جڳائي، يورپي اسان نڪي رلن ٿا نڪي ملن ٿا، پوءِ اسان جي هنن کي ڪئي سچي خبر پوندي، ڪارلائيل چيو آهي ته ماڻهن جون رڳون جاچڻ ڪري ماڻهن جي سچي پروري پوي ٿي، پريس انگريزن جي سلطنت جي بچاءُ لاءِآهي، پريس هنن جي برخلاف اصل ڪانهي، مسٽر مانٽيگو جي رٿن تي اخبارن کي نڪته چيني ۽ رايا ظاهر ڪرڻ جو پورو وجهه ڏيڻ گهرجي، للي ڇپي ڪرڻ ڪري سرڪار کي پوري سڌ ڪا نه پوندي، راجڊو هي قلم ۽ ٻيا ڪيترائي قلم اخبارن لاءِ آهن، پريس ائڪٽ جي چاٻي ڇو ٿا رکن، اهو آهي ڄاڻي واڻي پنهنجي اکين ۾ ڌور وجهڻ. پريس ائڪٽ هڪدم رد ٿيڻ گهرجي.

مسٽر ويرومل بيگراج…….. جي ٿو سور سليان ته جبل سڀ جلي مرن، مون کي هتي آگيا مڃي اچڻو پيو آهي، مون چاهيو ته منهنجا ڀائر هن رٿ تي ڳالهائن، مسٽر سنتداس حيدرآباد جي اوستا ڪري ٻڌائي هن نشڪام سيوا ڪري هند واسي جو ڪيس هلايو، اپر سنڌ سان ته قاعدوئي نيارو آهي، اپر سنڌ ۾ هڪ اخبار تي بنا دوش نالي ڦيرائڻ ڪري هڪ هزار جي چٽي پئي، جي اخبار تي بنا ڏوهه ٻڌائڻ جي پنج سئو چٽي، جوابدار ڄمي ئي نه اڳ ۾ ئي ڏوهي. اهو جوابدار آهي ڇا پخانن وارو، يا ته چغلي جو ڪم پاڻ تي کڻي يا ديس ڀڳتن کي گاريون ڏئي، اهو پريس جي آپدا کان ڇٽي، ٻيو ڪو نه ڇٽي، اخبار جا آزاد رايا واري هجي سا انگلينڊ ۾ زور، اسان وٽ زور اها جا چغلي جو ڪم چست ڪري، اسان وٽ قلم خبردار ٿي کڻڻو ٿو پوي، پهريائين پنهنجي کيسن ڏي نهاري هلائڻو ٿو پوي، اپر سنڌ جي اوستا بلڪل خراب آهي، واپار سماچار کي ڏوهه نه ٻڌايو ويو، ضلع جي اخبار جي ضرور ضلع جي حاڪمن سان چٽا ڀيٽي هلندي، جي ڪو ڪنياءُ ڪري ته ان کي ٽٻي ڀيدا ڪالجي، فٽ بال کي لت هڻي ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجستريٽ پاڻ پوءِ وٺي ضمانت، نيازڪار انگريز سرڪار کي گهرجي ته اخبار وارن کي ڇوٽ واڳه ڏئي هنن سان ضامن جو قلم نه لاڳو ڪجي، پريس سان سختي ڪري اندر مان آهه نڪرندي، جا ضرور انگريز سرڪار کي سجاڳ ڪندي ۽ هو ڪرپا ڪري اهو ائڪٽ رد ڪندا، ايترو ٿيو آهي جو لوڪن ۾ اتساهه ٿيو آهي، سيٺين اڍائي هزارن جي بدران پنج هزار ڏنا آهن، ديس جي آڌار اخبارن کي اميد آهي ته ساهتا ڪندا، اخبارون آزاد ته توهان سڀ آزاد.

ٺهراءُ يارهون

هي ڪانفرس سرڪار جي شڪر گذار آهي جو سنڌ ۾ رسائي لاپي ۽ ڇپر جي مصيبتن نسبت جاچ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪميشن مقرر ڪئي وئي آهي ۽ هن ڪانفرنس جي راي آهي ته اهي مصيبتون اڃان تاءُ زور آهن ۽ انهي ڪميشن جا گهڻا ميمبر غير عملدار هئڻ گهرجن، جن ۾ ماڻهن جو اعتقاد آهي، هن ڪانفرنس جي اها به راءِ آهي ته سرڪار اهڙو اشتهار جاري ڪري ته خود سرڪار جي مرضي آهي ته انهن تڪليفن بابت سچي طرح خبر ملي ۽ سرڪار اهڙو بندوبست ڪندي جو جيڪي به شاهد انهن ڳالهين بابت شاهديون ڏيندا تن کي مڪاني عملدار تڪليف نه ڏين.

مسٽر نارائڻداس وسنداس…… جيڪي اخبارون پڙهن ٿا تن کي معلوم هوندو ته رسائي جي دانهن ورهين کان پئي هلي آهي، سرڪار جي ڪن تاءُ به وئي آهي ۽ سرڪار قبول به ڪئي آهي، هن ڏائڻ کي ڌيئر ۽ پٽ لاپو ۽ ڇير به آهن، رسائي چئجي ڇا کي، آفيسرن جي لاءِ بندوبست ٿا ٿين، رستا ٺهي وڃن ٿا، ڀاڄيون وغيره اچن ٿيون، شڪار جو بندوبست ٿئي ٿو، هر ڪنهن تعلقه ۾ مختيارڪار جي نظر هيٺ فنڊ ڪٺو ٿئي ٿو، ڳوٺن ۾ زميندار خرچ ڀرين ۽ تعلقه هيڊڪوارٽر ۾ ان فنڊ مان، جيتوڻيڪ فنڊ جا پئسا به زميندارن مان وصول ٿا ٿين، رسائي ڪري تپيدارن کي پگهار ڪو نه ملي اهو ڏين رسائي جي خرچ لاءِ پوءِ هو ڪٿان گذر ڪندا. لاپو ٿا وٺن، گورا عملدار يا چشم پوشي ڪن ٿا، يا بي خبر آهن، مسٽر ميهو، مسٽر ماني، مسٽر بئري جي ڏينهن ۾ رسائي بلڪل گهت هوندي هئي، سبب اهو هو جو هو صاحب رسائي جي بر خلاف ها، تنهنڪري ننڍا عملدار وڏن جو رخ ڏسي رسائي تي خرچ ڪن ٿا، جڏهن ڏسن ٿا ته عملدار رسائي ڪري خوش ٿا ٿين ته هو رسائي ڪن ٿا، هڪ گوري عملدار هڪ لڱا مختيارڪار کي چيو ته عجب جي ڳالهه آهي ته اسان کي تپيداري ڦري ٿو، چيائين سائين اهو ڪيئن؟ جي حيدرآباد ۾ اسا کي ساڍي ٽين رپئي مڻ چڻن جو ملندو آهي ۽ هتي چار ٿو وٺي، ان مان مختيارڪار ڪين سمجهندو ته صاحب کي رسائي ٿي وڻي. ٻيو ڪو مثال. هڪ عملدار مختيارڪار کي چيو ته رسائي بند ٿئي، تپيدار هفتي لاءِ 40 رپين جو بل ڏنو، صاحب اچي ڪاوڙيو، پوءِ تپيدار گهٽائي 20 رپيا ڪيو، هاڻي ان مان ثابت آهي، رسائي جو بار ڪنهن تي پوي ٿو، جيستائين گورا عملدار سخت نظر نه ڪندا، تيستائين رسائي بند نه ٿي سگهندي، ڪرنل مينو وانگر حڪم ڪڍن ته گشت وقت سندن بٽريل ۽ ڪلارڪن جا نوڪر سڀ شيون بازارمان خريد ڪن يا بمبئي جي طرف جئن دستور آهي ته پٽيل گشت وقت سڀ شيون پهچائين ۽ بل ڏئي پئسا وٺن، ڪميسن جيڪا ٿيڻي آهي، ان تي فقط گورا عملدار ٿيندا يا خوشامند ريا مقرر ٿن، ان رٿ پاس ڪرڻ لاءِا سين سرڪار جا شڪر گذار آهيون.

مسٽر لعچند نولرائي……. هي رٿ اکين ڏٺي صاحب پيش ڪئي آهي جو مسٽر نارائنداس ڪجهه وقت مختيارڪار هو جنهن رسائي ڪئي هوندي، رسائي هلي ٿي، سا ڪمشنر صاحب به قبول ڪئي آهي، هاڻي جيڪا سرڪار ڪاميٽي مقرر ڪندي ۽ اهڙا ميمبر مقرر ڪيائون ۽ سرڪار علاج ڪندي ته اسين سرڪار جا تهدل شڪر گذار رهنداسين، لاڙڪاڻه موٽو متارو ملڪ آهي، جنهن جا زميندار وڏا آهن، اتي رسائي به گهڻي ٿي ٿئي، چئجي ڪري ته اتي Scandal آهي، لاڙڪاڻه ۾ هڪ بٽلر رسائي گهري هئي، جنهن کي هاڻي صاحب موقوف ڪيو آهي، اڳين کان گهٽ آهي يا نه، لاڙڪاڻه ڪانفرنس ۾ مسلمان زميندار بلڪل گهڻا آيا هئا، قسمين قمين جون رسايون هنن کي ڪرڻيون ٿيون پون، هاڻي پاڻ رسائي وڏي آهي، ڪن ڪن هنڌ مختيارڪار حد ڪري ٿا چڪن، تنبوءَ جي پهرين ڪلي هڻن لاءِ هڪ سئو رپيا ڏيڻا ٿا پون، بٽلر کي هڪ سئو نه مليا ته يا تنبو نه هڻندو يا جي هنيائين ته فڙسن هيٺان پٿر وجهي ڇڏيندو، جنهن ڪري صاحب اچي ڪاوڙجي، اتان ڪوچ ٿيو، ٻي هنڌ ته اتي مختيارڪار پهرين تعلقه ۾ خاص ماڻهو رسائي جو بندوبست ڏسڻ لاءِ موڪليندو، پوءِ پاڻ ٻه راتيون وڌيڪ رسائي ڪندو، ڪميسن جا ميمبر جي واسطيدار هجن جي بي ريا ٿي شاهديون وٺن ٿا ماڻهن جي اهنجن جي سچي خبر ٻڌائن ۽ شاهدن جي شاهدي تي بندش نه هجي جي هنن کي ڪو ڊپ مليو ته ڪو به شاهد شاهدي نه ڏيندو، مختيارڪارن يا ڊپٽي ڪليڪٽرن کي تسلي ملي ته جيڪر هو سچ چئي ٻڌائن بلڪ خان بهادر ميان پير بخش کي ڀو يا ڊپ نه هجي ته هو به سچ اچي ٻڌائي، زميندار کي لالچ ۽ ڊپ آهي، تنهن ڪري هن تي رسائي جو ڪم نه رکجي، 1. گشت جو معياد گهٽائجي، 2. گشت وقت ننڍڙن ڳوٺن ۾ آفيسر منزولون نه ڪن، ميهو صاحب وڏن شهرن ۾ وڃي منزلون ڪندو هو ۽ اتان گهوڙي تي چڙهي وڃي ڳوٺن مان ڏسي ايندو هو، ٺيڪيدار تي آفيسرن کي رسائي وٺڻ جو ڪم رکجي، اهو ضلع جو ماڻهو هجي، آرڊر بڪ تي هن کان شيون وٺن ۽ بل موجب هن کي پئسا ڏين، پوءِ اها دانهن نورت ٿي ويندي، سرڪار جي شڪر گذاري ڪرڻ گهرجن، آنربل مسٽر ڀرڳڙي جا تهدل ٿورا مڃڻ گهرجي جو هن اها رٿ پاس ڪئي.

مسٽر ميوارام….. مختيارڪار ۽ وڪيل توهان کي ٻڌائي ويا آهن ته رسائي مان ڪهڙا رنگت ٿا ٿين، رسائي ضرور ٿيڻ گهرجي، ڇير جو به ضرور آهي، رسائي اصل ميرن ۽ ڪلهوڙن جي صاحبي کان آهي، هو زميندارن کي سيرهون ۽ معافيون ڏئي ڇڏيندا ها، هو رسائي ڪندا ها ۽ پئسا وٺندا هئا، يا موڌي خانو تيار ڪندا هئا ۽ پئسا وٺندا هئا، ايامن کان رسائي هلندي ٿي اچي، ڳوٺن ۾ شيون موجود نه ٿيون ٿين، ڪامورن لاءِ ميوه ۽ برف ڪٿان اچي؟ تنهن لاءِ ٺيڪيدار مقررڪجي، گورن عملدارن کي خوش ڪرڻ لاءِ ننڍا عملدار هنن جي رسائي ٿا ڪن، پنهنجي لالچ لاءِ، زميندار خطاب ۽ ڪرسين جي لالچ ڪري هنن جي رسائي ٿا ڪن، گورا رسائي تي اصل هريل نه آهن، تنهن ڪري اسان تي به فرض آهي ته اسين رسائي نه ڪريون، جي اسان وٽ بيضه کير مکڻ ڪونهي ته گورا ڇا ڪن، هڪ ڀيري هڪ گوري هڪ زميندار وٽ منزل ڪئي، هن واڱڻن جو فصل پوکايو، گوري جو بٽلر گهري کير ته مليس واڱڻ، مکڻ لاءِ به واڱڻ، هر ڪنهن شيءِ لاءِ واڱڻ ڏنائين. زميندار چيو ته مون وٽ آهن واڱڻ ئي واڱڻ. جي سڀ زميندار هن وانگر هلت ڪن ته رسائي بند ٿي وڃي، ملڪ جو فائدو سمجهون ته اسين پاڻ رسائي بند ٿا ڪريون. ٺيڪيدار به زميندار کان گهرندو ته ڏي ته صاحب کي چوندس ته هي تو ڏنا آهن، پاڻ تي واهبو ۽ مضبوط ٿي سائي بند ڪبي ته اها بند ٿيندي، ڳالهين مان ڪي ڪين ورندو.

