سرڪار جو مولانا محمد علي ۽ ٻين جوابدارن بابت موقوف
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سرڪار جو مولانا محمد علي ۽ ٻين جوابدارن بابت موقوف
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Correspondence Relative to Sindhe in 1843 Part 1
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Correspondence Relative to Sindhe in 1843 Part 2
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علام آءِ . آءِ قاضي جي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جو خاڪو ڪرانالاجي جيروشني ۾ .
ڊاڪٽر در محمد پٺاڻ
تعارف. علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي اسان جي ڏيھ جو ڏاهو انسان هو . هنپنهنجي حياتيءَ جو هڪ هڪ پل علم کي عام ڪرڻ ۾ صرف ڪيو . سندس انهي امر ڪهاڻي جيابتدا “مبلغ” جي صورت ۾ ٿي ۽ پڄاڻي “معلم” جي حيثيت سان ٿي .
سنڌ جي وڏن انسانن جيان پاڻ سچو سيلائي پڻ هئو . کين ديسپرديس گهمڻ ۽ ڏسڻ جو موقعو مليو . انهيءَ حوالي سان سنڌ ۽ انگلينڊ کي خوب ڏٺائون .هنن ئي ملڪن ۾ رهيا ، پڙهيا ۽ پاڙهيائون . درس وتدريس جي سلسلي ۾ پهريون “تعليمڌارين لاءِ” جي اصول کي قائم ڪندي ، لنڊن ۾ تبليغ جو مرڪز قائم ڪيائون ، سندن انهيجذبي جو محرڪ برنارڊشا جي تحرير بڻيو . وري سنڌ جي حالتن کين انهي ڳالهه تي مجبورڪيو ته پاڻ خاص طور ته مسلمانن ۾ ديني ۽ دينوي تعليم کي عام ڪن . سندن انهي سوچپٺيان سنڌي عوام جي غربت ۽ جهالت ، مٿيئن طبقي جي بي حسي ۽ حڪمران طبقي جي پرماريتاهم ڪارڻ ٿيا . علامه مرحوم علم کي علم ڪرڻ لاءِ سنڌ جي هلنديءَ پڄنديءَ وارن ۾اميدون رکيون . اتان موٽ نه ملڻ تي سنڌ مدرسي ۾ ملازمت ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪيائون . هتيبه ڪجهه نه ٿيو ته پنهنجي گهر ۾ خانگي طور تي تعليم ڏيڻ شروع ڪيائون ۽ ائين مايوسٿيڻ بدران هر موقعي کي غنيمت ڄاڻي علم کي عام ڪندا رهيا . پر جڏهن کين سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجهڙو ادارو مليو ته پنهنجي محبت ۽ محنت ، لياقت ۽ صلاحيت جي پالوٽ ڪري ڏيکاريائون.
علامه مرحوم “مبلغ” ۽ “معلم” جي حيثيت ۾ ڄاتو سڃاتو وڃي ٿو. ليڪن سندن نجي زندگيءَ تي ڪنهن قلم نه کنيو آهي . پاڻ ڪيتريون شاديون ڪيائون؟“ايلسا قاضي” جو داستان سنڌ جي ٻين رومانوي داستانن سان ڪهڙي هڪ جهڙائي رکي ٿو؟ هناهم سوالن تي ته اڃا تفصيل سان روشني وجهڻ جي ضرورت آهي .
علامه مرحوم اهل علم کان سواءِ اهل قلم پڻ هو . سندن ڪتابن۽ مقالن کان سواءِ اڻ ڳڻين خطن ۽ خطبن جو خزانو اڃا عوام جي اڳيان ڪونه آيو آهي .پاڻ ڪنهن ڪنهن ڏانهن “قرب ناما” موڪليائون ۽ ڪيتريون جمعن تي نمازون پڙهائي خطباڏنائون؟ محققن کي اها معلومات پڻ گڏ ڪرڻي آهي . خوش قسمتي سان انهي معلومات جاذريعا ۽ وسيلا اڃا موجود ۽ محفوظ آهن ان کان سواءِ پاڻ جن ادارن ۾ تعليم حاصل ڪيائوناهو رڪارڊ پڻ موجود آهي. “سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ” جي رڪارڊ مان سندن علم کي عام ڪرڻ جوناهم ڪوششون نمايان ڪري سگهجن ٿيون . اهو سمورو ڪم منظم تحقيق کان سواءِ ڪري نه ٿوسگهجي .
اميد ته انهي ڏس ۾ “علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ميموريل ڪاميٽي”پاڻ ملهائيندي .
هن موقعي تي جڏهن “پاڪستان اسٽڊي سينٽر” سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيباني ۽ محسن جي ياد رکي تازي ڪرڻ لاءِ سيمينار سڏائڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو ته انهي سلسلي ۾20 مارچ 1989 ع تي پاڪستان اسٽڊي سينٽر جي ڊائريڪٽر ۽ سيمينار ڪاميٽيءَ جي ڪنوينر حڪم ڪيو ته سيمينار ڪاميٽيءَ جي سيڪريٽريءَ جيحيثيت ۾ ٻانهن ٻيلي ٿي ڪم ۾ هٿ ونڊايان . محترم پروفيسر ڊاڪٽر عبدالغفار جوڻيجي ۽اسان ٻنهي کي گڏجي سيمينار ، ان جي پبلسٽي ۽ پلاننگ، سووينئر ان جي مواد جي ميڙيچونڊي ۽ ترتيب ، نمائش جي اهتمام کان وٺي اشتهارن جي حصول لاءِ ڏينهن رات هڪ ڪريڪم ڪرڻو پيو . انهي مصروفيت دوران هڪ ڏينهن جي مهلت ملي ته پنهنجي ميڙي چونڊي کياڳيان رکي هئي ڪرانالاجي تيار ڪئي اٿم ، جيڪا اڌوري ۽ اڻپوري هوندي به علامه مرحومجي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جو خاڪو پيش ڪري ٿي . انشا الله تعالي مٿي ذڪر ڪيل علامه مرحومجي سوانح ۽ خدمتن جي ٻين پهلوئن تي پڻ هن کان پوءِ تحقيق ڪري ، پڙهيندڙ اڳيان جامعڪرانالاجي پيش ڪئي ويندي .
NOTE: YEAR AND DATE IS GIVEN ON LEFT SIDE, WHEREAS, MONTH IS GIVEN IN SINDHI AND ON RIGHT HAND>
1886 (9 )اپريل) علامهآءِ . آءِ . قاضي جي پاٽ ، ضلعي دادو ۾ولادت ٿي .
1891 علامه مرحومآخوند ميان عبدالعزيز وٽ ابتدائي تعليم وٺڻ شروع ڪئي .
1902 علامه مرحومکي اسڪول ۾ داخل ڪيو ويو علامه مرحوم صوفي فقيرن جي صحبت اختيار ڪئي . جن مان احمدفقير ٿيٻو خاص اهميت رکي ٿو .
1904 علامه مرحومخانگي طرح سنڌي فائينل جي تياري ڪري ، امتحان ڏنو . هن امتحان ۾ فارسي زبان ۾پهريون نمبر کنيائين .
1904 علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ٻن مهينن لاءِ سنڌ مدرسي جيشاگرد ٿي رهيو .
انهي عرصي دوران پاڻ پرنسپال وائنس جي بنگلي جي هيٺئن حصي ۾رهيو
1905 بمبئي يونيورسٽيءَ مان خانگي طرح مئٽرڪ جو امتحان پاسڪيائين .
1906 اعلي تعليم حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ علي ڳڙھ ڪاليج پڙهڻ ويو، پرڪجهه عرصي بعد اتان واپس هليو آيو.
1907 اعلي تعليم حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ انگلينڊ هليو ويو.
1909 علامه مرحوم لنڊن جي اسڪول آف اڪنامڪس ۾ داخلا ورتي ۽ڊاڪٽر ڪئنن وٽ پڙهيو . ساڳي وقت ڪنگس ڪاليج ۾ ڊاڪٽر برائون وٽ نفسيات جي تعليمورتي ۽ ڊاڪٽر آرنولڊ کان فلاسافي پڙهيو .
1910 علامه صاحب جي ملاقات ايلسا سان ٿي ۽ ساڻس شادي ڪيائين.
1911 علامه مرحوم“لنڪن ان” مان بار ايٽ لا جي ڊگري حاصل ڪئي۽ ان بعد وطن واپس وريو .
1913 (16 مارچ) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي ايلسا قاضي عيد جيموقعي تي پنهنجي سهري قاضي امام علي کي لنڊن مان عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .
1915 علامه مرحوم يورپ دورو ڪيو . انهي سفر دوران اٽلي ۽جرمني پڻ ويا . پاڻ 1919 ع تائين ٻاهر رهيا .
1920 (ڊسمبر) “سنڌ زميندار” سکر اخبار ۾ علامه مرحوم جو“ڀائرو، جاڳو، پر براءِ خدا ڪر ٿورا موڙي” جي عنوان سان مضمون شايع ٿيو .
1921ٽنڊي محمد خان ۾ ماجسٽريٽ مقرر ٿيا .
1922 (1 اپريل) علامه مرحوم خيرپور رياست ۾ ڊسٽرڪٽ ائنڊسيشن جج مقرر ٿيو . پاڻ هن عهدي تان آگسٽ 1927ع ۾ دستبردار ٿيا .
1923 (نومبر) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيمادام ايلسا قاضي خيرپور ۾ مير علي نواز نازجي هڪ غزل جو انگريزي ۾ منظوم ترجموڪيو .
1924 ع انگلينڊ جي پوئٽري سوسائٽي مخزن “دي پوئٽري رويو” ۾علامه مرحوم “مشرقي شاعري” جي موضوع تي مقالو شايع ٿيو. هن مقالي جي قدردانيءَ طورکين سوسائٽيءَ جو نائب صدر مقرر ڪيو ويو ، جيڪو عهدو پورا پنجويهه سال ماڻيائون .
1924 علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي جي ڪوشش سان خيرپور ۾“پوئريسوسائٽي” قائم ٿي جنهن کان پوءِ ان جون شاخون لاڙڪاڻي ۽ حيدرآباد ۾ به قائم ٿيون .
1925 (28) جون) مير علي نواز خان لاهور جي اقبال بيگ عرفبالي سان شادي ڪئي . محترمه ايلسا قاضي ۽ بالي جي وچ ۾ دوستيءَ وارو رشتو قائم ٿيو.
1925 (11 )سيپٽمبر) “پوئٽري سوسائٽي” جي حيدرآباد شاخ جيگڏجاڻي شمس العلماءَ مرزا قليچ بيگ جي صدارت هيٺ ٿي جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم ۽ سندسگهرڌياڻي شرڪت ڪئي .
1926 ( 23) اپريل) پوئٽري سوسائٽي لاڙڪاڻه شاخ طرفان مشاعروٿيو جنهن ۾ شمس العلماءَ قليچ بيگ، علامه مرحوم ۽ سندس گهرڌياڻي شرڪت ڪئي.
1926 کين خيرپوررياست جي ايزيڪيٽو ڪائونسل جو هوم ميمبر مقرر ڪيو ويو .
1927 علامه آءِ . آءِ قاضي ۽ مير علي نواز خان ناز جي وچ ۾پوليس ناظم شيخ حفيظ الله غلط فهميون پيدا ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي . جنهن جي نتيجي ۾ کيسپنهنجي نوڪريءَ مان هٿ ڌوئڻا پيا .
1927 (31-) آگسٽ) علامه صاحب خيرپور رياست جي نوڪريتان دست بردار ٿيو . پاڻ اتي ڊسٽرڪٽ ائنڊ سيش جج کان سواءِ رياست جي ڪائونسل جاهوم ميمبر پڻ هئا .
1927 علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ جو دورو ڪيو هن دوري دوران “ديفلاسافر” رسالي ۾ ڪنهن محترمه جو “فلسفي ڪير آهي” جي عنوان سان شايع ٿيل مضمونپڙهيائون جنهن تي پوءِ تنقيد ڪيائين .
1927 علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ اسلامي تبليغ جو ڪم شروع ڪيو ۽ انسلسلي ۾ ايسٽ اينڊ ۾ هڪ مرڪز کوليائين . هن مرڪز ۾ لڳاتار ٻه سال ڪم ڪيائين .
1928 لنڊن اسڪول آف اورينٽل اسٽڊيز ۾ استاد ۽ ممتحن جيحيثيت سان خدمتون سرانجام ڏنائين.
1928 فلاسافيڪل سوسائٽي انگلينڊ جي مخزن “دي فلاسافر” جيجولاءِ ، سيپٽمبر پرچي ۾
“فلاسافرڪير آهي؟ ” جي عنوان سان تنقيدي خط شايع ٿيو . هنخط جي بنياد تي ئي کين فلاسافيڪل سوسائٽيءَ صوفيا ۾ ٻيهر شايع ڪيو ويو .
1929 (1-) جنوري) علامه مرحوم مختلف سنڌي اڳواڻن ڏانهن نئينسال جون مبارڪون موڪليون .
1929 (13-)مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽انهيءَ موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .
1929 (20) مئي) علامه مرحوم پنهنجي وطن ۾ حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ان موقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون.
1929 حيدرآباد ۾ وڪالت شروع ڪيائون ۽ کين حيدرآباد ضلعي جو پبلڪ پراسيڪيوٽر مقرر ڪيو ويو.
1929 (1) جولاءِ) ڪراچي جي ٿياسافيڪل هال ۾ “ڪردار” جي موضوعتي علامه مرحوم ليڪچر ڏنو .
1929 (18 آگسٽ) “دي سنڌ هيرالڊ” جي “پيغمبر نمبر” ۾ علامهمرحوم جو “ڪردار” جي موضوع سان ليڪچر شايع ٿيو . جيڪو پاڻ هن کان اڳ ٿياسافيڪلسوسائٽي ۾ ڏئي چڪا هئا .
1929 ( 5-) سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحوم ڪراچيءَ ۾ وڪٽوريا روڊ جيبنگلي نمبر 4 ۾ رهيو .
1929 ( 6)- سيپٽمبر) ڊي . جي سنڌ ڪاليج ۾ ڪلچرل شو ٿيو .جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي صدر ايلسا قاضي ڪئي .
1929 ( آڪٽوبر) سنڌ جي فرقيوارنه ماحول ۽ حالتن تي علامهمرحوم ڏکوئجي مسئلي جي حل لاءِ ويچارڻ شروع ڪيو ، ۽ خاص طور تي انهيءَ ڳالهه تيتوجهه ڏنائين ته ڪنهن نه ڪنهن طرح سنڌي مسلمان مطالعي ، مشاهدي ۽ تجربي جي بنيادتي پاڻ کي ڪارائتو انسان بڻائي حالتن جو مقابلو ڪري .
1929 ( 5-) آڪٽوبر) “سنڌ هيرالڊ” جي هن پرچي ۾ ايڊيٽر هندو مسلم فرقيواريت کي هوا ڏيڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي .اها ڳالهه علامه مرحوم کي پسند نه آئي جنهن جو اظهار پنهنجي خط وڪتابت ۾ ڪيائون .
1929 ( 7)- آڪٽومبر) علامه مرحوم سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ سنائيڏي خط لکي کيس “پرائمر آف پاليٽڪس” ڪتاب پڙهڻ جو تاڪيد ڪيو ۽ سندس توجهه “ سنڌهيرالڊ جي 5 – آڪٽوبر واريپرچي ۾ شايع ٿيل مسلمان ڪارڪن بابت رمارڪ طرف ڇڪرايو علامه مرحوم انهي ڏينهن تي ڪراچي۾ قيام پذير هئو .
1929 ( 17)- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم جو حيدرآباد ڪئنٽونمينٽ واريبنگلي نمبر 4 ۾ قيام پذير هئڻ جو پتو پئي ٿو . انهي تاريخ تي پاڻ خط وڪتابت پڻڪيائون .
1929 ( 26-) ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حيدرآباد مان مختلف سنڌياڳواڻن سان خط وڪتابت ڪئي ۽ سندن توجهه سنڌي عوام جي غربت ۽ جهالت طرف ڇڪرايو . هنخط لکڻ کان اڳ ڪيترا دفعا پاڻ آس پاس جي ڳوٺن ۾ ويندو رهيو ۽ حالتن کي ڏسندو عوامسان ملندو رهيو .انهيءَ تاريخ تي لکيل خط ۾ پئسن گوئي ڪري ٿو جيڪڏهن حالتون نهبدلايون ويون ته ويهن سالن اندر تباھ ڪن نتيجو نڪرندو .
1930 ( 13) فيبروري) اڍائي مهينن کان غربت ۽ جهالت واريونحالتون ڏسي ، سنڌي مسلمان ڌن –ڌڻي ۽ اڳواڻ طبقيجي بي بسي کي محسوس ڪري علامه مرحوم هفتيوار اخبار ڪڍڻ جو خيال ڪري چڪو هو .انهيءَسلسلي ۾ هن تاريخ تي حيدرآباد مان ڪن ماڻهن سان خط وڪتابت ڪيائين .
1930 ( 3)- مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽ انموقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي پڻ خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .
1930 (14) – اپريل) همشيرهجي نياڻيءَ جي بيمار ٿي پوڻ ڪري علامه مرحوم جن حيدرآباد ۾ ئي موجود رهيا . اتيکين معلوم ٿيو ته سنڌ جو ڪمشنر “ينگ ڪرشچن ائسوسيئيشن” جي سرپرستي ڪري ٿو . کيناحساس ۽ خيال پيدا ٿيو ته جيڪڏهن مسلمانن طرفان کيس سرپرستيءَ جو سڏ ڏنو وڃي ۽شايد هو قبول نه به ڪري مسلمانن جي اهڙي نڌڻڪائي کيس خط وڪتابت ذريعي حال اورڻ تيمجبور ڪيو .
1930 ( 10 )مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تيپنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون .
1930 ( 30) – سيپٽمبر) ڪراچي۾ محمد علي جناح کي دعوت ڏئي سنڌي مسلمان اڳواڻ سان “سنڌ جي بمبئي کان علحدگي”واري مسئلي تي خيالن جي ڏي وٺ ڪئي . هي گڏجاڻي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ جي بنگلي تي ٿي، جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم پڻ شرڪت ڪئي .
1930 (21 نومبر) ڪراچيءَ ۾ سنڌي مسلمان اڳواڻن ۽ دانشورنجي گڏجاڻي ٿي ته جيئن انگريزي اخبار جي اجرا لاءِ سوچ ويچار ڪري سگهجي ، علامهمرحوم هن گڏجاڻي ۾ شرڪت ڪئي .