ديوان نارائنداس موٽا رام…. مان توهان کان پڇان ٿو ته اسان جي گڏ ٿيڻ جو موقعو آهي ۽ توهان سڀني کي گڌ ڇا چئجي ۽ ان تي ڪم ڪهڙو آهي، بابو سرند راناٿ بئنرجي جو چوڻ آهي ته ”توهان کي Bar of Public Opinion چئجي، تهمتي ڪير آهي؟ هڪڙيون سڌارن جي پيدا ڪندڙ رٿون ٻيون خرابي ناس ڪندڙ رٿون، توهان تي فرض آهي ته خرابي ناس ڪندڙ رٿن تي سزائون مقرر ڪريو، سرڪار اهڙين رٿن کي ڦاسي ڏئي ٿي، آنربل مسٽر ڀرڳڙي رسائي تي ڦاسي چارهڻ ۾ ڏاڍي ڪوشش ڪئي، اسان جي ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ڪيو آهي ته اسان کي سوراج کپي ته ماڻهن کي آزادگي ملي ۽ مان شاهي نوڪرن جو ميمبر ٿي رهيو آهيان ۽ مون کي پهرين درجي ثابتي موجود آهي، منهجي شاهدي تي ڪنهن به قسم جي سزا مقرر ڪرڻ توهان جي اختيار ۾ آهي، ڇاپخانن جو ائڪٽ آزادگي لاءِ وڏو خطره آهي، چوڻ گهرجي ته رسائي سنڌ ۾ دهقاني مخلوقات جي آزادگي ناس ڪندڙ آهي، ڪن مطلبي ماڻهن چيو اهي ته سملمانن کي هوم رول مان نقصان رسندو، رسائي بند ٿيڻ ڪري مسلمانن کي ئي وڏو فائدو رسڻو آهي، رسائي برابر ميرن جي صاحبي کان هلندڙ آهي، ديد خرچ لاءِ هيترو وٺبو، مول اصول هي هئڻ گهرجي ته آسمان ڪري پوي ته ڪري پوي پر انصاف نرور ڪرڻ گهرجي. وڏا عملدار ۽ ننڍا عملدار منشي سڀ رسائي مان فائدو وٺن ٿا، سعدي چيو ته جي رعيت جي باغ مان عملدار وڻ مان صوف کائيندا ته ڇوٿا ڪامورا سڄو وڻ گيهي ويندا، رسائي اهڙي شيءِ آهي جا رسائي ڪندڙ عملدار کي ٺاهي ۽ ٻين کي ڊاهي، مان پنهنجي آزمودي مان شاهدي ٿو ڏيان، گشت وقت جڏهن تنبو لڳن ٿابٽلر گهرن تنبو هڻائي، آخرڪار هاڻي سو رپيا تنبو هڻائي مقرر ٿي آهي، مون چيومانس ته تنبو هڻين نه هڻين مان پاڻي نه ڏيندس. هن کي ڊرپ ٿيو، تنبو هنيائين پر هو پوءِ ٻيون لچايون ڪن ٿا، صاحبلوڪن کي برائنڊي ۾ ڪنا بيضا وجهي ڏين ٿا، جنهن ڪري صاحبلوڪ (گورو گورو چئو) رنج ٿين ٿا، جيڪڏهن ڪو همٿ وارو مختيارڪار ٿيندو ته گوري کي پڪ ڪرائي سگهندو، صاحب هي جيڪا رسائي آهي تنهن لاءِ ٻه هزار ڪٺا ٿيا آهن، هو چوندس ته مان تنهنجي ڳالهه تي وزن نه ٿو ڏيان. جي مختيارڪار همٿ وارو هوندو ته چوندس تون ٻڌل آهين، مون تي اعتبار ڪرڻ لاءِ، پر جي مختيارڪار هوندو خود مطلبي ته چوندو ته صاحب کائيندو ته مان به کائيندس، بٽلرن جا اهڙا مثال ٻڌو، مختيارڪار هن سان اٿي بيهي گڏجي هٿ هٿ ۾ ڏئي گڏجيس. سيوهڻ ۾ مان مختيارڪار هوس ان وقت بٽلر جيڪو سڀني کي رنج ڪندو هو سو اتي آيو منزل تي، مون تپيدارن کي چئي ڇڏيو ته هن کي ڪجهه نه ڏجو، پوءِ اچي مون وٽ پٽ تي ويٺو ۽ چيائين سائين مان ٻانهي جو ٻار آهيان، ان مان ثابت آهي ته همٿ وارا جتي ڪٿي کٽن ٿا، لاڙڪاڻه ۾ مان دفتردار هوس، مسٽرليوڪس ڪليڪٽر هو، مون رسائي بند ڪرائڻ لاءِ ڏاڍيون ڪوششون ڪيون، اسان سرڪيولر ڪڍيو ته جيڪو زميندار رسائي ڪندو يا لاپو ڏيندو ته ان تي اسان جو ناراضپو ٿيندو، جتي ڪٿي زميندارن کي گڏ ڪري هو چوندو هون ته اسان کي بلڪل ناراضپو ٿيندو جي توهين رسائي ڪندا، تپيدار لاپو وٺن ٿا پنهنجي لالچ ڪري، ماڻهن جو گذران ڏاڍو مشڪل ٿيو آهي، سندن پگهار مان سندن پورت نه ٿي ٿئي، شڪر آهي جو هاڻي سندن پگهار وڌايو ويو آهي، اميد آهي ته انهي سڄي ڳالهه جو پورو بندوبست ٿيندو، پر ڪاميٽي ۾ خود مختيار ۽ همٿ وارا ميمبر ٿيڻ گهرجن، سوراج ملندو ته هڪدم فائدو ٿيندو.

ٺهراءُ ٻارهون : مسٽر محمد علي ۽ مسٽر شوڪت جي ڇٽڻ جي رٿ.

مسٽر جمشيد مهتا ……

As the President has explained, this resolution is the most important. This conference has met to ask for right. Our brothers are suffering not for any thing they have done but because they are asking for their rights. As for Mr. Mohamed ali, his paper was suspended as soon as papers in England welcomed its loyal tone. Rightly the Cawnpore mosque affairs had more to do with the internment of the two brothers.

The noble mother who stands unique today writes. “My sons have no particular sympathies with Turkey as with China.” It is my perfect belief because in their veins runs the blood of the noble mother who has been a Home Ruler sirtee her birth.

As soon as Mrs. Besant was relieved we all hoped and were led to believe that our two brothers would be relieved. But it was not to be so.

مسٽر ڄيٺمل پرسرام….. پريزيڊنٽ حڪم ڪيو آهي ته جمشيد مهتا جي لفظن جو مطلب ٻڌايان، هن جي دل مان جو دکهه جو آواز نڪتو سو مان به ظاهر ڪريان. هيترا مهتا لنگهي ويا آهن، 33 ڪروڙ محمد علي ۽ شوڪت علي جي آزادگي لاءِ پڪاريو پر سرڪار اعليٰ اهو عرض نه ٻڌو، محمد علي ۽ شوڪت علي کي اصلي اڳواڻ ڪري ٿا ليکيون، جنهن فرمان پيدا ٿيون سي ڪير آهن، هنن جي ماتا جي مون کي درشن نصيب ٿيو، چوڻ ۾ اچي ٿو ته جڏهن هن کي خبر مي ته C.I.D آفيسر اچي سندس پٽن کي ريجهايو ته ههڙي ڪ ههڙي قسم جون زبانون ڏيندا ۽ ههڙيون ڪ ههڙيون قبول ڪندا ته اوهان کي آزادگي ملندي ته تڏهن سندن ماءُ چيو ته خبردار جي بزدل ٿيا آهيو، اهڙي ماءُ ڪنتي هئي، جنهن چيو اهڙا پٽ منهنجي پيٽ مان پيدا ٿين جي رڻ ڀوم ۾ سر ڏين، اهڙي قسم جو دکه هندستانين کي آهي، هر ڪنهن ڳالهه ۾ فائدو آهي، مون کي اميد آهي ته اسان جي هندن ۽ خاص مسلمانن جون اکيون جلد کلنديون ۽ هو ڏسندا ته هوم رول ئي هندستان جي ڀلي لاءِ آهي، هتي جي عملدارن کي هي ٺهراءُ ڪو نه موڪلڻو آهي، سا خوشي جي ڳالهه آهي، هي ٺهراءُ بادشاهه سلامت جي سرڪار ڏانهن وڃي ٿو. ”رڊماري هندستان جي عملدارن لاءِ چوي ٿو ته Sundried ٺوٺ اهن، سڀئي نه پر ڪي ڪي، خاص C.I.D جي. هندستان جي سج ۾ رهڻ ڪري هنن جي چمري ٺوٺ ٿي وئي آهي ۽ هنن جي دماغ جي چمري به سخت ۽ ٺوٺ ٿي وئي آهي، گرو ڪندو ته هو به ٺهي ويندا، شڪر جو هي ٺهراءُ لنڊن ۾ وڃي ٿو، سپن وانگر اسين وات ڦاري ٿا وهون، هن بونڊ جو ڦرو اسان جي وات ۾ پوري پر پوري يا نه اسان کي جڳائي ته جيسين محمد علي ۽ شوڪت ڇٽن تيسين سکه نه سمهون، سنڌ ۾ گهڻو آدم مسلمان آهن، اسان جا هو رڳو رت آگهن، منجهائڻ گهڻا اڻ پڙهيل آهن، اسان کي کپي ته هنن جي ترقي ۽ واڌاري لاءِ ڪوشش ڪندا رهون ته اسان جون دليون پاڻ ۾ ڳندبيون.

 

ٺهراءُ تيرهون: هاگرد ۽ راجنيتي مجلسون

هن ڪانفرنس جي راءِ آهي ته سرڪار جا بندش شاگردن نسبت ڪئي آهي ته هو ڪنهن به راجنيتي مجلس ۾ نه وڃن تنهن ڪري انهن جي دلين ۾ وطن جي حب پيدا ٿي ڪين سگهندي ۽ هيءَ ڪانفرنس سرڪار جي ڌيان تي آڻي ٿي ته اهو ٺهراءُ رد ڪيو وڃي.

 

ٺهراءُ چوڏهون : انڪم ٽيڪس

مسٽر مولچند پيسومل…. اڳي جيڪا هن ٽيڪس بابت دانهن هئي تنهن کان ٻن سالن جي نموني تي جي اعتراض نه وٺبو ته خبر نه آهي ته الاجي هن کان پوءِ ڇا ٿئي، بمبئي مان هڪ مختيارڪار ڪچو دپٽي ڪليڪٽر ڪري موڪليو اٿن جنهن کي پڪي ڊپٽي ٿيڻ جي خواهش آهي، هن کي سنڌ جي واپار جي خبر ڪانهي، تسلي جوڳي جاچ ڪا نه ٿو ڪري پنهنجي مرضي تي اها ٻڌي ٿو، 43000 هزارن مان، شڪارپور ۾ 173000 رپيا ڪئي اٿس، شڪارپور ۾ اڃا اپيلون ڪين ٿيون اهن، پهريائين جاچ ڪندڙ عملدار حساب ڪتاب جاچي ٿو، انڪم ٽيڪس قسم تي چڱن ماڻهن جا اظهار ٿو وٺي پوءِ به پنج ڇهه هزار رپيا گهٽايائين، سواءِ جاچ جوچ جي ڪليڪٽر صاحب حڪم ڪري پاڻ ڪن جي ٽيڪس اڳين کان وڌائي، انصاف جي ڪورٽ ۾ اپيل ڪا نه ٿي ٿي سگهي، بست ڪندڙ آفيسر به پاڻ ۽ اپيلون ٻڌندڙ به پاڻ، امان اسان جو مطلب آهي ته چڱي طرح تپاس ڪري پوءِ ڍل ٻڌجي، يورپي ڪمپنيون انگ موڪلين اهو بحال، اسان جا واپاري انگ موڪلين اهو نابحال.