1930 (ڊسمبر) جنگشاهيءَ “اڪبر آشرم” ٺاهڻ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪئي ۽ان سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي رهبري حاصل ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪيائين .
1931 ( 1) جنوري) نئين سال جي موقعي تي علامه مرحوم سنڌ جيڪيترن ئي اڳواڻن کي خطن ذريعي نئين سال جون مبارڪون موڪليون .
1931 ( 5)- جنوري) ريلوي ذريعي علامه حيدرآباد کان دادو ويا۽ انهيءَ ڏينهن وري اتان واپس ٿيا . لڪي ڀڳي ٽوڙي جي پر لطف نظاري کين متاثر ڪيو ،جنهن جو اظهار خط و ڪتابت ۾ ڪيائون .
1931 ( 7) جنوري) علامه مرحوم نئين سال جي موقعي تي جن ماڻهنکي مبارڪون موڪليون هيون ، تن جي کين موٽ نه ملي ، ان ڪري خطن ذريعي موٽ نه ڏيڻواري ڳالهه تي تعجب جو اظهار ڪيائون سنڌي مسلمان سياستدانن کي “سياسي علم” حاصلڪرڻ ۽ وڌيڪ مطالعي ڪرڻ لاءِ جيڪا اڳ ۾ علمي ۽ قلمي تحريڪ هلائي چڪا هئا . ان سلسلي۾ محترم جي . ايم سيد ڏانهن “روم جي مختصر تاريخ” ۽ افلاطون جو “ريپبلڪ” ڪتابموڪلي ڏنائون .
1931 ( 9- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم طرفان اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته پاڻ ڪو رسالو جاري ڪيوهيائون . جنهن جا فقط ٽي پرچا نڪري سگهيا . هن خط جي پڄاڻي ۾ لکن ٿا ته “افسوس اهواٿم ته مونکي سنڌي مسلمانن جي ٻڏندڙ قوم جي بچائڻ لاءِ ڪو رستو ڏسڻ نه ٿو اچي ڪاشهي وڏا زميندار سندن ذاتي مفاد کي ڪجهه پاسيرو رکي ، قوم لاءِ ڪجهه ڪندا .”
1931 ( 20- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي۽ ان موقعي تي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعي عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .
1931 (20 – فيبروري) معلومٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم شاھ لطيف جي ڪلام جو تفصيلي مطالعو ڪري رهيو هو . ان ڪري خطوڪتابت ۾ پڻ لطيف سائين جا بيت حوالن ۾ شاهدن طور ڏيڻ شروع ڪيائين اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾لکيل هڪ خط ۾ راءِ قائم ڪئي اٿن ته ساڌو وسواڻي کي هندو موٽ ڏئي رهيا آهن ، مگر هوپاڻ جيڪڏهن اهڙي ريت تعليم ۽ تبليغ جو ڪم شروع ڪندو ته کين مسلمانن وٽان اهڙي موٽنه ملندي .
1931 (مارچ) مهيني جي آخري هفتي ۾ علامه مرحوم جن سنڌ مانپرڏيهه لاءِ روانا ٿي ويا .
1931 (31 – مارچ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ ڏانهن ويندي سيئز واھ پهتو . جتان پڻ سنڌ جي اڳواڻن مان ڪن خاصاڳواڻن سان خط وڪتابت ڪيائين .
1931 (29 – اپريل) علامهمرحوم حج عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجن دوستن احبابن کي عيد مبارڪونموڪليون .
1931 (مئي) مئي جي شروعات تاريخن ۾ علامه مرحوم لنڊن پهچيويو . جتي اولڊ براڊ اسٽريٽ اي . سي جي گهر نمبر 22 ۾ رهيو .
1931 (14) – مئي ) علامهمرحوم خط لکي اها خواهش ظاهر ڪئي ته هن ۾ جيڪڏهن کين تبليغي ۽ تعليمي مرڪز قائمڪرڻ ۾ مدد ڏني وڃي ته هو انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ وطن واپس موٽڻ لاءِ تيار آهي . پر پاڻاها راءِ قائم ڪري چڪا هئا ته ٿيا سافسٽن سان گڏجي اهڙو ڪم نه ڪندا ڇو ته اهيپنهنجي نظريئي کي هڪ نئون قومي ۽ دستوري فرقو بنائڻ گهرن ٿا .
1931 (15)– مئي ) علامهمرحوم ڄيٺل پرسرام جي انهي تجويز جي مخالفت ڪئي ته سنڌي صورتخطيءَ کي اهميت ڏيڻ نهگهرجي . علامه مرحوم راءِ ڏني ته لفظن جي صورتخطي بدلائڻ سان انهن جي معني بدلجيويندي .
1931 (21) – مئي ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ مان خط لکي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي پنهنجي انهي خواهش کان ٻيهر تفصيلسان ٻڌائڻ گهريو ته پاڻ سن ۾ جيڪو تدريسي ۽ تبليغي مرڪز قائم ڪرڻ گهري ٿو . ان جوسيد صاحب جي مصروفيتن ۽ مالي ذريعن تي اثر نه پوندو
1931 ( 13 )– آگسٽ) علامهمرحوم انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضي سنائي ڏي خط لکي اڳ ۾ 21 جولاءِ واري خط جي موٽموڪلڻ جو تاڪيد ڪيو .
1931 ( 9-) سپٽمبر) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضيسنائي ڏي خط لکي يادگيري ڏياري ته هن وٽان کيس 21 جولاءِ واري خط جي جوڳي موٽ نهملي آهي ، ان ڪري کيس ٻڌايو وڃي ته شاھ صاحب پنهنجي ڪيل وعدي تي قائم آهي يا نه ؟شاھ صاحب اهو وعدو ڪيو ته علامه مرحوم کي سن ۾ تعليمي ۽ تبليغي تربيتي مرڪز قائمڪرڻ ۾ مدد ڪندو .
1931 ( 9-) آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ ۾ مطالعي ۽ غور فڪر۾ مصروف رهيو ، ان جي جهلڪ سندس اڄوڪي تاريخ تي لکيل خط مان ملي ٿي . جنهن ۾“گرنٿ” ۽ قرآن شريف مان حوالا ڏنا اٿن . سيد غلام مرتضي ڏانهن لکيل اڄوڪي خط جيپڄاڻي هنن لفظن سان ڪري ٿو ته “مسلمان زميندار هر سال جيترو پيسو وڪيلن جي فين تيخرچ ڪري ٿو . ان مان وڏو ڪاليج هلي سگهي ٿو.
1931 ( 2 )– ڊسمبر) برطانيهجي وزيراعظم سنڌ کي جدا صوبي بنائڻ جو اعلان ڪيو علامه مرحوم اڄوڪي تاريخ تي سنڌجي ڪيترن اڳواڻن ڏي خط لکي نئين صوبي جي مستقبل ۾ تعمير ۽ هندو مسلم اتحاد جيمسئلن تي سندن خيال معلوم ڪرڻ گهريا .
1932 لنڊن جي اسڪول آف لينگويجز ۾ شيخ گوما ۽ پروفيسر ڊاڪٽرٽريٽن کان عربي ٻولي جي سکيا ورتائون .
1932 (27- جنوري) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي مدرايلسا قاضيسيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکي انهي ڳالهه تي خوشيءَ جو اظهار ڪيو ته “حڪمت مرڪز”جو قيام ۽ وطن واپسي جو بندوبست ٿي رهيو آهي .
1932 ( 9- فيبروري)علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽ ان موقعي تي خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستناحبابن کي عيد مبارڪون موڪليون.
1932 ( 12- اپريل) مدر ايلسا قاضي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خطلکيو ، جنهن جي پڄاڻي هنن لفظن سان ٿئي ٿي “مون کي آرام ، شانتي، شعر ۽ دائميت جيحصول جي ضرورت آهي . مون کي هتي جي ڊانسنگ هالن جي جازي پيازن کان ڳوٺاڻي نار جوآواز وڌيڪ پسند ايندو.
1932 ( 12- اپريل) علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي مدر ايلسا قاضيلنڊن مان اي . ڪي. بروهيءَ کي خط لکيو جنهن ۾ فارسي بيت ته “ڪئين گل مٽيءَ کيخوشبو پهچائي ٿو” جي تشريح ڪئي.
1932 ( 17- اپريل)علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ انهيءَ موقعي تي پنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي خطن ذريعيعيد مبارڪون موڪليون .
1932 ( 27- اپريل) علامه مرحوم انگلينڊ مان خط لکي سيد غلاممرتضي شاھ کي ٻڌايو ته هو ٻه ٽي مهينا ترسي پوءِ وطن واپس ٿيندا . انهيءَ خط ۾ڄيٺل پرسرام جي جيل پوڻ تي کيس خراج تحسين ڏيندي افسوس جو اظهار ڪيو اٿس ته سنڌ جامسلمان اهڙي قرباني ڏيڻ کان به ڪيٻائين ٿا .
1932 ( 22- آگسٽ) علامه انگلينڊ مان سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏيخط لکي اها شڪايت ڪئي ته کين سندن خطن جي موٽ نه ٿي ملي . حاتم علوي ۽ شاھ صاحبکيس جواب نه ٿو ڏئي .