مسٽرلڻيداس…… انڪم ٽيڪس نسبت پهرين پڪار اها آهي ته جيڪو آفيسر ٽيڪس ٻڌي ٿو هڪ طرفي جاچ ڪري ٿو ۽ جنهن تي ٽيڪس ٻڌجي ٿي سو جي بيان به ڏئي ٿو ته به هن تي اعتبار ڪو نه ٿا ڪن، اين پڪاريون ٿا پر ٻڌڻ وارو آهي ئي ڪو نه، ڪچي عملدار کي پاڻ پڪي ڪرائڻ لاءِ هو سرڪار جو راضپو حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ وڃي ٿو ڍلون وڌائيندو، شڪارپور ۾ ٻه ٽي سال اڳ پنچائت جي مکيه ماڻهن کان جاچ ڪري مختيارڪار ٽيڪس بست ڪندو هو ۽ هنن جي چوڻ تي وزن ڏيڻ ۾ ايندو هو، نون عملدارن کي ماڻهن جي ڪمائي يا آسودگي جي ڪهڙي خبر؟ ڪيئن هو انصاف ڪري سگهندا؟ مکيه مکيه واپارين کي گهرائي انهن سان صلاح ڪن ته جيڪر ڪنهن سان به ڪنياءُ ڪو نه ٿئي، بست ڪندڙ عملدارن کي ٻنڌن هئڻ گهرجي ته مکيه ماڻهو گهرائي هنن کان جاچ ڪري، هاڻي ته دڙڪا پيا ملن ته ٻئي سال اڃا به ٽيڪس وڌندي، جن سان ائڪٽ موجب ڪا به ائگريمنٽ ڪيل آهي جن موجب مٿن ٽڪيس بست ڪيل آهي انهن مان گهڻن کي نوٽيس آيو آهي ته وهيون کڻي اچي ڏيکاريو ته توهان کي ڪيتري اپت آهي جڏهن هنن جو قاعدي جو قلم ڏي ڌيان ڇڪايو ويو تڏهن هنن چيو ته سپر ٽيڪس ٻڌڻ لاءِ وهيون ڏيکاريو. دانهون انهيءَ ڪري ٿيون ٿين جو رعيت سان صلاح مصلحت ڪا نه ٿي ڪرڻ ۾ اچي، نوڪر شاهي حڪومت کي خودمختيار اختياريون ملڻ ڪري پرجا سان سختيون ٿيون ٿين، انهن جون اختياريون گهٽجڻ گهرجن.

سيٺ چئنراءِ واپاري…… نه مان انگريزي پڙهيل آهيان نه مان قاعدي مان واقف آهيان، اسين آهيون واپاري اسين آفيسرن جي پاڇي کان پيا ڊڄون، انڪم ٽيڪس آفيسر پليگ کان به وڌيڪ اسان کي ڊيڄاريو آهي، پنجن ستن سالن کان اسان جي اها پڪار آهي، اسان کي اها خبر ڪانهي ته ڇو نه ٿا هيڏن دانهن هوندي ٿا گهٽائن، پڪارن جو نتيجي جو اسان کي خبر ڪا نه ٿا ڏين، انڪم ٽيڪس جي پليگ سنڌ ۾ وڃي ٿي وڌنڌي. شڪارپور ۽ سنڌ جي ٻين شهرن ۾ بربادي ٿي آهي، اهڙين سختين جي وقت ۾ سرڪار کي اسان سان همدردي ڪرڻ گهرجي، اسان جو شهنشاهه عادل آهي، اسان جون پڪارون هن جي ڪن تاءُ نه ٿيون پهچن، نوڪر شاهي جا حاڪم اسان کي نه ٿا ٻڌن، 31 ڪانگريس به گذري ۽ 8 سنڌ ڪانفرنس به گذري. جهڙي طرح هندستاني بادشاهه کي ايشور موڪيل سمجهندا ٿا اچن تهڙي طرح بادشاهه جي نوڪرن کي گهرجي ته رعيت کي اولاد سمان سمجهي انهن سان هلت ڪن، ماڻهو پليگ ۽ بيمارين ڪري دربدر ٿيا آهن. گهر ڇڏڻ ۽ ڀڄڻ ڪري ڪيڏا نه خرچ ۽ تڪليفون ٿيون آهن، انهي هوندي به انڪم ٽيڪس وهن ٿا ورائيندا، سنڌ واسين تي ڪيتري نه تڪيلف ئي آهي پوءِ به هيڏي وڏا ٽيڪس! انهن ڳالهين مان اسان کي سمجهڻو آهي ته اسان جون پڪارون ڪڏهن ايشور ٻڌي، راجا سلامت جي ڪن تي جڏهن اهي پڪارون اينديون تڏهن اميد ته نورت ٿي وينديون، وچ وارا عملدار ته پاڻ وڃن ٿا سختيون وڌائيندا، ان ۾ اسان جي ماڻهن جو ڏوهه آهن، اسان جي خوشامدرين جو ان ۾ ڏوهه آهي، آفيسرن جي اسين پرجا آهيون، اسان جا ماڻهون لالچ ۾ لاڀ ڪري ڪوڙيون سچيون ڳالهيون ٻڌائي اسان تي سختيون ڪرائين ٿا، اسان جيڪو ڪم کنيو آهي، سو اسين مرني تاءِ نه ڇڏينداسين، مطلب ڪهڙو آهي جو اسان جي ڳالهه دير سان ٿي ٻڌڻ اچي سبب اهو اهي ته ڌرم اسان کان وسري ويو آهي، وشوامتروششٽ مهراچ سان ڌرم يڌ ڪندو هو، وششٽ نياءُ کان پري ڪو نه ٿيو ۽ ان ڪري گهڻا نقصان سٺائين پر وشوامتر کي برهم رشي نه سڏيائين، جنهنڪري وشوامتر اهڙو يوگد ۽ تپ ڪيو جو نيٺ ديوتائين به هن کي برهم رشي سڏيو، پوءِ تڏهن ڪئين نه جي اسين هيترا سڀ موهه ڇڏي آيو تياڳ ڪري ڀارت کي گهر سمجهي ڪوشش ڪنداسين ته ضرور سوڀارا ٿينداسين، ڀارت جي ماڻهن مان گهڻن کي روٽي کائڻ لاءِ ڪانهي، انهن جي لاءِ پنهنجون ڌن ارپن ڪجي ۽ ڀارت جي ڀلي لاءِ تن من ڌن ارپن ڪري سوراج حاصل ڪبو.

 

ٺهراءُ اوڻيهون :سنڌ جي حڪومت ۾ سڌارا

هن ڪانفرنس جي اها پڪي راءِ اهي ته جنهن نموني ۾ سنڌ جو چرخو هينئر هلي ٿو جو سنڌ جي ڪمشنر کي گورنر در اجلاس جون گهڻون ڪري سڀ اختياريون آهن، مگر ڪاروباري ڪائونسل جي مٿس ڪا به نظر نه آهي جنهن ڪري سنڌ جو ڪمشنر ماڻهن جي ضابطي هيٺ بلڪل ڪونهي انهي سرشتي جي ڪري سنڌ ديش گهڻين ڳالهين ۾ پٺتي پيل آهي.

هن ڪانفرنس جو تنهن ڪري رايو آهي ته 1868ع وارو ائڪٽ ۽ ٻيا قاعدا جنهن موجب سنڌ جي ڪمشنر کي مڪاني سرڪار جون اختياريون سونپيل آهن سي سڀ رد ڪيا وڃن ۽ سنڌ جي حڪومت سڌي طرح بمبئي سرڪار جي هيٺ رهي.

هن ڪانفرنس جي راءِ آهي ته جيئن ته هند جو وزير جلدي هندستان جي حڪومت ۾ سڌارن بنسبت رٿ ظاهر ڪرڻ وارو آهي، تنهن ڪري هيٺين ڪاميٽي مقرر ٿي ڪجي جا انهيءَ تي خاص سنڌ جي سڌارن بنسبت ويچار ڪري پنهنجي رپورٽ سنڌ پراونشل ڪانگريس ڪاميٽي ڏي موڪلي جا هڪ خاص سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس ڪوٺا.ئي.

 

ٺهراءُ ويهون: سنڌ جي اخبارن جا ترجما

گذريل بمبئي ڪائونسل جي ميٽنگ سنڌ جي اخبارن جا بمبئي ۾ ترجمن ڪرڻ واري سوال بنسبت جيڪو بمبئي سرڪار جو رخ هو ان تي هن ڪانفرنس کي سخت اعتراض آهي ۽ هن ڪانفرنس جي راءِ آهي ته سنڌي اخبارن مان ترجمن ڪرڻ واسطي بمبئي ۾ جدا بندوبست نه رکڻ لاءِ ڪو به واجبي سبب ڪونهي.

 

ٺهراءُ ايڪيهون: اخبارن تي بندش

هي ڪانفرنس سنڌ ۾ جا عملدارن سنڌ جي قومي اخبارن تي اجائي بندش ڪئي آهي جنهن موجب مڪاني سرڪار رجسٽرڊ لئبررين کي هند واسي، لاڙڪاڻه گزٽ ۽ سنڌ پتريڪا اخبارن گهرائڻ جي منع ڪئي آهي، تنهن تي سخت اعتراض وٺي ٿي، هن ڪانفرنس جي راءِ آهي ته قومي اخبارن تي اها بندش بلڪل بي انصاف جي آهي ۽ عام پبلڪ کي پنهنجن حقن سنڀالڻ لاءِ جو انهن اخبارن دوران پرچار ڪيو وڃي ٿو تنهن ۾ ڄاڻي ٻجهي رنڊڪ ڪري ٿي تنهن ڪري هي ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي زور سان استدعا ڪري ٿي ته مٿيون نمونو يڪدم ڦيرايو وڃي ۽ قومي اخبارن تان بندش لاٿي وڃي.

 

ٺهراءُ ٻاويهون : سوديشي

ڪانفرنس جي راءِ آهي ته سڀ ڪنهن ديش ڀڳت هندواسيءَ جو فرض آهي ته هو سوديشي کي زور وٺائڻ لاءِ هر طرح سرجوشي ڪري، تنهن ڪري هي ڪانفرنس هن پرڳڻي جي سڀني ماڻهن کي استدعا ٿي ڪري ته هو سوديشي شيون ورتائين ۽ جيڪڏهن ائين ڪرڻ ۾ قرباني ڪرڻ ضرور ٿئي ته اها قرباني ڪري به سوديشي اختيار ڪري ٻين جي لاءِ مثال ٿين ۽ جيڪو به وجهه ملين ته وقت به وقت سوديشي جو پرچار ڪندا رهن ۽ هر هڪ شهر يا ڳوٺ ۾ سوديشي ڀنڊار کولڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن.

مسٽر جمشيد مهتا….. هي رٿ ملن سوديشي ڀاشا ۾ چوندس.

ٺهراءُ…. ڀارت واسين کي عرض آهي ته سوديشي کي مدد ڏيڻ ۽ وڌيڪ پئسا خرچي به سوديشي وستو خريد ڪن ۽ ڳوٺڳوٺ ۾ سوديشي شيون واپرائڻ لاءِ پرچار ڪن.

جو هندواسي سوديشي وستو نٿو واپرائي سو ڀارت ڀومي جو گنهگار آهي سوديشي وستو نه واپرائجن ۽ سوراج گهرجي اها کل جي ڳالهه اهي نه رڳو شهرن ۽ ڳوٺن ۾ پر گهٽيءَ گهٽي ۾ سوديشي وستو وڪرنجن ، هن جي پتر ۽ پتري کي اهو ڏنڊ آهي ته ڏسي ته فقط ديسي سيون گهر ۾ واپرائجن، ڪراچي سوديشي سٽورس جو مان ڊائريڪٽر آهيان، ان بابت مان ڪجهه چوڻ واجب نٿو سمجهان پر پريزيڊنٽ جي حڪم انوسارسان ڪجهه چوان ٿو ته اتي هر ڪا شيءِ ملي سگهي ٿي.

مسٽر هرڪش داس….. مون کي چوڻو ڏاڍو گهڻو هوپر ارمان جو ماڻهن جي لحاظ کان ڳالهائي نٿو سگهان، پريزيڊنٽ صاحب جي تقرير پڙهي ڏاڍو خوش ٿيس ۽ سمجهيم ته سوديشي جي رٿ تي گهڻو ڌيان ڏنو ويندو، سوراج جي گهر تي جيترو ڌيان ڏجي اوترو سوديشي ڏي به لرون، سئي سڳو به اسين پنهنجو نٿا ٺاهي سگهون، اُن ته اسان کي سوديشي آهي پر رنگ وديسي آهي، جيڪڏهن اسين استر وشتر سڀ ديسي پايون ته ڪيڏو نه ڌن اسان کي بچي پوي، مديرن کي گهرجي ته غريبن جي حال تي ڪهل آڻي غريبن جهڙا ڪپڙا لٽا پائين، شاهوڪار سادا ڪپڙا پائين ته سندن پوئلڳ به هنن جو مثال وٺي پنهنجي سور آهر پير ڊگهيرين.

مسٽر سري ڪرشن لولا……. سوديشي واسطي جيترو چئجي اوترو ٿورو آهي، پر تقريرن ڪرڻ جو وقت ڪونهي، هاڻي اسان کي عمل ڪرڻو آهي، سوديشي جي ڪارخانن جي بند ٿيڻ ڪري اسان جي ملڪ جي جيڪا هاڃي ٿي آهي، تنهنجو ويچار ڪريو، اسان جا لکين ماڻهو بک ڪري مرن پيا، جي هوند ڌنڌو ڪندا هجن ۽ کين روزگار هجن ته هو بک ڪين مردن، سوديشي ڪارخانن ۾ ڪم ڪندڙ به هند واسي ٿيندا نفعو به هند واسين کي ملندو ۽ سڀ پيسو هندستان ۾ ئي رهندو جي هاڻي شيون سٺيون نه ملنديون هجن ته ڇا ٿيو، جيئن مائٽ پنهنجي انڌي منڊي ٻار کي ٻين جي سهڻي ٻار کان وڌيڪ پيار ٿا ڪن تيئن اسان کي به سوديشي وستو پوءِ ڪري ڪنيون هجن سي واپرائڻ گهرجن، هندستان ۾ اسين پاڻ ؛ي ڍل وجهي ديسي شيون ڪتب آڻيون هر هڪ شهر ڳوٺ ۾ ڪيترو به خرچ ڪري ديسي شيون وٺڻ گهرجن، اسي سڀ پئسا اسان جي ملڪ ۾ رهندا ۽ نه ڌارين ملڪن ۾ ويندا، ان ڪري هندستان شاهوڪار ٿيندو ويندو، هاڻي هندستان مان ناڻو پيو ٻاهر وڃي، اسان کي کپي ته ٻين ملڪن وانگر پاڻ تي ڍلون وجهي قربانيون ڪري ديسي شيون تڪليفون سهي ڪتب آڻيون.

مسٽر سنتڊاس…… ستون ڪي اٺون سال ٿيم جو سوديشي جو اکر وات مان ڪو نه ڪڍيم، اٺ سوديشي ڍنگ ۾ توهان جي اڳيان اچي حاضر ٿيو آهيان، هڪ صاحب چيم ته عينڪ وديسي آهي، ان ۾ ڏوهه منهنجو ڪونهي، پر سڀني ڀائرن جو، جو اسين سئي ڌاڳو به ٺاهي نه ٿا سگهون، گذريل سال شڪارپور ڪانفرنس ۾ هڪ ڀاءُ اٿي چيو ته سوديشي ٿيو پر ڪنهن جواب ڪو نه ڏنس، ڪن کي اهو اچي خيال بيٺو آهي ته سوديشي ٿيون پر ڪالرن ۽ ٽاءِ ڇڏيون مان انهن جي برخلاف ڪو نه آهيان، مسٽر آسودومل آڪسفورڊ جو گريجوئيٽ آهي، هن کي گڏيل علائقن جي ٽوپي ۽ پائجاما پيل ها، پڇيومانس ته يار خبر ڏي ته تو ڪئن هي پوشاڪ پاتي آهي، اسين هتي ولايتي پوشاڪون پايون ٿا، هندستان ۾ ڪهڙو نمونو آهي؟ جواب ڏنائين ته ڪورٽن ۾ برابر ولايتي پوشاڪ ٿا پائن، پر شادين مرادين تي هو ديسي پوشاڪ ٿا پائن، هتي مارڪن تي به وديسي پوشاڪ پائين ٿا، ڪراچي جا ماڻهو گهڻا گنهگار آهن، شروع ڪئي حيدرآبادين، ڪي ڀائر ڌوتي تي ڪالر ۽ نيڪٽاءِ پائين، صاحبلوڪن کي انهي تي ڌڪار ٿي اچي، سوديشي جو پرچار ڪرڻ گهرجي ۽ وديسي جو خيال اسان مان نڪرڻ گهرجي، جيڪي شيون سوديشي ملي سگهن سي سوديشي واپرائين ۽ وديشي هرگز نه واپرائن، جيڪي صاحب هتي آهن تن مان ڪي جوان نڪري نروار ٿين ته سوديشي ضرور زور وٺندي، اسان جا مدبر مثال ٿين ته سوديشي زور وٺي مس ويل مون کي چيو ته تازو هڪ ميٽنگ ۾ هڪ واپاري اچي منهنجي پاسي ۾ ويٺو، هن کي ديسي پوشاڪ پيل هئي، مون هنن کي چيو ته اڄ مون سٺي سٺي پوشاڪ پيل ماڻهو ڏٺو، سڀ پاڻ ڏي نهارڻ لڳا.

مسٽر ڀرڳڙي ڪالر نيڪٽاءِ لاهي ڇڏيو آهي، هن جي پيروي ڪريو ته سوديشي زور وٺندي.

مسٽر عبدالرحمان…. توهان جيپنهنجي شفقت جي نظر مون تي رکي آهي، ان ۾ ڪا حڪمت رکيل آهي، منهنجي انگريزي سوٽ کي خوار ڪرڻو هو، مون ۾ ٻه ٽي عيب آهن، مون انهي رٿ تي ڳالهائڻ نه قبول ڪيو، چوي ٿو ته مان سڄو سوديشي آهيان پر جتان لک ٿا چان سا سڀ وديشي آهي، اسان جون زالون توهان کان وڌيڪ سوديشي آهن ورهين کان جنهن ڏينهن کان محمد علي جي ماءُ اهو پرن ڪيو تنهن وقت کان هنن اهو پرن ڪيو، آسٽريا جون شيون ۽ ماچيس هڪدم بند ڪيائون، انهي رٿ کي ٽيڪو ڏيڻ جي ڪپڙا ۽ دلالي ڪن وديسي ڪپڙي جي، ڪيئن پوءِ اسان جون ديسي شيون زور وٺنديون، جي سوديشي جا پريمي آهيو ته سوديسي دڪانن جا حصه خريد ڪريو، مندرن جي پوڄارين کي چئجي ته ٺاڪرن ۽ گرنٿ صاحب کي ديسي وستر پهريائين، ليڊرن کي گهرجي ته تلڪ مهراج ۽ ٻين جو مثال وٺي پيروي ڪن ته عام لوڪ انهن تي هلت ڪندا.

رسائي جو ٺهراءُ تار جي رستي بمبي سرڪار کي موڪلجي، جيئن ڪاميٽي تي خودمختيار ۽ بي ريا ميمبر موڪلجن، سڀا پتي وٽان.

 

ٺهراءُ ٽيوهيون : سوراج جو پرچار

هي ڪانفرنس سڀني ڊسٽرڪٽ ڪانگريس ڪاميٽين سوراج منڊيل ۽ ٻين راجنيتي مجلسن کي عرض ٿي ڪري ته هو سنڌ ديش ۾ سڄو سال سوراج جا متا خوب ڦهلائين ۽ مسٽرڪرٽسجي رٿ کي نندين.

 

ٺهراءُ چويهون :حيدرآباد ميونسپالٽي

حيدرآباد ميونسپالٽي…… مسٽر گوپالداس جهمٽ مل….. مون کي جا رٿ پيش ڪرڻ جو فرمان مليو آهي سا آهي ته گذريل نومبر واري خاص سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس ۾ جوحيدرآباد ميونسپالٽي مموٽي ملڻ جو ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيو، ان بابت بمبئي سرڪار جي بي خبري تي هن ڪانفرنس کي گهڻو عجب ٿو لڳي ۽ هي ڪانفرنس هن ڀيري به وري گهر ٿي ڪري ته حيدرآباد ميونسپالٽي وري جاري ڪرڻ کپي ڇو جو ڪاميٽي آو مئينجمينٽ جو انتظام بلڪل ردي آهي ۽ جي اها اڃا به جاري رهندي ته شهر جي ماڻهن کي مان نقصان ٿيندو.

ڀائرو……. مان انهي ڪم نصيب شهر جو رهواسي آهيان، جنهن تي اها مصيبت نازل آهي، حيدرآباد ميونسپالٽي ڪيئن سسپينڊ هئي، سا جهوٽي ڪمائي آهي، ميونسپالٽي جي گڏي به سرڪار کيس ورتي آهي، ستن قيمتن تي سرڪار جواب گهريا، جڏهن سرڪار کي پورو ۽ چوکو جواب مليو، تڏهن چوڻ لڳا ته اهي ڳالهيون ٺهيون ته توهان ۾ پورو ضابطو ڪونهي ۽ حڪم ڪڍيائون ته يا ميونسپل ڪمشنر قبول ڪريو يا توهان کي موقوف ڪبو، شاباس هجين جو هنن ڊيڍ ڪو ڪم ڪو نه ڪيو، پوءِ سرڪار هنن کي سسپينڊ ڪري ڪاميٽي مقرر ڪئي، جڏهن ڪاميٽي آئي ته ان ڪنهن به قسم جو ٻوٽو ڪو نه ٻاريو، ٽي ديسي ميمبر هوا ۽ ٽي گورا عملدار هئا، اٺن مهينن کان پوءِ ميونسپل ڪمشنر مقرر ٿيو، چوڻي آهي ته جهڙي بيبي فاطما تهڙو صابو لنڊ، حيدرآباد ۾ گهٽين ۾ ڪرفتي جو چار فوٽ گند هو، صفائي اصل ڪا نه ٿي، شمعدانن ۾ اڳريون لڳل آهن، پاڻي جو ڏڪر پئجي ويو، جي شهر جا وانٽيئر پاڻي نه پهچائين ته جيڪر پاڻي جي اڻاٺ ڪري ماڻهو مري وڃن ها، ان وچ ۾ ويا ڍلون وڌائيندا، اسان پڪاريو پر سرڪار ڌيان ڪو نه ڏنو، گورا اسان عملدارن کي ڇترا سمجهندا آهن، آهي به ائين، وڏو لمبو عريضو موڪليوسين، ان جو جواب ندا رد، مسٽر ڀرڳڙي رٿ پيش ڪئي بمبئي ليجسليٽو ڪائونسل ۾، اهو به بند، سوال پڇڻ نه ڏنائون، اسپيشل ڪانفرنس ۾ هي رٿپيش ٿي ۽ ٺهراءُ پريزيڊنٽ جي صحيح وٺي گورنر صاحب کي موڪليو، آنربل مسٽر هرچند راءِ ان بابت سوال پڇيو، جواب مليس ته اهو ٺهراءُ اسان کي مليو ئي ڪين، چوڪ اها ٿي جو اسان اهو ٺهراءُ بمبئي سرڪار کي نه موڪليو پر گورنر صاحب کي انهي اميد تي هو تدارڪ ڪندو، ٻورن جي ڪار آهي.

مکي ڄيٺانند……. هي رٿ سڄي سنڌ سان تعلق رکي ٿي، ميونسپالٽي سرڪار جون پئي ڳالهيون قبول نه ڪيون!، هائوس ٽيڪس ۽ ميونسپل ڪمشنر، سنڌ جي حاڪمن جي اها خواهش ئي آهي ته هائوس ٽيڪس وجهجي، مسٽر بئرو اوچتو ميونسپل آفيس تي ڪاهي آيو ۽ دفتر تسپا سارائي کڻائي ويو ۽ سرڪار کي رپورٽ ڪيائين، اسان چارجن جو جواب ڏنو جو سرڪار کي بلڪل واجبي ڏسڻ ۾ آيو پر پنهنجي ڳالهه مٿي ڪرڻ لاءِ اسان کي لکيائون ته ميونسپل ڪمشنر ۽ هائوس ٽيڪس قبول ڪريو، ووٽرن سان صلاحون ڪيائون جن اهي جينون قبول نه ڪيون، سرڪار ڪاميٽي مقرر ڪئي، چارجون ڪاميٽي تي وڌيڪ رکي سگهون، روشني رستا ڇنڪار صفائي اصل ڪانهي، ميونسپل ڪمشنر رستا وڃي ٿو گهٽائيندو ۽ ٽيهن فوٽن واري رستي جي بدران 15 فوٽن ۾ مرمت ٿئي ٿي، اخبارن ڪالم ڪارا ڪيا، مسٽر ڀرڳڙي رٿ پيش ڪئي پر ڪجهه ڪين وريو، نيٺ عام ميٽنگ ڪري سرڪار کي عريضي ڪئي وئي ته گندگي وڌي وئي موت وڌيو آهي، ڄم گهٽيو آهي، تنهنڪري هڪ ڏينهن به ڪاميٽي وڌيڪ نه ٿئي ۽ ميونسپالٽي موٽي ملي.