1932 ( 6- آڪٽوبر) ائين ٿو محسوس ٿئي ته علامه آءِ . آءِ .قاضي وطن واسين جي اڳواڻن جي سرد مهري ڏسي پنهنجي وقت کي انتظار ۾ وڃائڻ بدران ،انگلينڊ ۾ رهي تبليغ تربيت ۽ تدريس جو ڪم شروع ڪرڻ جو فيصلو ڪري چڪو هو . اهڙيتاثر هن تاريخ سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏانهن لکيل خط مان ملي ٿيو .
1933 علامه مرحوم پنهنجي گهرڌياڻي سان گڏ انگريزي ۾“ايڊوينچر آف دي برائون گرل ان سرچ آف هر گاڊ” لکيائون . دراصل برنارڊ شاجي هڪڪتاب جو رد هو .
1933 انگلينڊ ۾ “جميعت المسلمين” جو پايو وڌائون ۽ اتياسلامي تبليغ شروع ڪيائون .
1933 ( 28)- جنوري) علامه مرحوم رمضان شريف جي عيد ملهائي ۽خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن کي احبابن عيد مبارڪون ڏنيون .
1933 ( 6-) اپريل) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن احبابن کي مبارڪون موڪليون .
1934 ( 5-) جنوري) علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ جمعي جي نماز پڙهائي ۽خطبو ڏنو ، ۽ پوءِ هر هڪ جمعي تي نماز پڙهائيندا ۽ خطبو ڏيندا رهيا . اهو سلسلوآڪٽوبر 1934 تائين هليو .
1934 ( 27-) مارچ) علامه حج جي عيد لنڊن ۾ ملهائي ۽ ان موقعيتي وطن واسين مان ڪيترن ڄڻن کي عيد واڌايون موڪليائون .
1934 ( 21)- جون) معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ جاءِمٽائي اولڊ براڊ اسٽريٽ جي گهر نمبر 28 ۾ رهڻ لڳو جتان هن تاريخ تي سيد غلام مرتضيشاھ ڏانهن خط لکيو اٿن ته “هاڻ اسان کي خط ڇو نه ٿو لکين؟” ڇا ، دنيا جا معموليمعاملا توکي اهڙو مشغول رکيو ويٺا آهن جو دوستن کي وساري ڇڏيو اٿئي .
1934 ( 6)- آگسٽ) علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي انگلينڊ مان سيدغلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکيو ته جيڪڏهن تون وعدو ڪرين ، هڪ مسجد، هڪ خانقاھ ، هڪليڪچر روم ۽ پنجاھ شاگرد ميسر ڪري سگهين ته آئون سڀاڻي ئي ايڏانهن هليو اچان .هنمهيني جي آخري تاريخن ۾ پاڻ ولايت ڇڏي سنڌ ڏانهن روانا ٿيا .
1934 ( 5)- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم سکر مان پنهنجي ساٿين سان خطوڪتابت ڪئي .
1935 (جنوري) علامه مرحوم ڪراچي پهتو ۽ برٽوروڊ جي گهر نمبر934 ۾ رهائش پذير ٿيو .
1935 ( 7- جنوري) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن کي مبارڪون موڪليون .
1935 ( 3-مارچ) علامه مرحوم جي ڪوشش سان ڪراچي ۾ “ انجمنتبليغ اسلام” جو اجلاس ٿيو .
1935 ( 16- مارچ) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليائين .
1935 (اپريل) شِخ عبدالعزيز ڪتابن شايع ڪرائڻ جو خيال ڪري ،علامه مرحوم سان صلاح مشورو ڪيو ۽ کين پاڻ سان شريڪ ٿيڻ جي گذارش ڪئي .
1935 ( 30- جون) سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ جي ڪوشش سان ڪراچي ۾سنڌي سياستدانن ، مدبرن ۽ دانشورن جي گڏجاڻي ٿي ۽ صوبي جي نئين انتظامي جوڙجڪ جيروشني ۾ نئين سياسي پارٽي ٺاهڻ لاءِ ويچار ڪيو ويو . هن گڏجاڻي ۾ علامه مرحوم پڻشرڪت ڪئي .
1935 ( 28- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽پنهنجي دوستن احبابن ڏانهن خطن ذريعي مبارڪون موڪليون .
1936 ( 5- مارچ) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1936 ( 16- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1937 ( 22- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهنمبارڪون موڪليون .
1937 ( 17- اپريل) علامه مرحوم لنڊن ۾ ئي موجود هيو ۽ هنتاريخ تي سنڌ جي مختلف اڳواڻن ڏانهن خط لکيائون ، جن مان سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏانهنلکيل خط پڻ هڪ آهي .
1937 ( 5- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1938 هن سال جي شروعات ۾ علامه مرحوم لنڊن ڇڏي وطن واپسوريا .
1938 ( 11-فيبروري) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽل جي مسجد م جمعي جو خطبوڏنائون ۽ ائين لڳاتار هر هڪ جمعي تي خطبو ڏيندا رهيا .
1938 ( 12 – فيبروري) علامهمرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن عيد جو مبارڪونموڪليون .
1938 ( 3- مئي) علامه مرحوم جو ڪراچي ۾ رهڻ ثابت ٿئي ٿو ،پاڻ انهيءَ تاريخ تي خط وڪتابت ڪئي اٿائون معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته هن دفعي کين سنڌ مدرسي۾ وائيس پرنسپال ٿيڻ جو خيال پيدا ٿيو ليڪن مدرسي بورڊ اها ڳالهه منظور نه ڪئي .
1938 (16- جون) “سنڌ مدرسه بورڊ” جي گڏجاڻي ٿي ، جنهن وائيس پرنسپال جي آساميڀرڻ لاءِ ويچار ڪيو ويو علامه مرحوم پڻ انهي آساميءَ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪئي هئي . ليڪن کينمايوس ڪيو ويو .
1938 ( 15- جولاءِ) سنڌ جا سياستدان ۽ اڳواڻ سنڌ اسيمبلي ۾جيئن سياست جي مٽي پليد ڪري رهيا هئا ، انهن ڳالهين کان متاثر ٿي ، علامه مرحوم هڪخط ۾ لکيو آهي اڳواڻ انهن هزارن ماڻهن کان بهتر ڪونه آهن جن کي هر سال 11 قلم هيٺبند ڪيو وڃي ٿو .
1938 ( آگسٽ) “ دي مسلم اسٽوڊنٽ” ڪراچي جي پرچي ۾ سندنانهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو ، جيڪو پاڻ هن کان اڳ ڪراچي جي فارسي ڪميونٽي کي ڪريچڪا هئا .
1938 ( 24- نومبر) علامه مرحوم رمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوست ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1938 ( 15- ڊسمبر) ڪراچي جي خالق ڏني هال ۾ “اردو ڊي”ملهايو ويو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي . پاڻ ان موقعي تي جيڪو خطاب ڪيائوناهو سندن ڪتاب “ڪيزيوئل پيپس ائٽ صوفيا ” ۾ شامل ڪيو ويو .
1939 سنڌ سرڪارطرفان يونيورسٽي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ ميران محمد شاھ جي چئيرميني ۾ 15 ڄڻن جي هڪ ڪاميٽيٺاهي وئي . جن ۾ علامه مرحوم کي پڻ ميمبر طور کنيو ويو . هن ڪاميٽيءَ جون جملي 39گڏجاڻيون ٿيون جن مان قاضي مرحوم ٻن گڏجاڻين ۾ شرڪت ڪئي .
1939 ( 1- فيبروري) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطنذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1939 ( 12 مئي) علامه مرحوم ڪراچيءَ ۾ پنهنجي تبليغي ۽تربيتي تحريڪ کي جاري رکيو ۽ ان ڏس ۾ اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان معلوم ٿيو ته پاڻ ڪراچي ڇڏڻ لاءِ في الحالتيار ڪو نه آهن البت مولانا عبيدالله سنڌي جي سهڪار جي خواهش ضرور رکن ٿا .
1939 ( 26- آگسٽ)اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته علامه مرحوم کي ڪورٽ آف وارڊس طرفانمقيم شاھ بخاري جي تربيت ۽ سنڀال جو ڪم سونپيو ويو هو، ۽ انهيءَ عرصي دوران پاڻزميندار ماڻهن جي اولاد لاءِ ساڳي نوعيت جو ڪم ڪندا هئا .
1939 ( 13- نومبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1940 ( 16- جنوري) علامه مرحوم“مسجد منزل گاھ تحريڪ” کي ناپسند ڪيو ۽ اهڙن جذبن جو اظهار اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط۾ ڪيائين. خط ۾ لکن ٿا ته مسلمانن جا سمورا ادارا مسلمانن هٿان برباد ٿي رهيا آهن. مسجدون ويران ٿي رهيون آهن . تعليمي ادارا ردي حالت کي پهچي رهيا آهن ۽ پوءِ بهمسلمان هليا آهن مسجد منزل گاھ تحريڪهلائڻ!
1940 (21 جنوري) علامه حج جي عيدملهائي ۽ خطن جي ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1940 ( 7- جون) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽلجي مسجد ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون .
1940 ( 8- جون) تڏهوڪي تعليميوزير سنڌ فزيڪل ڪلچر سٽ جي آسامي ڀرڻ لاءِ هڪ اميدوار کي انٽرويو لاءِ علامه آءِ .آءِ . قاضي ڏانهن ڏياري موڪليو ، جنهن جو انٽرويو ورتو ويو .