 

ٺهراءُ پنجويهون : نظر بند سنڌين جي بند خلاصي

هي ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي گهڻي قدر ذهن نشين ٿي ڪرائي ته جيڪي به سنڌي هند جي بچاءُ جي ايڪٽ يا ٻين ايڪٽن هيٺ نظر آهن، جن جي آزادگي مان عام خلقت يا هند سرڪار جي سلامتيءَ کي ڪو دپ ڪونهي تن کي جلد آزادگي بخش ٿيڻي ۽ جيستائي هنن کي آزدگي نصيب ٿئي، تيستائين هنن جي پرورش جو پورو بندوبست ڪيو وڃي، خصوص انهن جو جن لاءِ اهڙو بندوبست اڃان تائين نه ڪيل آهي.

ڊاڪٽرچوئٿرام……. نظر بندي جو قاعدو بنگال ۾ گهڻو آهي، پر سنڌ سان لاڳو ڪيو ويو آهي، پروفيسر جوهر مل منهنجو ذاتي دوست آهي، هو ويو ٿي ولايت ۾ پڙهڻ پر جنگ لڳڻ ڪري هو جاپان ۾ ويو جتان ڪماگاما ۾ موٽيو جتي گوڙ ٿيو۽ پروفيسر کي بند ڪري ويا، نظر بند ٿيلن سان نياءُ ڪونهي، پروفيسر جي پيءُ ڏاڍي ڪوشش ڪئي هن کي جواب مليو ته ڪوجي جو ڪائونسل چوي ٿو ته تنهنجو پٽ خوفناڪ ماڻهو آهي جنهن پڻس کي لکيو ته مون کي خبر ڪانهي، پر هن کي هڪ هندستاني چيو ته هي خوفناڪ آهي، چئبو آهي ته فلاڻي جي پڳ ۾ اٺ مڻ، عملدارن جي لغز ۾ اٺ آهي، نظر بندين کي ننڍڙي ڪوٺي ۾ رکندا آهن، ڪو کين پڇي به ڪو نه، ٽي چار مهينا گذري وڃن ته خبر ڪا نه اچي وڃي، وڃي روز اسٽيشن تي بيهي ته من منهنجو پٽ ڇٽي ڪيترا بنگالي چريا ٿي پيا آهن، ٽي چار ڏينهن ٿيا ته هن کي ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ وٽ وٺي ويا، هن چيو ته مون ڪو به ڏوهه ڪو نه ڪيو آهي، تنهنڪري مان ڪو به ضامن ڪو نه ڏيندس، هن اڳي به ائين چيو هو، هن جي مائٽن وٽان ڪالهه تار آئي آهي ته هو اڃا ڪين ڇٽو آهي، قبول ڪري ڪجي ته هن ڏوهه ڪيو هجي ته به ڪا حد هجي، سنڌوبالا ٻن ديوين جي نظر بندي جي مچا، وڏا دان ڪن ته مس اها مچا لهين، هڪ جي بدران ٻن کي پڪڙيائون هنن کي پيري پنڌ وٺي ويا، اسٽيشن تي ۽ 15 ڏينهن جيل ۾ هيون، سرڪار نامدار چوي ٿي ته چوڪ ٿي وئي Eroor of judgment اري توهان جي فتويٰ ۾ ٻار هوئي پٿر پيا آهن، پنڌ جو ڪرايو گاڏيون، ڍڳن جون نه مليون، سرڪار مزي جهڙا جواب ڏنا آهن، بنگالي اخبارون پڙهو ته توهان جو رت ٽهڪي ته ڪيئن ڪنيا ٿئي ٿو، جي سرڪار چاهي ته نياءُ ۽ ڌرم تي ڪم هلي ۽ اسان مان ناراضپو نڪري ته انهن نظربندين کي ڇڏيو، ڀارت ورس ڇو بند آهي؟ هنن کي آزادگي ڏيو ته ڪو به هند واسي سرڪار جي برخلاف نه ٿيندو، اسين سرڪار کي چتايون ٿا، هندستان جي گرمي ڪري توهان جو Temperature وڌي ٿي وڃي، برف ذرو رکي انصاف ڪريو.

مسٽر محمد خان ……. هي رٿ بلڪل درد انگيز آهي، پليگ ۾ ڪيترا ماڻهو مرن ٿا، چڱن خرابن جي بيماري کي شناخت ڪا نه ٿي پوي، بم گولن جي به اها حالت آهي، هند جي بچاءُ اڪٽ جي به اها حالت، هزارين نوجوان بنا دريافت قيدرکڻ نياءُ جي ورڌ آهي، عملدار ڪو به خيال ڪو نه ٿا ڪن، هندستان جي هڪ ڪنڊ کان ٻي ڪنڊ تاءُ شور ٿيو آهي، جيڪي ڏوهي آهن ته انهن تي ڪو نه ٿا عدالتي ڪورٽن ۾ مقدمو هلائي انهن کي سزا ڏين جي مٿن ڏوهه ثابت ٿين جي توهين ڀانيو ته هي اسان جا ڀائر آزاد ٿين ته پنهنجي بازن سان ڪم ڪريو، هي رٿ اسان جو علاج نه اهي، ان کان وڌيڪ اسان کي کپيان هندستان سان ڪنياءُ آهي، خوشامند ريا ٽٽون آزاد ٿين ۽ راجڀڳت قيد ڪاٽين اها ڳالهه عجب جي، آئرلنڊ ۾ ماڻهن سرڪار جي برخلاف فساد ڪيا لڙائي ڪيائون ڪن کي ڦاسي آئي ٻين کي قيد ڪيائون، انهن سڀني کي آزادگي ملي، پوءِ تڏهن ڇو نه هند واسين کي به آزادگي ٿا ڏين،

ڪن وزير اعظمکي قتل ڪرڻ جو منصوبو ڪيو، مسٽر لاايڊ جارج جي چوڻ تي هن ڏوهي کي معافي ملي، پر هندستان ۾ جي ڏوهين کي قيد ۾ رکيويٺا آهن ۽ هنن کي معافي ڪا نه ٿا ڏين، ان مان ڪجهه ڪين ورندو، پروفيسر جوهر مل جو اهو ڏوهه هو جو هن چيو ته هن گاڏي ۾ مان نه ويندس، پر ٻي گاڏيءَ ۾ ويندس، ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ هن کي جيل ۾ موڪليو، نهايت شوڪ جي ڳالهه آهي، مسٽر عبدل مجيد نهايت نيڪ انسان آهي، هو منهنجو دوست اهي، مولوي محمد صادق مولويآهي، لوڪن کي مذهبي تعليم ڏيندو هو، سرڪار هن کي قيد ڪيو، مسلمانن جي مذهبي معاملات ۾ سرڪار کي وچ ۾ پوڻ نه جڳائي، اي گوري شاهي لطف جي نظر ڪريو، ڪڏهن هي بيداد ختم ٿيندو.

 

ٺهراءُ ڇهويهون : لوڪمانيه تلڪ ۽ سريجت بڇن چندريال

هي ڪانفرنس بلڪل سخت اعتراض ٿي وٺي جو لوڪمانيه تلڪ ۽ سريجت بپن چندر پال کي پنجاب ۽ دهلي جي سرڪارين پنهنجن حدن اندر اچڻ کان روڪڻ جو حڪم اڃان رنڊڪون ڪيو آهي.

مسٽر هرچندراءِ….. اسين ڀاڳوار آهيون جو اسان اهو سڀاپتي چونڊ جو اسين ڪراچي وارا خوش آهيون، جو توهان جي صلاح تي اسان هن صاحب کي چونڊيو، هن کان بهتر ٻي ڪا به چونڊ ڪا نه ٿي ها، هو صاحب دولت آهي سڀ وقت بچائي ڪانفرنس جي تهل لاءِ آيو آهي، تڪليف وٺي هيڏي تقرير ٺاهي اٿس، اڳي اهڙي قابل ۽ وديا وان ايڊريس ڪا نه ٿي هوندي، ڪانگريس جي پريزيڊنٽي کان سنڌ جي ڪانفرنس جي پريزيڊنٽي وڌيڪ آهي، هن باقابليت ۽ با فضيلت ۽ باسياقت پريزيدنٽي هلائڻ جو ڪم ڪيوآهي، جن اهو ڪم هلائيو هوندو، تن کي ان جي مشڪلاتن جي خبر هوندي، ٻئي ڪل رکڻ عقل جو ڪم آهي، جتي ڏٺو اٿس ته ڳالهائيندڙ چاتر مسٽر ڄيٺمل جهڙو آهي، تتي ڪلاڪ ڪلاڪ به خرچو ڏنو اٿس، ٻين هنڌڳالهائيندڙن کي روڪ ڪئي اٿس، مان تمام خوش آهيان جو هن کي وجهه مليو آهي ته مان اها رٿ شروع ڪريان.

مسٽر ڀرڳڙي… نهايت مون کي خوشي آهي جو مون کي ڳالهائڻ جو وجهه مليو آهي، شڪارپور ڪانفرنس ۾ هڪ مثال ڪري مان مسٽر مرليڌر ٿي موهت ٿي پيس، مستر بپن چدرپال کي تار وئي، پوءِ روڪ ٿي، ڪليڪٽر ستو پيو هو، هي صاحب پنهنجي باغ ۾ رهڻ لاءِ پارٽي ڏيڻ لاءِ، تقرير ڏيڻ لاءِ تيار و سدا آهي، انهي کان پوءِ ٻي ڪهڙي خودمختياري آهي، ان وقت کان وٺي مان مٿس عاشق آهيان، اهڙي دلير پليگ وقت غريبن جي ٽهل تڪليف وقت هنن سان همراهه ٿيڻ ڪري منهنجيدل وڌيڪ هن ڏانهن موهت ٿي، اهو پهاڪو آهي ته چڱي ماڻهوءَ جو ڳوٺ ۾ قدر نه ٿيندو آهي، شڪارپوري هن تان فدا ٿا ٿين، اهڙو صاحب ڪانفرنس جو مهندار ٿئي سا وڏي خوشي جي ڳالهه آهي، شل خدا تعاليٰ هن کي وڏي حياتي بخشي ۽ همت ڏئي جو هو اهو ڪم اڃان به وڌيڪ ڪري.

سيٺ چيلارام دلومل……. هن وقت جيڪا مون کي رٿ ترجيح ڪرڻي آهي، انهي ڪري مان پاڻ کي ڀاڳوان ٿو سمجهان جو پرش پنهنجي لوڪ جي انتي ڪندو سو ديو چئبو، خيال هوم ته هن ديوتا جو اسٽيشن تي وڃي درشن ڪريان. اڄ کان وٺي هن کي مرليڌر ديو چئبو، هن ڇا ڪيو آهي، ساهه تري تي کڻي غريبن جي ٽهل ڪئي، اهو ديو سرير سان جي ڪانفرنس جو پريزيڊنٽ ٿئي، اها خوشي جي ڳالهه آهي، مان توهان جي پاران هن کي مبارڪ ٿو ڏيان.

مسٽر جمشيد مهتا…….. جو سڀا پتي اسان جهڙو آدمي آهي جو اسان جي ردي ۾ آهي، ان جي ساراهه ڪهڙي ڪجي.

ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام……. مهربان سڀا پتي جي جنهن ڪم اهڙو چڱو ڪيو، منهنجو چوڻ جو شيلو اهو آهي ته سيٺ چيلا رام جي چوڻ موجب ديو پريزيڊنٽ آهي، شاهي نوڪري جي پيلگ نورت ڪرڻ لاءِ سڄي ملڪ ۾ ٻارهن مهينا گهمي ڪم ڪري اڳيان پريزيڊنٽ ۽ توهين به ان ۾ مدد ڏيندا ته قصوآسان آهي.

مسٽر هرچند راءِ…….. ان رٿ کي يڪراٰءِ ٿي پاس ڪريو ۽ ٽي دفعه اٿي هي ٽي دفعا بندي ماترم پڪاريو.

اتي 3 دفعه بندي ماترم بلند آواز ۾ سڀني اٿي هي پڪاريو.