1940 ( 13- ڊسمبر) يونيورسٽي قائمڪرڻ واري ڪاميٽيءَ جي گڏجاڻي ٿي، قاضي مرحوم خط لکي ان ۾ شريڪ نه ٿيڻ جو اطلاع ڏنو. مسلم هاسٽل ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون .
1941 ( 9- جنوري) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1941 ( 19- فيبروري) ڪجهه وقت کانوٺي علامه مرحوم اڌ ڊزن کن شاگردن کي پاڻ وٽ رهائي تعليم ۽ تربيت جو خانگي تجربوڪيو. ڪن حلقن اها تنقيد ڪئي ته علامه مرحوم جن ڏوڪڙن ڪمائڻ گهرن ٿا . هن تاريخ تيجي. ايم سيد ڏانهن خط لکي علامه آمدني ۽ روانگيءَ جا تفصيل ڏنا ، جن مان معلوم ٿئيٿو ته ماهوار آمدني يارهن سو روپيا هئي ، جڏهن ته خرچ تيرهن سو روپيا ٿي آيو!
1941 ( 13- مارچ) علامه مرحومخانگي طور تي تعليم جو جيڪو سلسلو شروع ڪيو ، ان تي ڪم ڪندي وقت بوقت شاگردن جيوالدين سان خط وڪتابت ڪندا هئا ۽ کين حال احوال ڏيندا هئا . هن تاريخ تي پڻ اهڙاخط لکيائون ، جن مان هڪ خط سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي پڻ لکيو ويو .
1941 ( 22- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوست ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1941 ( 29- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1942 ( 11- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1942 ( 18- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1943 ( 3- مارچ) سيد غلام مرتضيشاھ سنڌ اسيمبلي ۾ پاڪستان جي ٺهراءُ پيش ڪرڻ وقت تقرير ڪئي، جنهن جي متن جو گهڻوتڻو مواد علامه مرحوم جن مهيا ڪيو .
1943 ( 22- مارچ) 3- مارچ تي سنڌاسيمبليءَ ۾ پاڪستان ۾ شامل ٿيڻ واري ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيڻ کان پوءِ هندو مسلم اتحاد کيخطرو لاحق ٿيو . ان سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم ڌرتيءَ جي قرض لاهڻ لاءِ نهچلداس ۽ ٻينسان ڳالهه ٻولهه ڪئي، پر مثبت نتيجا نه نڪتا . انهن ڳالهين جو اظهار اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾لکيل هڪ خط ۾ ڪيو اٿس .
1943 ( 29- مئي) علامه مرحومپنهنجي جاءِ تي خانگي تعليم جو جيڪو سلسلو جاري ڪيو هو ، ان سلسلي جي ڪڙيءَ طورشاگردن جي والدين کي اطلاع ڏنو ويو ته جون کان کين ويڪيشن ڏني پئي وڃي .
1943 ( 3- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم سيدغلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي خط لکي آل انڊيا مسلم ليگ ڪانفرنس جي استقباليه ڪاميٽيءَ جي صدرطور پيش ڪندڙ خطبي جي متن تي پنهنجي راءِ ڏني .
1943 (7- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1943 ( 24- ڊسمبر) ڪراچيءَ ۾ ٿيلآل انڊيا مسلم ليگ اجلاس ۾ محترمه جي. ايم. سيد جيڪو صدر استقباليه طور خطبو پڙهيو،ان جي متن جي تياريءَ ۾ علامه مرحوم سندن مدد ڪئي .
1943 ( 31- ڊسمبر) پاڻ مسلم هاسٽلجي مسجد ۾ جمعي جو خطبو ڏنائون . اهو سلسلو 1938 ع کان شروع ڪيو هيائون .
1944 ( 6- جنوري) علامه مرحوم خطلکي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي صلاح ڏني ته هو سنڌ مدرسي جي اسٽينڊنگ ڪاميٽيءَ جي خاليٿيندڙ جاءِ تي ميمبر ٿي اچڻ لاءِ ڪوشش ڪري .
1944 ( 24- مئي) علامه مرحومپنهنجي گهر واري ۽ خانگي شاگردن سميت سولن ۾ رهيو
1944 ( 18- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1944 ( 26- نومبر) علامه مرحوم جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1945 ( 17- جنوري) شيخ عبدالمجيد سنڌيءَ1924 ۾ هڪ ليڪچر ڏنو جيڪو “هندوستان جي سياسي مسئلن تي هڪ نظر” جي نالي سان رساليجي صورت م شايع ٿيو .هن تاريخ جي علامه مرحوم ان جو تعارف لکيو .
1945 ( 2- مئي) علامه مرحوم آرام۽ سير سفر لاءِ سولن ، شملا روانو ٿي ويو .
1945 ( 3- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومپنهنجي گهرڌياڻي ۽ شاگردن سميت سولن کان ڪراچي لاءِ روانو ٿيو.
1945 ( 9- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1945 ( 29- سيپٽمبر) علامه آءِ .آءِ . قاضي سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ کي خط لکي پارت ڪئي ته ڏيپلي جي قاضي احمد ايڊوڪيٽکي سنڌ اسيمبلي جي اميدوار جي ٽڪيٽ ڏني وڃي .
1945 ( 29- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1945 (ڊسمبر) سنڌ اسيمبلي جي اميدوارن ۾ ٽڪيٽ ورهائڻ جي مسئلي تي سنڌ مسلم ليگ ۾ اختلاف پيدا ٿي پيو اهي اختلافيڳالهيون علامه مرحوم ختم ڪرائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي ، پر کين ايتري ڪاميابي ڪانه ٿي .
1946 ( 6- اپريل) علامه مرحومپنهنجي شاگردن جي ابتدائي تربيت ڪرڻ کان پوءِ کين سٺن اسڪولن ۾ داخل ڪرائڻ لاءِپاڻ ڪوشش وٺندا رهيا . ان سلسلي ۾ مختلف ادارن جي پرنسپالن سان رابطو رکيو اينداهئا . اها ڳالهه اڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ لکيل خط مان ثابت ٿئي ٿو .
1946 ( 29- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1946 ( 5- نومبر) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1947 ( 26- اپريل) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجو قيام عمل ۾ آيو.
1947 ( 26- اپريل) علامه مرحومسيد غلام مرتضي شاھ طرفان موڪليل “نئين سنڌ لاء جدو جهد” ڪتاب جو مسودو ڏسي پوروڪيو ۽ انهيءَ لاءِ راءِ ڏنائين ته ڪتاب دلچسپ آهي . پهرين نون فصلن ۾ وڌيڪ وضاحتٿيڻ گهرجي .
1947 ( 19- آگسٽ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنيج دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1947 ( 3- سيپٽمبر) ڪراچي ۾ راڪهائوس ۾ اجي. ايم. سيد “شاھ لطيف جو قومي تخيل” جي موضوع تي تقرير ڪئي . جنهن کيعلامه مرحوم پڻ ساراهيو .
1947 ( 26- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجيدوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1947 (آڪٽوبر) هندوستان جي تقسيمکان پوءِ ننڊي کنڊ ۾ قتل وغارت جي جيڪو ماحول پيدا ٿيو . تنهن علامه مرحوم کيولايت اسهڻ تي سوچڻ لاءِ مجبور ڪيو .
1947 ( نومبر) علامه مرحوم هنمهيني جي آخري تاريخن ۾ انگلينڊ پهچي ويو . اتي تعليم جي اهميت تي ڪتاب لکڻ جو ڪمشروع ڪيائين .
1948 هن عرصي دوران پاڻ لندن جي ايينتو وڊ جيگهر نمبر 45 ۾ رهڻ لڳا .
1948 ( 7- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم هنسال تائين انگلينڊ جي پوئٽري سوسائٽي جو نائب صدر رهيو .
1948 ( 14- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1949 ( 28- جولاءِ) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1949 ( 4- آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1949 ( 23- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1950 ( 17- جولاءِ) علامه مرحوماڄوڪي تاريخ ۾ سيد غلام مرتضي شاھ ڏي لکيل هڪ خط ۾ وطن واپس ورڻ جي خواهش ڏيکاري .
1950 ( 23- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1951 ( 9- اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ جي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ عهدو سنڀاليو .
1951 ( 28- اپريل) علامه آءِ.آءِ. قاضي جي ڪوششن سان سنڌ گورنمينٽ کي يونيورسٽي ڪئمپس جي جامع رٿا پيش ڪئي ويئي.
1951 ( 4- مئي) علامه مرحوم جيڪوششن سان سنڌ يونيورسٽي کي حيدرآباد ڏانهن منتقل ڪيو ويو .
1951 ( 6- جولاءِ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1951 سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ماھ سيپٽمبر۾ پهريون شعبو (ايڊيوڪيشن ڊپارٽمينٽ) قائم ڪيائون .
1951 ( 12 سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1951 ( 11- نومبر) دادو ۾ يارهينآل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس ٿي ، جنهن لاءِ علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو لکي ڏياري موڪيلو .
1952 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻي جوانگريزي ناول “اولڊ انگلش گارڊن سيفوني” شايع ٿيو .
1952 علامه مرحوم لياقت ميڊيڪلڪاليج ۾ “ميڊيڪل اسٽوڊنٽس يونين” جو افتتاح ڪيو .
1952 علامه مرحوم جي ڪوششن سانسنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچرس جو سلسلو شروع ٿيو .