مسٽر مرليڌر…… اڄ هي پنجين ڪانفرنس ختم ٿي آهي، اتڪل ساڍا چار سو ڪي پنج سو ڊيليگيٽ هن ڪانفرنس ۾ آيا آهن، ملن ڪيئن توهان جي شڪر گزاري ظاهر ڪريان ان ۾ مون کي لفظ ڪين ٿا ملي سگهن، شڪارپور مان نڪرڻ وقت مکيه اسٽيشن تي هندن ۽ مسلمانن مون تي نهايت مهرباني ڪئي آهي، ڪراچي ڇلوڻي کان وٺي سٽي اسٽيشن تي ۽ هر وقت مون تي مهرباني جا پئي ڪئي اٿو سا ڪيئن ورنن ڪريان جي مون کي مسٽر لوڪامل يا مسٽر ڄيٺمل يا مسٽر ويرومل يا سيٺ هرچندراءِ جهڙي شيرين زباني هجي ته به توهان جي مهرباني جي سوين پتي به ظاهر ڪري ڪين سگهندس، سرڪار وڏي م وڏي مون کي عزت ڏئي اها مان توهان جي مان جي اڳيان تڇ ٿو سمجهان، مان توهان کي وچن ٿو ڏيان ته مان سڄي عمر ملڪ جي سيوا ڪندو رهندس، پنهنجو تن من ڌن ديس سيوا ۾ ارپن ڪندس، مون جيڪو تڇ ڪم ڪيو آهي سو ڪجهه ڪين آهي، مان شڪارپوري آهيان اها ڳالهه منهنجي لاءِ فخر آهي، شڪارپور جهڙا ڀائر هجن ته ان تي جلد ٿئي، جنهن جنهن شهر ۾ ڌن من ڌن جي مدد گهرجي ته منهنجا شڪارپوري ڀائر ٻانهن ٻيلي ٿي بيهندا. (مبارڪ هجي شڪارپورين کي) مرحبا ڪاميٽي جي چيئرمين صاحب مسٽر در چند راءِ ۽ ٻين ميمبرن ۽ سيڪريٽريبن هن ڪانفرنس جي ڪم ۾ سرجوشي سان ڪم ڪيو آهي، تنهن لاءِ مان توهان جي پاران هن جي شڪر گذاري ٿو ڪريان. پنڊال جو ڪم ٺيڪيدارن ڪنهن به عيوض وٺڻ جي ديس سيوا ڪئي آهي، جنهن لاءِ اسين سندن نهايت شڪر گذار آهيون، اسان جا نوجوان، جن کي هندستان جي سولجر وزير ۽ ڪاروبار هلائڻ جو ڪم ڪرڻو آهي، انهن والينٽرن ۽ انهن جي ڪپٽان مسٽر ٽيڪمداس واڌو مل جنهن جو منهن سدائين پيو کلي جو آڌي سانجهي خوشي سان ڪو به ڪم ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار آهي، انهن جي ڪهڙي ساراهه ڪريان، جيڪي والينٽيئر مون وٽ رهيا آهن تنهن جي ڪهڙي شڪرگذاري ڪريان جي والينٽيئر مون وٽ رهيا آهن تن جي ڪهڙي شڪر گذاري ڪريان جي والينٽيئر ڪراچي ۾ منهنجا باڊي گارڊ ٿيا آهن تن جي مان شڪر گذاري ٿو ڪريان. نيشنل ڪاليج جا شاگرد سندن ماستر مسٽر جيمٽ مل جو نهايت شڪر گذار آهيان. مسٽر جهمٽ مل لشڪر جو مهندار ٿئي، انهي مان ديش جي انتي جي گهڻي اميد رکي ٿي سگهجي، ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام سان مان شامل راءِ آهيان ته ٻه ٽي ڏينهن رٿون پاس ڪري وڃي گهر ۾ آرام ڪريون پر جيڪي ٻڌون ۽ ٺهراءُ ڪريون تن جي پيروي پاڻ به ڪريون ۽ ٻين کي عرض ڪريون ته ان جي پيروي ڪن، اسان کي کپي ته غريبن جي شيوا ڪريون، اسان جو ڪمآهي ته ڳوٺن ۽ ننڍن شهرن ۾ جي ڀائر رهن ٿا تن کي سڌاري پاڻ جهڙو ڪريون، انهن کي سڌاريون، اسين ته سوراج جلد حاصل ڪري سگهنداسين، هنن کي علم ڏيون ۽ پاڻ جهڙا ڪريون ته هو ديش جي هل چل مان واقف ٿيندا ۽ اسان جا ٻانهن ٻيلي ٿي بيهندا، اسان جا ڀائر آهن، اسان جو ڪم اهي هنن کي مدد ڪرڻ، اميد به ڪريان توهين انهي ڪم ۾ مدد ڪندا ۽ مان به توهان سان ان ڪم ۾ مددگار رهندس، مان توهان کي وينتي ٿو ڪريان ته اٿي بيهي ايشور کي آرڌنا ڪريون ته هي ايشور اسان کي اهو ٻل ڏي ته اسين سوراج حاصل ڪريون آزادگي جا خيال ڀائرن ۾ وجهون ۽ سڀني کي هڪ جهڙو سمجهي ساڻ ڀائتي جي هلت ڪريون، پڇاري ۾ وري به مان توهان جي شڪر گذاري ٿو ڪريان ۽ جيڪا تڪليف توهان کي ٿي هجي ان لاءِ توهان جا تهدل ٿوڙا ٿو مڃان.

 

ڪانفرنس جا عهديدار

پريزيڊنٽ : مسٽر مرليڌر جيرامداس

چيئرمين : آنربل مسٽر هرچندراءِ وشنداس

جنرل سيڪريٽري : مسٽر درگداس بي آڏواڻي

جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري : مسٽر ڌيپچند جانڊومل، مسٽر ٽيڪمداس واڌو مل، مسٽر آرسڪي سڌوا، مسٽر آسودومل ريواجند

خزانچي : مسٽر لوڪا مل جيلارا

ڪپٽان ل مسٽر ٽيڪمداس واڌو مل بار. ائٽ لا.

 

ڊيليگيٽن جو وچور

ڪراچي ضلعي مان 197، حيدرآباد ضلعي مان 81، ٿرپارڪر ضلعي مان 2، نواب شاهه ضلعي مان 1، لاڙڪاڻي ضلعي مان 16، شڪارپور ضلعي مان 136، ڪوئيٽا مان 3، جيڪب آباد ضلعي مان 16. ٽوٽل 451.

The material/data/information can be provided on request

SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

Held In March / April 1918

At Karachi – Proceedings

And Resolutions

 

The Sind Provincial Conference opened in Karachi on 30.03.1918 afternoon under the presidentship of Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdas, a pleader of Shikarpur and was attended by nearly 500 hundred delegates from all parts of Sind. After an address by the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, C.I.E., Chairman of the reception committee, and speeches by Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, R.B. Hiranand and Mr. Lokamal Chellaram enlogising the president and moving him into chair Mr. Murlidhar read, his presidential address which embraced almost every topic of importance and unimportance to Sind, except the war.

The proceedings on 30.03.1918 meeting opened with a resolution expressing sorrow, at the death of Sir William wedderburn, which was passed in silence. The president then moved a brief resolution declaring loyalty to the British Crown and praying for the success of the British arms.

The following resolutions were passed:-

(1) “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the reforms outlined in Curti’s scheme are mischievous, illusory and unacceptable to the people of India and therefore strongly condemns the suggestion that the scheme should be applied to Sind or in any other part of India”.

(2) “This conference places on record its grateful thanks to the Labor party of England for its whole-hearted support to the cause of Home Rule for India and for its pledge to render all assistance inside and outside parliament towards the attainment of this object”.

The Principal resolution of the Conference led to an avalanche of speeches from the Hon. Mr. Harchandrai Vishindas, R.B. Hiranand Khemsing, Mr. Ghulam Ali G. Chagla, Mukhi Jethnand Pritmadas, Mr. Santdas Magharam, Mr. Naraindas Motoram, Mr. R.K. Sidhwa, and Dr. Choithram.

 

It read:-

(3) This Conference while appreciating the pronouncement made by His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India on behalf of the Imperial Government that its object is the establishment of responsible Government of India, urges, the Imperial Government to give the people of India an effective voice, with His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India, in determining the measure and time of each advance towards responsible Government.

“This Conference strongly urges the necessity for the immediate enactment of a parliamentary statute providing for the establishment of responsible Government in India, the full measure to be attained at an early date within a time to be fixed in the statute itself.

“This conference is emphatically of opinion that the Congress League Scheme of reforms which is the irreducible minimum that the people of India can accept be immediately introduced by statute as the first step in the process:.

“The final resolution was:-

(4) “This conference strongly condemns the action of officials in bringing undue pressure on various municipalities in Sind to introduce the house tax in the teeth of strong opposition of the people and in emphatically disapproves of their high handed action in the case of Larkana, and Manjhand Municipalities. This conference desires to bring to the notice of Government this high-handed policy and violation of the principle of local self-Government and urges the immediate reversal of the same”.

The conference again assembled on 1.04.1918 and passed further resolutions including one on the separation of Sind from the Presidency. (D.G. 1 April, 1918, P.4)

 

CONCLUDING DAY

On resumption yesterday (1st April, 1918) afternoon the Sind Provincial Conference passed four resolutions, the principal being on the position of Sind in the coming reforms, which led to a long discussion before it was carried. It reads:-

“This Conference is emphatically of opinion that the present system of Government in Sind under which the Commissioner in Sind exercises almost all the powers of the Governor in Council, without the safeguards afforded by an Executive Council, constituting thus a system of decentralization of powers without popular control, is most detrimental to the best interests of the Province and has retarded its progress in many direction.

“This Conference therefore strongly urges the imperative necessity of repealing Act V of 1868 and all over measures authorizing delegation of powers to the Commissioner in Sind and of placing Sind under the direct control of the Government of Bombay.

“That in view of the announcement of reforms expected to be made by the Secretary of State as the result of his mission to this country, a committee (consisting of twenty gentlemen) be appointed to consider the said announcement, more specially with reference to Sind and submit its report to the Sind Provincial Congress Committee, who should convene a special session of the Sind Provincial Conference to deliberate on the same”.

The other resolution covered a diversity of subjects, ranging from education to resolutions on individuals and the Press and including several matters of interests to Sind. .

PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS

The presidential address, which was delivered on Saturday occupied forty five pages of printed foolscap, five sixth of which were devoted to what may be described as imperial topics the Defence of India Act, the Arms Act, The Press Act, the Income Tax Act, Education, “Home Rule”, Local “Home Rule”, the Swadeshi Movement, etc. whilst one sixth referred to Sind matters the form of the Sind Government, Fallow Rules, Fuel and Salt, Bank side trees, Rasai, Lapo and Cher. On the subject of the Government of Sind “as it is and as it ought to be”, Mr. Murlidhar Jeramdass delivered himself as follows:

SIND AS IT OUGHT TO BE

Sind in comparison to her sister provinces stands on a lower rung of the ladder leading to the destined goal of Swaraj. Her position in the presidency is peculiar; she has therefore to work harder and more strenuously than other provinces for the purpose of reaching the desired goal.

Even Indian’s political Rishi late Mr. Gokhale in his political testament treated Sind with scant attention and the inactivity and inertia displayed by her. But now the same state of things can not be permitted to continue and Sind refused to be called a “Benighted province” or a “Sleepy hollow”. She is an integral and non-negligible part of India and is prepared to contribute ratably to the Indian culture.

This subject had very recently been a matter for discussion at the last Special Sind Conference held at Hyderabad a few months ago. As it was the legitimate and special province of that Conference to deal with it, my task is considerably simplified so far as this subject is concerned and I have thus to make a very few observations only.

It is an anomaly that Sind is still on the list of “Scheduled Districts” although with Karachi rivaling Bombay, it has been advancing commercially and though in consequence of Mesopotamian conquest, its geographical importance is an assured and unprecedented one.

Whatever be the view adopted with respect to the political status that Sind may occupy in the proposed reforms, we all are unanimously agreed that Sind Commissioner’s Act of 1868, that has remained with us for a half century, ought to be abolished and one man’s rule ought to end. This Act confers powers of the Governor in Council on the Commissioner usually of the Indian Civil Service and trained to be an autocrat, and his acts remain uncontrolled and unquestioned by the Bombay Government. The Government has voluntarily parted with its power to check the actions of each with its power to check the each occupant that comes and goes. His will is supreme for good or for evil and absolute. Sind feels sequestered. It has a poor representation on the University, her educational advancement is slow her development of Local Self Government stunted and her agricultural, irrigational and industrial condition unsatisfactory. I can not refrain myself from observing that this system is repugnant to the democratic principles that have now surcharged the political atmosphere all over the world and that at present the autocratic system can not inspire that confidence in the minds of the governed that would otherwise be done in the case of a representatives Government wherein “Self determination” has a part. What is done in the province, be it in the dispensation of state service, be it in the nomination of municipalities and local boards, be it in the forests or in the judiciary, never reaches the ears of the Bombay Government.

With the repeal of this Act where with a pre anti dilluvian form of Government is carried on, arises the question of demand for a suitable and satisfactory form of Government.

The only possible suggestions for consideration are:-

(1) Should Sind be autonomous with a Governor and Councils?

(2) Should Sind be linked to the Punjab?

(3) Should Sind be made a part of Baluchistan?

(4) Should Sind remain annexed to Bombay with a promise that Sind Commissioner’s Act be repealed and Sind be given a Commissioner with the same powers that other Commissioners in the Presidency have.

Brother delegates, these are all mementoes questions on the right determination of which the future of Sind depends. All the above suggestions have been fully considered at the last Sind Special Provincial Conference. Mine will be but a feeble voice in endorsement of those views. But the importance of the questions is such that the ablest and the most thoughtful men of Sind should meet in committee to consider the various aspects of the questions. Difficulties there are in every course but they have to be met. Under the present system Sind has not gained any thing from the introduction of Morley Minto reforms. Sind unless it rises to suggest its fate will, I am sure remain untouched by any changes that Parliament may introduce at the instance of Mr. Montagu, Sind must make its voice felt that the present system of bureaucratic rule with “wooden, in elastic and iron” machinery can not go on any longer. Before these changes are introduced let this Conference or its specially authorized committee prepare a scheme of reforms for the administration of Sind Government.