1952 ( 25- جون) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1952 ( 1- سيپٽمبر) علامه مرحومحج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1953 ( 1- فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ٿيو، جنهن ۾ پاڻ “سرڪاري ملازم” جيموضوع تي خطاب ڪيائون ..
1953 علامه مرحوم جي صلاح ۽ ڪوششنجي نتيجي ۾ حڪيم شمس الدين ، ڊاڪٽر بلوچ ، ۽ ٻين “سنڌ طبي ڪاليج ائسوسيئيشن” ٺاهيجنهن اڳتي هلي حيدرآباد ۾ سنڌ طبيه ڪاليج قائم ڪيو.
1953 ( 14- جون) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1953 ( 21- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1953 ( 30- آڪٽوبر) “شاھ لطيف جودنيا جي شاعرن ۾ مقام ” جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم جو انگريزي مضمون حيدرآباد جي“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو .
1953 ( 30- نومبر) انگريزي اخبار“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ علامه مرحوم جي تحرير “شاھ لطيف جي دنيا جي شاعرن ۾ حيثيت”جي عنوان سان شايع ٿي .
1953 ( 3- نومبر) علامه آءِ. آءِ . قاضي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسيلرجي حيثيت ۾ حيدرآباد جي اورينٽئل ڪاليج جو دورو ڪيو ۽ ان موقعي تي عملي کي خطابڪيو .
1953 ( 15- نومبر) علامه مرحوموائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت ۾ جيڪو “اورينٽئل ڪاليج” جو دورو ڪيو ۽ ان وقت خطاب ڪيو .انهي دوري جي تفصيلي خبر ۽ خطاب جو متن انگريزي اخبار “ٽارچ فورٽ نائٽلي” ۾ شايعٿيو .
1953 ( 30- نومبر) يارهين فيبروري1953 تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ ڊاڪٽر حميد جيڪو ليڪچر ڏنو ۽ انموقعي تي علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو ڏنو . انهن جو متن “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايعٿيو .
1953 ( 11- ڊسمبر) علامه مرحوم جيصدارت هيٺ سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي سينٽ هال ۾ ڊاڪٽر ڪي. اي. حميد شعبه فلاسافي“ايمان ۽ان جو منهنجي فلسفي تي اثر” جي موضوع تي ليڪچر ڏنو .
1953 ( 18- ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ يونيورسٽيءَ جي رجسٽرار آغا تاج محمد “هڪ صحيح استاد” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ڏنو . جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي ان موقعي تي صدارتي خطبو ڏنائون .
1953 ( 25- ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي انگلش ڊپارٽمينٽ جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ پروفيسر جي ڊبيلو سعيد “جمهوريت ۽ اسلام” جيموضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم “اسلام ۾ سيڪيولرجمهوريت” جي عنوان سان صدارتي خطبو ڏنو .
1954 ( 1- جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ سنڌي شعبي جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ پروفيسر علي نواز جتوئي گروهڙيءَ جي فلاسافي تي ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ڏنو جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي پاڻ انهيءَ موقعي تي تعارفي خطبو پڻڏنائون .
1954 ( 8- جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ پروفيسر شفيع محمد ميمڻ “موت کان پوءِ جي حياتيءَ” جي موضوع تيايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي . پاڻ ان موقعي تي تعارفي ۽صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون .
1954 ( 15- جنوري) اسلام ۽سيڪيولر جمهوريت جي عنوان تي علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ پروفيسر سعيد جيڪوليڪچر ڏنو۽ علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو ، انهنجو متن “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو .
1954 ( 22 – جنوري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ ۾پروفيسر اين – اي- جي خان “لازمي تعليم” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارتعلامه مرحوم ڪئي . ان موقعي تي پاڻ صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.
1954 (27- جنوري) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽي جي و ائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت سان “اسٽوڊنٽس يونين” جو افتتاح ڪيو.
1954 ( 29- جنوري) سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ جي سينٽ هال ۾ڊاڪٽر هاليپوٽي “شاھ ولي الله جو سماج بابت تصور” جيموضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي ۽ ان سلسلي ۾ صدارتيخطبو پڻ ڏنو .
1954 ( 16- فيبروري) سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ ۾ شروع ڪيل ايڪسٽينش ليڪچرس جي سلسلي جي ڪڙيءَ طور ڊاڪٽر نبي بخش قاضيليڪچر ڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي .
1954 ( 15- فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي عظيماجتماع کي خطاب ڪيائون .
1954 ( 19- فيبروري) سنڌيونيورسٽي جي مسلم هسٽري ڊپارٽمينٽ جي تڏهوڪي سربراھ قاضي احمد ميان اختر “ آڳاٽنمسلمانن جو سائنسي کوجنائن ۾ حصو” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو . ان موقعي تيعلامه مرحوم ساڳي طرح صدارتي خطبو ڏنو .
علامه مرحوم هڪ مهيني لاءِ موڪلتي ويو .
1954 ( 30- مارچ) “سائنسي ايجادات۾ مسلمانن جو حصو” جي عنوان جي علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ جيڪو پروفيسر قاضي اخترسنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ ليڪچر ڏنو ۽ علامه مرحوم صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو . ان موقعي جو متن“ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو.
1954 ( 30- مئي) پروفيسر نبي بخشقاضي جي ڏنل ليڪچر وقت علامه مرحوم جيڪو صدارتي خطبو پڙهيو هو، ان جو متن “ٽارچفورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿيو.
1954 (3- جون) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1954 (15- جولاءِ) ٽارچ فورٽنائيٽلي جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جو انگريزي مضمون “شري ڪرشنا جو تاريخي پهلو”شايع ٿيو .
1954 (26- جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ عيد ملن پارٽي ملهائي وئي، هن موقعي تي علامه مرحوم جن خطاب ڪيو .
1954 (30- جولاءِ) ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جيانهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ پروفيسر شفيع محمد ميمڻ جي ليڪچر “موت بعدجي حياتي” جي صدارت ڪندي ڏنو هئائون .
1954 ( 10- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1954 ( 15- آگسٽ) “ٽارچ فورٽنائيٽلي” جي اڄوڪي پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جو “رفليڪشن” جي عنوان سان مضمون شايع ٿيو .
1954 (30- آگسٽ) علامه مرحوم جيمضمون رفليڪشن جي ٻي قسط “ٽارچ فورٽ نائيٽلي” ۾ شايع ٿي .
1955 ( 24- مئي) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1955 (30- مئي) عيدالفطر جي موقعيتي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي استادن کي خطاب ڪيائون .
1955 (20 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي سينٽ هال ۾ نئينتعليمي سيشن جي شروعات جي موقعي تي علامه مرحوم استادن کي خطاب ڪيو ۽ تعليم جيموضوع تي پنهنجن خيالن جو اظهار ڪيو.
1955 (31 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1955 (5 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيسينٽ هال ۾ “طبيعات” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ٿيو، جنهن ۾ علامه مرحوم صدارتيخطاب ڏنو.
1955 (19 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيزولاجي ڊپارٽمينٽ جي ڊائريڪٽر فاروقي “فش ڪلچر” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو،جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي، پاڻ انهي موقعي تي صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.
1955 (21 آگسٽ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾محترمه نقوئي “دنيا جا ڪئلينڊر” جي عنوان تي ليڪچر ڏنو، ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم“اسلامڪ ڪئلينڊر” جي عنوان سان صدارتي خطبو ڏنو.
1955 (19 سيپٽمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ “انساني حياتي جا ثقافتي بنياد” جي موضوع تي ڊاڪٽر ڪي. اي حميد جو ايڪسٽينشنليڪچر ٿيو، جيڪو سندس پاران شفيع محمد ميمڻ ڏنو، هي ليڪچر علامه مرحوم جي صدارتهيٺ ٿيو ۽ پاڻ موقعي جي مناسبت سان خطاب ڪيائون.
1955 (1 آڪٽوبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيوائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي “جنرل آف ايڊيوڪيشن” جو عالمانه انداز ۾مهاڳ لکيائون، جنهن جو عنوان هئو “تعليم ڇا لاءِ؟”
1955 سنڌ يونيورسٽي جو چوٿونڪانووڪيشن ٿيو، جنهن ۾ تڏهوڪي سنڌ جي گورنر نواب آف ممدوٽ چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ شرڪتڪئي، علامه مرحوم ان موقعي تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي رپورٽ پيش ڪئي.
1955 (8 فيبروري) علامه مرحومانگلنڊ کان واپس ٿيڻ تي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي استادن کي خطاب ڪيو.
1956 (24 فيبروري) “سنڌيونيورسٽي” ۾ تاريخ جي شعبي جي صدر ڊاڪٽر خان “مغل دور” تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو.ان موقعي تي علامه مرحوم پڻ انهي موضوع تي صدارتي تقرير ڪئي.
1956 (27 فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي سينٽ هال ۾ علامه مرحوم “سائنس” جي موضوع تي تقرير ڪئي.
1956 (12 مئي) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1956 (19 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1956 (23 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي 57-1956 جي پهرين اڪيڊمڪ سيشن جو افتتاح ڪيائون ۽ “تعليم جو عمل ۽ مقصد” جيموضوع تي استادن ۽ شاگردن کي خطاب ڪيائون.