FUEL AND SALT

On the subject of Fuel and Salt Mr. Murlidhar said:

The prices of fuel and salt had gone very high and continued complaints were heard from all parts of the Province. But I am glad the Commissioner in Sind has kindly interested himself in the matter and arrangements are made through municipalities to sell salt at the rate of one anna per seer and fuel kandi at a little over 8 annas a maund and lai a little over 6 annas a maund throughout the year. If the municipalities can take up coupes according to their requirements direct from the Forest Department they will be able to sell fuel still cheaper to the people. I am sure Government will make reasonable concession in royalty charges in such a case.

BANK SIDE TREES

On the subject of Bank side trees Mr. Murlidhar said:

Among the chief grievances of the Sind Zamindars, the order of the Commissioner in Sind about the bank side trees on private water courses is one. The karias are excavated and cleared by the Zamindars themselves at their own cost and the tress are planted, nurtured, and maintained by the Zamindars, similarly. The produce of these trees is also enjoyed by the Zamindars. The incidents of ownership lie with the Zamindars. There is thus no justification why the Government should lay claim such trees. They have no hand in their creation or growth. I am aware that the proportion of the land covered by the karia is deducted from the area of the land for the purpose of assessment but the land revenue charged includes the water rate and karia assessment as disclosed by the report of Commission appointed to report on settlements.

Therefore this fact should not affect the right of the Zamindars to the trees grown and maintained by him and not by Government though the usufruct is admittedly the Zamindars. Government claims ownership of the land under the water courses but Government similarly claims to be the power paramount of all the survey numbers are recognized to be the legitimate property of the Zamindars. For many years there was no interference by Government with the rights of Zamindars over these trees and no permission was required for cutting them. Latterly however a circular ( No.29 ) went forth and warned the rayat that such trees no longer were their property . This circular seems presumably to be based on the view that the land Revenue Code had vested the proprietorship of all the soil in the power paramount. But this inspite of Sind Sadar Court deciding in 1883 as against Government assertion of such a claim “That though there may have been originally nothing proprietary in the character of some Zamindars the position was one which readily developed in a proprietary form” I think in fairness to the Zamindars, Government should now uphold their rights to these trees and issue clear orders to that effect so as to save the Zamindars from unnecessary prosecutions in criminal courts and harassment at the hands of revenue officials.

Mr. Murlidhar’s remarks on the subjects of the Fallow Rules, Rasai, Lapo and cher were repetition of what has been said at previous local meeting. (DAILY GAZETTE, DATED APRIL2, 1918 PAGE NO.10)

 

TEXT OF RESOLUTIONS

 

The following resolutions were passed at Monday’s sitting of this Sind Provincial Conference in Karachi:

1.- (a) “That this conference is of opinion that the existing system of education under Government control does not satisfy necessary requirements and therefore until national control is effectively secured over the educational system, voluntary organizations, independent of Government control, should be started and developed for the purpose of founding and expanding schools and colleges and for imparting general, technical and commercial education suited to the needs of the country”.

(b) “That this conference records its warm appreciation of the labours of those patriots who are responsible for the formation of the society for the Promotion of National Education under the presidentship of Sir Rash Behari Ghose and hopes that the public of Sind will heartily support this Society and form branches of the same in every town .”

(c) “That this conference is highly pleased to find that an institution called the Sind National Collage and High school has already been started by the Society for the promotion of National Education at Hyderabad and hoped that the pubic of Sind will enthusiastically support the institution and soon start similar institutions in other parts of Sind”.

(d) “That this conference urges upon the public of Sind and all public institutions in the province the necessity of helping the above society with generous donations and calls upon all patriotic Sindhis to work for the success of the National Education Week”.

“That conference while thanking Lord Willingdon’s Government for its support to Mr. Patel’s Act for Compulsory Primary Education in municipal areas, urges on Government the desirability of extending the principle of the Act to rural areas and the necessity of increasing its grant in aid for primary education to two thirds of the total expenditure on that head in any municipal area where compulsion is introduced. This conference also calls upon the municipal councilors of the larger municipalities in Sind to take immediate measures to introduce compulsory primary education and arrange to provide their share of the cost”.

2. (a) “This conference places on record its deliberate opinion that by reason of the wide and arbitrary powers conferred by the press Act of 1910 upon the present irresponsible executive and the unequal and partial manner in which it has been used in the case of the Indian and Anglo-Indian press, the Act has proved a menace to the liberty of the Indian press and is opposed to British traditions in England, and the conference urges Government to immediately repeal it”.

(b) “This conference strongly condemns the recent action of officials in Sind in demanding securities under the press Act from the New Times , the Home Ruler, the Trade Advertiser and the Hindvasi without any justifiable grounds”;

3. “This conference while thanking Government for having agreed to appoint a mixed committee to inquire into the evils of rasai, lapo and cher deplores the unabated prevalence of these abuses in Sind and strongly urges the appointment of a majority of non official member of recognized independence of opinion on that committee. This conference further suggests to Government the great desirability of immediately issuing a notification assuring the people that Government are anxious to know the truth and will see that witnesses are not harassed by officials”.

4. “This conference is of opinion that the continued internment of Messrs. Muhammad Ali and Shoukat Ali inspite of the assurance given by them and several eminent leaders of the Muhammadan community betrays a gross want of trust in the people on the part of the Government and is a cause of serious discontent among the people. This conference therefore strongly urges on His Majesty’s Government in England the desirability of issuing instructions for the release of these two leaders”.

5. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that the imposition of the present restrictions on the attendance of students at political meetings is calculated to discourage the cultivation of patriotic spirit and therefore urges the Government to cancel the orders issued by it on the question”.

6. “This conference earnestly appeals to Government to set at liberty Prof. Jawhermal, Mr. Abdul Majid and Moulvie Mahomed Sadik and all other Sindhis interned or incarcerated under the Defence of India Act or any other measure and pending their release. This conference further strongly urges the grant of substantial allowance to all those interned Sindhis who do not now get it.

7. “These Conference Calls upon the various District Congress Committees, Home Rule League and other political association in the province to carry on throughout the year a vigorous propaganda in support of the Congress League scheme and in condemnation of the Curti’s scheme”.

8. “This conference condemns of the continuance of the orders issued by the Governments of the Punjab and Delhi prohibiting entry to Messrs. Balgangadbar Tilak and Bepin Chandra Pal within their respective province and regards this continuance as wholly unwarranted”.

9. “This conference is emphatically of opinion that at least one of the three judges now constituting the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of Sind should be an Indian recruited from the Sind bar”.

10. “In view of the continuance of serious complaints regarding the misuse of the powers conferred by section 110 of the Criminal Procedure Code, this conference urges Government to institute a public inquiry into the working of this section in Sind by a committee on which independent non-official opinion is largely represented and to issue instructions granting immunity to all witnesses who give evidence before the committee”.

11. “This conference emphatically protests against the methods adopted by the Income Tax assessing officers in assessing the Tax and against the undue interference by the revisional authorities in raising the tax after decision in appeals”.

12. “This conference, while expressing its surprise at the ignorance displayed by the Bombay Government at the last session of the Legislative Council with regard to the resolution urging the restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality passed at the Special Sind Provincial Conference held at Hyderabad in November last, reiterates its demand for the immediate restoration of the Hyderabad Municipality, as the present Committee of Management has proved an utter failure and its continuance will be against the civic interest of the town.”

13. “This conference places on record its sense of extreme dissatisfaction at the attitude taken up by Government at the last session of the Bombay Council on the question of the translation of vernacular newspapers of Sind in the office of the Oriental Translator at Bombay and is emphatically of opinion that there is no justification whatsoever for not having independent arrangements in Bombay for the translation of Sindhi papers.”

14. “This conference strongly condemns the present policy of officials to suppress all out spoken Indian newspapers of Sind by putting a ban on them and is of opinion that the orders of Government issued to registered libraries not to subscribe for the Hindvasi, the Larkana Gazette and the Sind Patrika are absolutely unjustified and constitute an interference with a legitimate attempt to educate public opinion on the rights of the people. This conference therefore strongly urges the reversal of the above policy and the withdrawal of the above orders.”

15. “This conference is strongly of opinion that Swadeshi should be encouraged by all lovers of the motherland even at a sacrifice and all efforts should be made to popularize the products of indigenous industries”.

16. “This conference congratulates the Home Rule League on their sending deputations to England and wishes them complete success in their mission under the trusted leadership of Lokmanya Tilak.”

17. “This conference authorizes the president to communicate to Lokmanya Tilak an expression of its opinion that it has the fullest confidence in him.”

18. “This conference strongly deprecates the difficulties experienced in obtaining passports in Karachi and Upper Sind and urges the Government of Bombay so to modify the passport rules as to remove all unnecessary restrictions.”

19. “This conference regrets that the Commissioner in Sind in revising Rules has not taken into consideration the bulk of the recommendations contained in the resolution on the subject passed at the Shikarpur Conference. The Commissioner has raised the value of the gross produce in the case of lift lands from two assessments to three in order to entitle a Khatedar to claim remission of land revenue to the extent of one third the gross produce, but this conference is of opinion that this gives very little relief to the Khatedar. The conference therefore still insists that the revenue claimable in bad years should be limited to one sixth the assessment. The conference further strongly demurs to the Commissioner in Sind’s statement that ‘Remission is given as a matter of grace and not as a matter of right’. It as been repeatedly admitted by Government, in justification of the heavy rates of assessment that remission of land revenue in Sind is an integral part of the Irrigational Settlement. This conference is therefore further of opinion that Rule 24 of the new rules stands in need of modification.”

20. “This conference strongly urges the abolition of the rules under which a survey number lying fallow for five years is forfeited unless it pays assessment in the fifty years and that those provisions of the Land Revenue Code and the rules there under which vest in Government the powers of denying to the original occupant the proprietary right to same on restricted tenure or on short leases, should be immediately repealed.”

21. “That in the opinion of this conference the interference of Government with the proprietary right of zamindars over trees standing on their private canals is not justified by law and therefore urges Government to order the amendment of the Commissioner in Sind’s circular on the subject so as to prevent encroachment on the private property of zamindars”.

22. “This conference adopts the Rules of the Sind Provincial Congress Committee and the Sind Provincial Conference passed by the subjects committee”.

“That the next session of the Sind Provincial Conference be held at Jacobabad.”

The material/data/information can be provided on request

4TH SINDH PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE

HELD AT SHIKARPUR

(1917)

 

The first session of the fourth Provincial Conference took place this afternoon under the president ship of Rai Bahadur Hiranand Khemsing, B.A., LL.B., in a specious pandal erected near Shahi Bag where about 500 delegated and an equal number of visitors from different parts of Sind had assembled.

After welcome songs the chairman of the reception committee; Seth Lunidasing, a leading merchant of Shikarpur, welcoming the delegates, explained that the object of the Conference was to place the needs of the people before Government to bring about a better understanding between rulers and rules. He recalled the ancient greatness of Shikarpur when the town was governed by its merchants under the suzerainty of Afghan rulers. After briefly referring to the war and India’s put in it, the Defence of India Force Act and its far-reaching consequences, indentured labor and the recent pronouncement of the Viceroy, the Public Service Commission and the keen disappointment caused by its report, the Arms Act, the need for free compulsory education, the separation of the executive and judicial functions, and self-government on the lines recommended by the last Congress and the Moslem League, he spoke at some length upon the exorbitant rise in the price of fuel in Sind and the need for Government to come to the rescue of the people by fixing low selling rates, the enhancement of the settlement period from ten to thirty years, the expediting of the construction of the proposed barrage, the removal of restrictions on the water supply of certain zamindarikarias, the question of making Shikarpur the headquarter of the proposed new district of Jacobabad, and the need of raising the status of city magistrates of important towns to the grade of Deputy Collector.

Seth Chanomal, Mr. Murlidhar, Mr. Abdul Rahman of Larkana, Mr. Lokamal of Karachi, Mr. Mulchand Pessumal, Mr. Viroomal Begraj and Mr. Naraindas Metharam made speeches eulogizing the president.

The president, referring to the war, expressed great satisfaction at the generous appreciations of the King Emperor, and his ministers of Indian’s assistance. Regarding the Defence of India Force Act he expressed pleasure that the mental spirit of the people was on the eve of being revived, and he hoped that the military career which the measures promised to India would not be frustrated by obstruction, rules and conditions, and that the Defence of India Force would satisfy their genuine aspirations and would be the prelude to another organization, larger and fuller, for fighting England’s battles inside and outside India in all climes wherever the interests and safety of Empire led it.