1956 (آگسٽ) چند ماڻهن طرفانعلامه مرحوم جي يونيورسٽي بابت پاليسي خلاف اردو اخبارن ۾ پروپيگنڊا شروع ڪئي وئي،۽ ان سلسلي ۾ ڪي خط لکي وڏن ماڻهن ڏي پڻ موڪليا ويا.
1956 (30 نومبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾علامه مرحوم جي صدارت هيٺ “جيالاجي جو تعارف” جي عنوان تي ايس – ايم – شعيب ليڪچر ڏنو.
1956 (14 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيزولاجي ڊپارٽمينٽ جي ڊاڪٽر فاروقي “حياتيءَ جو تصور” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽيشن ليڪچرڏنو، جنهن جي صدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي، ان موقعي تي پاڻ صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون.
1956 (17 ڊسمبر) “ٽارچ” جيايڊيٽوريل ۾ “دي پائيونيئر بلڊر“ جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم تعليمي خدمتن تي روشنيوڌي.
1956 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” نمبر 2، 1956 واري پرچي ۾علامه مرحوم جي سورهين سنڌي ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڏنل پيغام شايع ٿيو.
1956 ٽه ماهي مهراڻ جي نمبر 2، 1956۾ علامه مرحوم جو اهو پيغام شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ سورهين سنڌي ادبي ڪانففرنس لاڙڪاڻهجي موقعي تي ڏنو هئو.
1957 (12 جنوري) ڪامن ويلٿ وائيسچانسلر ائسوسيئيشن سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جو معائنو ڪيو، ۽ علامه مرحوم جي بي لوث خدمتنجي واکڻ ڪئي، هي وفد سورهن وائيس چانسلرن تي مشتمل هو.
1957 (12 جنوري) “ٽارچ” جي اڄوڪيايڊيٽوريل ۾ برمنگهم يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسلر ڊاڪٽر ائٽڪن جي خراجِ تحسين کيڌيان ۾ رکي علامه مرحوم جي يونيورسٽي لاءِ ورتل خدمتن تي روشني وڌي وئي.
1957 ( 25 فيبروري) سنڌ يونيورسٽي۾ محترمه حسن شعبه نفسيات “ذهن ۽ جسم” جي موضوع تي ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچر ڏنو جنهن جيصدارت علامه مرحوم ڪئي پاڻ انهي موقعي تي صدارتي خطبو پڻ ڏنائون .
1957 (2 مئي) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1957 (7 مئي) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽي مان موڪل تي ويو، سندس اها موڪل 18 سيپٽمبر 1957 تائين هلي.
1957 (9 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون.
1957 (19 سيپٽمبر) موڪل ڪاٽڻکانپوءِ علامه مرحوم وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ چارج ورتي.
1957 (30 سيپٽمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيجي ايڊيوڪيشن شعبي ۾ ٽيچرس ڊپلوما ڪلاسن کي خطاب ڪندي استاد جي ذميوارين تي روشنيوڌائون.
1957 (7 آڪٽوبر) سيپٽمبر 1957 ۾سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ “ٽيچرس ڊپلوما” حاصل ڪندڙ کي الوداعي پارٽي ملڻ واري وقت علامهمرحوم جيڪو خطاب ڪيو، ان جو متن “ٽارچ” اخبار ۾ شايع ٿيو.
1957 (25 آڪٽوبر) حيدرآباد جيحڪيم شمس الدين احمد ۽ مشهور عالم عبدالعزيز مينائي سنڌ يونيورسٽي لائبريري کيڪتابن جو تحفو ڏنو، ان موقعي تي پاڻ خطاب ڪيائون ۽ ڪتاب جي اهميت تي روشني وڌائون.
1957 (5 نومبر) ورلڊ يونيورسٽي جيمقمي شاخ سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾ اسٽوڊنٽس ڊسپينسري قائم ڪئي، انهي موقعي تي خطاب ڪنديورلڊ يونيورسٽي سروس تي روشني وڌائون.
1957 (6 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾شرو ڪيل ايڪسٽينشن ليڪچرس جي سلسلي ۾ علامه مرحوم جن “خلفاءِ راشدين جي دور جهوريتجي موضوع تي مظهر الدين صديقي جي ڏنل ليڪچر جي صدارت ڪئي ۽ تعارفي خطبو ڏنو.
1957 (13 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽي ۾“هيومن رائٽس ڊي” ملهايو ويو، جنهن موقعيتي علامه مرحوم گڏجاڻيءَ جي صدارت ڪئي ۽ خطاب ڪيو.
1958 (23 فيبروري) علامه آءِ آءِقاضي سنڌ يونيورسٽي جي باٽني شعبي طرفان منعقد ڪيل گلن جي نماءُ جو افتتاح ڪيو.
1958 (5 مارچ) پاڪستان جييونيورسٽين جي گڏيل ڪوششن سان حيدرآباد ۾ “تحقيق ۽ اعليٰ تعليم” جي موضوع تيڪانفرنس ٿي، جنهن جو افتتاح پاڪستان جي تڏهوڪي صدر، اسڪندر مرزا ڪيو. علامه مرحومانٽر يونيورسٽي بورڊ آف پاڪستان جي چيئرمين جي حيثيت ۾ آڌر ڀائي تقرير ڪئي.
1958 ( 15 مارچ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيڪوششن حيدرآباد ۾ “آل پاڪستان فلاسافيڪل ڪانگريس” جو پنجون اجلاس ٿيو جنهن جوافتتاح علامه مرحوم وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ ڪيو سندن افتتاحي خطبو ڪتاب “ڪيزيوئلپيپس ائٽ صوفيا” ۾ ڏنو ويو آهي .
1958 ( 18 مارچ) سنڌ يونيورسٽي جيوائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ “پاڪستان فلاسافيڪل ڪانگريس” جي پنجين اجلاس کي خطابفرمايو سندن اها تقرير ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1959،1 واري پرچي ۾ شايع ٿي
1958 (1 اپريل) ڪراچي ۾ “علامهاقبال ڊي” ملهايو ويو جنهن ۾پاڻ خطاب ڪيائون .
1958 (21 اپريل) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1958 (31 مئي) حيدرآباد ۾ 18- آلسنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس ٿي، جنهن جو افتتاح علامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي ڪيو . هيءَ ڪانفرنسسنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ ۾ ٿي .
1958 ( 9 جون) “ٽارچ ويڪلي” جياڄوڪي ايڊيٽوريل ۾ “سنڌي ادبي ڪانفرنس” جي حوالي سان علامه مرحوم جي خطاب تي روشنيوڌي وئي .
1958 ( 30 جون) “ٽارچ) اخبار جياڄوڪي پرچي ۾علامه مرحوم جي انهيءَ خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ حيدرآباد ۾سڏايل 18- آل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڪيائون.
1958 ( 1 جولاءِ) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ مان موڪل تي ويو . سندس اها موڪل سيپٽمبر 1958 تائين هلي .
1958 ( 1 آڪٽوبر) علامه مرحومموڪل تان واپس اچي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ چارج ورتي .
1958 ( 20 ڊسمبر) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجي ايڊيوڪيشن شعبي ۾ بي. ٽي ڪلاس کي خطاب ڪيائون .
1959 ( 19 مارچ) علامه مرحوم موڪلکائي يونيورسٽي جي وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت سان چارج سنڀالي .
1959 ( 10 اپريل) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1959 ( 25 مئي) علامه مرحوم سنڌيونيورسٽيءَ ۾ وائيس چانسلر جي حيثيت ۾ آخري دفعو آفيس ۾ آيو ۽ ان کان پوءِاستعيفي ڏئي ڇڏيائين .
1959 ( 17 جون) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1959 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي نمبر 4 – 1959 ۾ “ادب ۽ زندگي” جي عنوان سان علامه مرحوم جي اها صدارتي تقرير شايع، ٿيجيڪا پاڻ 18- آل سنڌ ادبي ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي ڪئي هئائون .
1959 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1- 1959واري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي “پاڪستان فلاسا فيڪل ڪانگريس” جي پنجين اجلاس ۾ ڪيلتقرير جو متن شايع ٿيو .
1959 (29 مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1960 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيءَجي انگريزي شاعريءَ جو ڪتاب “ٽيرسٽريل ائنڊ سيلسشل اڪوز” شايع ٿيو .
1960 سنڌ مدرسي جي پليٽينم جوبليملهائي وئي . انهيءَ موقعي تي علامه مرحوم پڻ پيغام ڏنو، جنهن ۾ ٻڌايو ته هو پاڻ1904 ع ۾ هن اداري جو شاگرد رهي چڪو آهي.
1960 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي نمبر1-2/1960 ع ۾ علامه مرحوم جو اهو مضمون شايع ٿيو ، جيڪو پهريون ڊسمبر 1920 ۾ “سنڌزميندار” سکر ۾ شايع ٿيو .
1961 ( 19 مارچ) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1961 ( 26 مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1961 “سنڌي ادبي بورڊ” علامهمرحوم لاکيڻي لطيف جي فن جي مطالعي تي ڪتاب “اي اسٽڊي آف شاھ عبدالطيف” شايع ڪيو.
1962 (8 مارچ) علامه مرحوم رمضانجي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1962 (15 مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جيعيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1963 ( 26 فيبروري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1963 ( 5 مئي) علامه مرحوم حج جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعيپنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1964 ( 23 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1964 ( 2 جولاءِ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَجي اڳواڻي وائيس چانسيلر جي حيثيت ۾ سنڌي شعبي طرفان شايع ٿيندڙ مخزن “سوکڙي” لاءِپيغام لکيو .