The people were anxiously looking forward to the day when the war should be concluded by a victorious peace and the reforms in the system of government given practical shape. India would no longer be satisfied with a mere make shift or a make believe. What India wanted was real genuine reform, first and foremost of which was fiscal autonomy. Unless the finances of India were managed by Indians for the interests of India, the depreciation of wealth which had been going on for the last hundred years would not cease, and India which was already notoriously poor would be poorer still. Lancashire was still raising its head and demanding a further countervailing duty on Indian goods, and though it had been silenced for the time being there was danger still from that quarter. He hoped that justice and decency would not be sacrificed to the interests of a clique and that Indian interests would not be throttled by the combination of Lancashire, however formidable it might be.

Referring to the protection of Indian industries he said that free trade after the war was an exploded shibboleth. Its votaries had been rudely awakened by the present war. The monopoly of all key industries by Germany had demonstrated to England that it had been committing suicide by letting others utilized its resources. If England was going to protect itself against Germany by heavy tariffs it was just that India should be invested with the power to protect its industries, not only against other, but against England itself. The labours of the Industrial Commission, which would shortly make proposals for starting new industries, would be of no avail unless those industries were fostered by protective duties.

With regard to the report of the Public Services Commission he said that it had caused deep disappointment to the aspirations and expectations of Indians, and he hoped that the whole question would be re-approached from a new angle and satisfactorily solved.

He called upon the people of Sind to join other provinces in urging upon the British Government the necessity and desirability of installing a substantial measure of self government in the country.

Mr. Hiranand proceeded to criticize the land revenue policy in Sind. Though the soil of Sind was poor it was much more heavily taxed than other provinces in the Bombay presidency. While the assessment per acre in other parts of India varied between 8 annas and Re. 1-9 per acre, in Sind it mounted up to Rs. 5 per acre and was seldom less than Rs. 2 per acre. This had resulted in the poverty of the peasantry and the bulk of the Zamindars, who were sunk in debt. The Rayatwari system had proved a miserable failure everywhere. It was a double failure in Sind where the soil was poor, water scanty and needing to be raised at heavy cost by means of Persian wheels, and the rent payable to the State was the heaviest. He criticized the ten year’s settlement in Sind and said that the interests of Government itself demanded a sixty year’s settlement. Besides long period assessment he advocated that over loaded assessment be reduced to reasonable rates, that the Fallow rules be worked honestly and faithfully and remissions be given liberally in bad years.

Referring to the Agriculture Department he said that hitherto its work was more or less confined to the administration of American cotton in Sind. But the time had now come when the Department should pay attention to other staple crops. He advocated the grant of land to educated persons who would appreciate the improved methods of cultivation and adopt inn vations which the Agriculture department might introduce. He could not understand why Government was fighting shy of the educated classes in the matter of grants of lands.

He declared that the Sind police were inefficient and suggested improvements in the pay and prospects of the subordinate service which he believed would attract a better type of persons. He also advocated free and compulsory education conducted on national lines and the appointment of a Sindhi pleader on the bench of the Judicial Commissioner’s Court, and criticized at length the delegation of wide powers to the Commissioner in Sind.

Referring to Co-operative credit societies in Sind he said that the progress made by the movement was most meager. This he attributed to the absence of a full time man of experience to organize and develop the movement, and he hoped that Government would supply the want.

He then referred to the expensiveness of justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner, and the heavy cost of translating and typing every paper in the lower Court which should be borne by Government.

He regretted that the Industrial Commission could not visit Sind. Although the attention of the Government of Bombay was drawn to the commission, it did not think that there was anything in Sind to attract the Commission. A paper read before the Citizen’ Association of Hyderabad by Mr. Lakhumalani, who had situated at the Thatta Research Institute, showed that there was a vast field for the industrial exploration of the province.

In the cities there was a growing desire for the emancipation of municipalities from official leading strings. He recommended the extension of the municipal franchise by giving one vote to every literate and every owner of immoveable property, as with the possession of more rights would come the sense of responsibility. At the beginning there would be misuses of that right but in the end it was sure to come right. While they were pressing for such reforms the Government of Bombay had of late been adopting a policy of repression and suspending municipalities presided over by non official presidents for one reason or other. During the past few years Ahmedabad, Bijapur in the Presidency proper and Hyderabad in Sind had shared such a fate. From his experience of his native place, Hyderabad, he could say with a certain degree of confidence that the remedy of suspension had proved to be much worse than the disease itself. During the last year and a half the Committee of Management which had replaced the Municipality had done no work. Although they had a costly Municipal Commissioner, the sanitation, the lighting, road repairs and water supply were in a much worse condition than before. The Committee held its meeting in camera and it’s proceeding and accounts were a sealed book to the public.

He also drew the attention of the delegates to the fact that at Hyderabad Muhammadan representation on the municipality was inadequate before the suspension. He advised the Hindus to make it up to stop the demand for separate representation for Muhammadans which threatened to divide the two important communities.

In conclusion he made it clear that no one in Sind desired to embarrass the Government by holding the conference during the tendency of the war. They asked for no immediate concessions. They were formulating proposals and were asking Government to take note of them and comply with them after the war was over.

After the conclusion of the President’s speech Mr. Polak was introduced to the audience by the president, and made a short speech on the indentured labor question, advising the audience to urge upon Government to do away with in conclusively, immediately and for ever.

After the election of the subjects committee the conference adjourned for the day. (The Daily,Gazette dated April 9, 1917 Page No. 4).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SECOND DAY’S SITTINGS

 

At the resumed sitting of the Provincial Conference on Sunday afternoon the following resolution were passed after considerable discussion, the resolution on local self-government occupying the greater part of the time:-

Proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchnadrai and seconded by the Hon. Mr. Bhurgri, that (a) Having regard to the fact that the avowed aim of Great Britain in participating in the European War had been the Defence of the principles of liberty and justice, and in view of the enthusiasm with which India has identified herself with the cause of the Empire, the movement towards a reconstruction of the Imperial fabric, the declarations of responsible ministers of His Majesty’s Government as to the changed position of India in the Empire and the capacity of the Indians to manage their own affairs, and further having regard to the fact that the present system of Government does not satisfy the legitimate aspirations of the people and has become unsuited to the existing conditions and requirements, the conference strongly urges upon His Majesty’s Government that a Royal proclamation be issued announcing to the people of this country that it is the avowed aim of British policy to confer self-government on India; (b) That this conference demands that a definite step should be taken towards self government by granting the reforms contained in the scheme prepared by the All India Congress Committee in concert with the Reform Committee appointed by the All India Moslem League; (c) That in the construction of the Empire India shall be lifted from the position of a dependency to that of an equal partner in the Empire with the self government dominions.

Proposed by Dr. Choithram and seconded by Mukhi Jethanand that this Conference whilst thanking the Government of India for prohibiting, during the War, the recruitment of indentured labor in India for service in Fiji and other Crown colonies in the moral, intellectual, economic and social interests of this country, respectfully urges, that during the intervening period legislation may be passed finally and unconditionally abolishing the system of indenture; this Conference is further of opinion that no alternative system of recruitment of labor for service abroad will be acceptable to the conscience of India, that a cable conveying the purport of this resolution be forwarded to Secretary of State for India for consideration and by the May Conference to be held in London on this subject.

Proposed by Mr. Naraindas Mehtaram and seconded by Seth Rewachand that this Conference strongly urges that Government should take effective steps to bring about an early redress of the following longstanding grievances of third class railway passengers from whom the largest portion of railway revenue is derived; – (a) Overcrowding in third class carriages; (b) want of ventilation and adequate arrangement for water in latrines and (c) ill-treatment of third class passengers by the railway staff.

Proposed by the president Hiranand khemsing that it is the opinion of this Conference that at least one of the Additional Judicial Commissioners of Sind should be an Indian selected from the Sind Bar.

That this Conference protested against the ordinate delay in the publication of the report of the Sind Land Settlement Committee, and strongly urges that the period of settlement be raised to not less than 60 years and that a limitation for the State demand on the land be fixed.

Proposed by Seth Lokamal Chellaram and seconded by Mr. Mathradas Ramchand that this Conference strongly urges upon the Government the necessity of substantially extending wherever possible the facilities for teaching the Koran to Muhammadans and Hindu Scriptures to Hindus in the Local Board schools in Sind outside of school hours.

That this Conference urges the people of Sind to use swadeshi articles even at monetary sacrifice.

That this Conference humbly protests against the policy of the Bombay Government in disallowing questions on important subjects without any convincing proofs. (The Daily Gazette, dated April 10, 1917 Page 8)

 

 

CONCLUDING SITTING

The third and last session of the Provincial Conference to day lasted for six hours, during which time the following resolution were discussed and passed:-

 

REPRESENTATION ON MUNICIPALITIES

This Conference is of opinion that in Sind Municipalities and Local Boards the proportion of Hindu and Muhammadan representatives may be fixed on the basis of population, educational qualifications and taxation, but before fixing that proportion the opinion of Municipalities, Local Boards and other public bodies should be invited, but in no case should number of representatives of any community exceed the proportion to which that community would be entitled according to population; (b) that after the fixing of such proportion the election of representatives should be by a mixed electorate of Hindus and Muhammadans; (c) that Government while making nominations should be guided by the proportion fixed for election.

This was proposed by the Hon. Mr. Harchanrai who said that the resolution was against his principles, but he had changed his view out of respect for the feeling of Muhammadans and the understanding arrived at the last Congress and Muslim League.

Mr. Jamshed N.R. Mehta, seconding, congratulated the Hindu community on the concession made to their Muhammadans brethren and hoped it would result in a better understanding between the two communities.

 

HYDERABAD’S MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

That the appointment of a Municipal Commissioner for the town of Hyderabad is illegal, and experience has shown that the administration of the Committee of Management and the Municipal Commissioner has resulted in no good to the town. This conference therefore urges Government to restore the rights of local self government to the people of Hyderabad.

PUBLIC SERVICES REPORT

(a) This conference strongly objects to the recommendations of the Public Service Commission and is of opinion that in view of changed circumstances which had raised new hopes and aspirations in the minds of people after the sitting of the Commission the report should not be taken notice of by the Government; (b) this conference offers its thanks to the Hon. Mr. Justice Abdul Rahim for the expression of his views against the report of the Commission.

 

DEFENCE OF INDIA ACT

That this conference thanks Government for introducing the Defence of India Act and brings to its notice that it is necessary not only to increase the number of centers for giving military training but to increase the number of recruits for such training. This conference is also strongly of opinion that all distinction between Europeans and Indians with regard to pay and position may be done away with.

That this conference strongly disapproves of the way in which the Defence of India and other Acts are being brought in operation, and thus depriving them of their liberty without due investigation. The conference lays great stress upon the recommendation made by public bodies that advisory committees with one Judicial officer and one Indian lawyer be appointed in each province for the investigation of each case. (b) This conference strongly objects to the unjust and improper orders issued by Government under the Defence of India Act against Bal Gangdhar Tilak, Babu Bipin Chandra Paul and Mr.Mahmud Ali and prays that the Government will be pleaded to cancel these orders.

 

FREE COMPULSORY EDUCATION

That this conference strongly supports the resolution of the Hon. B. N. Surma proposed in the last Imperial Legislative Council to the effect that free compulsory primary education be given in India.

POWERS OF THE COMMISSION IN SIND

That the delegation of extensive powers to the Commissioner in Sind is not desirable and therefore Bombay Act 5 of 1868 should be repealed.

 

R A S A I

That this conference while admitting that certain officers have exerted their utmost to put a stop to Rasai, expresses its dissatisfaction that the evil has not died out, and is of opinion that unless touring officers do not reduce the period of their touring season and the number of subordinates taken on tours, and unless contracts are appointed from headquarters for the supply of provisions and unless revenue officers are relieved of all responsibility there will be no hope of the evil dying out.

POLICE POWERS

That the police should be deprived of the powers under Section 110 of the Criminal Producer Code and these powers should be given to the Mukhtiarkar who should decide such cases with the advice of a committee of representatives of the people.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT

That this conference urges the Government to appoint an expert to enquire into industrial development of the province.

COST OF JUSTICE

That justice in the Court of the Judicial Commissioner be made less expensive, the charge for translation and typewriting is paid by Government.

INDIANS AS EDUCATIONISTS

That this conference records its conviction that the development of education in India on national lines requires that administrative and educational service should be manned mainly by well qualified Indian and that the Senates of Indian Universities should be in the consist of elected Indians and that such Senates should have complete control over their own executive and educative policy.

 

SUKKUR BARRAGE

This conference reiterates the resolution of the last conference that in view of the shortage of water in the river Indus, the Sukkur Canal Project which has been so long hanging fire be given immediate effect to and until that scheme is carried to completion no new canals be allowed to be opened in the Punjab.

The president in his concluding remarks congratulated the organizers of the conference on its unique success. He said that no previous conference had attracted such large numbers of enthusiastic people.

The proceeds from the sale of delegates and visitors tickets amounted to over Rs. 4,000; about 560 visitors were provided with free board and lodging, and there were about 200 volunteers, some of whom had come from Karachi and Hyderabad. A very large number of Hyderabad is attended the conference.

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