1964 علامه مرحوم جي گهرڌياڻيءَجي انگريزي شاعريءَ جو ڪتاب “ڊپارچر آف ڊسگسٽيڊ ڪانسائنس” شايع ٿيو جنهن جو مهاڳعلامه مرحوم پاڻ لکيو .
1965 ( 4 فيبروري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1965 ( 13 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1965 سنڌي ادبي بورڊ علامه مرحومجي تقريرن ۽ تحريرن شايع ڪرائڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو . هن ڪم لاءِ ڊاڪٽر بلوچ ، ڊاڪٽرهاليپوٽي ، شفيع محمد ميمڻ ، ڊاڪٽر نبي بخش قاضي ۽ محمد ابراهيم جويي تي مشتمل هڪڪاميٽي ٺاهي وٺي . ته جيئن مواد هٿ ڪري .
1965 “مهراڻ” نمبر 3-4/1965 ع ۾علامه مرحوم جي تقريرن بعنوان “علم ادب” شايع ٿي .
1966 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” جي 1-2/1966ع واري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي 1954 ۾ ڪيل تقرير “محبت جي ضرورت” جي عنوان سان شايعٿي .
1966 ٽه ماهي “مهراڻ” 3-4-/1966 عواري پرچي ۾ علامه مرحوم جي انهي خطاب جو متن شايع ٿيو، جيڪو پاڻ ان وقت ڪيوهئائون ، جڏهن سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ کين “ڊاڪٽر آف لا” جي اعزازي ڊگري پيش ڪئي هئي .
1966 ( 24 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1966 ( 2 اپريل) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي .
1966 ( 4 مئي) شاگردن لاءِ پاڻروزانه “عبرت” کي پيغام ڏنائون ، جيڪو “مهراڻ” 1-1967 ع ۾ پڻ شايع ٿيو .
1966 ( 4 مئي ) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَعلامه آءِ . آءِ . قاضي کي “ڊاڪٽر آف لا” جي اعزازي ڊگري پيش ڪئي .
1966 ( 4 مئي) سنڌ يونيورسٽيءَ جيڪانووڪيشن جي موقعي تي خطاب ڪيائون .
1967 ( 13 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1967 ( 22 مارچ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1967 ( 28 مئي) علامه آءِ . آءِ .قاضي جي پياري گهرڌياڻي مدر ايلسا قاضي رحلت ڪئي .
1967 سنڌي ادبي بورڊ علامه مرحومجي پندرهن مضمونن ۽ تقريرن جو مجموعو “ ڪيزيوئل پيپس ائٽ صوفيا “ شايع ڪرايو .
1968 ( 2 جنوري) علامه مرحومرمضان جي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1968 ( 10 مارچ) علامه مرحوم حججي عيد ملهائي ۽ خطن ذريعي پنهنجي دوستن ۽ احبابن ڏانهن مبارڪون موڪليون .
1968 ( 13 اپريل) علامه مرحومرحلت ڪئي .
SOURCE MATERIAL ON SINDH AVAILABLE
IN LIBRARIES OF THE WEST
These documents are held at British Library, Asia, Pacific and Africa
Collections
1.
The Sindh Incumbered Estates
Bill 1881: A Bill to amend the law providing for the relief of Jágirdárs and
Zamindárs in Sindh IOR/L/PJ/6/51, File 1411 2
Sep 1881
2.
Archaeological Survey of
Western India: No 8 Reports regarding the archaeological remains in the
Kurrachee, Hyderabad and Shikarpur Collectorates in Sindh, with plans of tombs.
Bombay, 1879 IOR/V/21/25, No 8 1879
3.
Archaeological Survey of
Western India: No 4 Provisional lists of architectural and other archaeological
remains in Western India, including the Bombay Presidency, Sindh, Berar,
Central Provinces and Haidarabad. J. Burgess. Bombay, 1875 IOR/V/21/25,
No 4 1875
4.
India. Finance and Commerce
Department. Report on the system of weighing salt in Bengal, Madras, Bombay,
Sindh, Northern India and Burmah. Calcutta, 1890 IOR/V/27/324/3 1890
5.
Memorandum, Sindh frontier. O
T Burne, 1 Dec 1875 IOR/L/PS/18/A11 1 Dec 1875
6.
Act XI, 1884; An Act to amend
the Sindh Incumbered Estates Act, 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/131, File 1475 18
Jul 1884
7.
Papers relative to the Bill
to amend the Sindh Encumbered Estates Act, 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/91,
File 254 23 Jan 1883
8.
Papers relative to the Bill
to amend the Sindh Encumbered Estates Act, 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/90,
File 155 9 Jan 1883
9.
The Sindh Incumbered Estates
Act 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/54, File 1685 7 Oct 1881
10. The Sindh Encumbered Estate Act, 1896 IOR/L/PJ/6/433,
File 2015 21 Oct 1896
11. The Bill to amend the Sindh Incumbered Estates Act,
1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/91, File 196 16 Jan 1883
12. Papers relative to the Bill to amend the Sindh
Incumbered Estates Act, 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/90, File 116 26
Dec 1882
13. A Bill to amend the Sindh Incumbered Estates Act,
1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/87, File 2004 6 Nov 1882
14. [no title] Add.MS8330/4/7/12 1913
Mar 12
These documents are held at Cambridge University Library, Department of
Manuscripts and University Archives
Contents:
Sukkur, Sindh
15. [no title] IOR/F/4/729/19769 Jul
1818-Mar 1820
Related information: Bengal Pol 25 Jun 1824, draft 388/1823-24, E/4/711
pp 869-70
[See also 10054]
Contents:
Treaty concluded between the Company and the Raja of Datia [Parichhat], by
which the latter receives the lands known as Chaurasi Ilaka, to the east of the
Sindh river.
16. [no title] Mss Eur K216 1817
1 volume
Creator(s): Macmurdo, James, 1785-1820, Captain
Contents:
‘Modern Sindh’: description of Sind and the River Indus, presumably by Capt
James Macmurdo (1785-1820), Bombay Army 1801-20. The first part was published
in edited form as ‘An account of the Country of Sindh…’ in ‘Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society’ (1834).
17. File No. 264 of 1923. Proposed removal of Pathan
Settlements from Sindh Valley, as an undesirable foreign body. Declaration of
Bakarwells as a criminal tribe in the Jammu & Kashmir State. IOR/R/2/1067/90 1923
18. Reports on the districts lately resumed from Meer
Alli Moorad in Sindh, by Lieuts Webster, Lester and Dickson. Bombay: Bombay
Education Society’s Press, 1853 IOR/V/23/207, No 13 1853
101p, maps
Contents:
Booldekka District, by T.B. Webster; Shahbeyha, Chuck and Syudabad Districts,
by T.B. Webster; Districts on the left bank of the Indus, by J.F. Lester, with
a brief sketch of the history of the Derhs of Derkkee; Annual revenues and
population of the villages of Moghlee, by W.D. Dickson
Note: Index No 569
19. Case of Francisco Fernandez, convicted of murder at
Hyderabad in Sindh IOR/L/PJ/6/135, File 1942 5
Sep 1884
20. A Bill to amend the Sindh Encumbered Estates Act,
1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/128, File 1194 6 Jun 1884
21. Papers on the Bill to amend the Sindh Incumbered
Estates Act, 1881 IOR/L/PJ/6/109, File 1927 8
Oct 1883
22. Commission from a Court in Malta for examination of
witnesses in Sindh IOR/L/PJ/6/520, File 1870 13
Sep 1899
23. [no title] 8112/54-736 to -758 19
Sep-28 Dec 1878
These documents are held at National Army Museum, Department of Archives
Photographs Film and Sound
Contents:
In letters and one out letter including 6 from Sir Richard Temple (Governor of
Bombay), and 4 from Maj Gen J M Primrose. The following are of particular note:
-736 19 Sep Staveley (Warre’s predecessor) advising him of the need to keep the
Duke of Cambridge informed of matters affecting the Army, and stating that the
Governor was favourably disposed towards the Army.
-738 7 Oct (or Nov?) Primrose advancing his claim for a command in Afghanistan.
-740 18 Oct Temple on the threatened reduction of the Bombay Army.
-742 26 Oct copy letter to Temple reviewing British policy towards Afghanistan.
-743 26 Oct Temple explaining the Amir’s hostility towards Britain.
-747 Oct? Temple on the troops required in Sindh.
-750 17 Nov Primrose, on the disappointment in the 11th Foot on not being able
to proceed on active service.
24. Marsh, Henry, Sindh River Canal Project: estimate
report and appendices [with map]. Ajmer: Scottish Mission Industries Company,
1907 IOR/V/27/733/20 1907
25. Memoranda on miscellaneous subjects. Vol. 1.
1871-1875.” Sindh frontier O T Burne, Political and Secret Dept, India
Office, 1 Dec 1875 IOR/L/PS/20/MEMO31/18 1 Dec
1875
8pp
26. House of Commons question on the difference in
educational qualifications required for Hindu and Mohammedan candidates for
Government Service in Sindh IOR/L/PJ/6/370, File 575 5
Apr 1894
27. Report on the movement of troops and military stores
during the Afghan War over the Sindh, Punjab and Delhi, and the Frontier State
Railways. Col Julius George Medley. Lahore, 27 Sep 1880. IOR/L/MIL/17/14/58 1880
11p, 33cm
28. FROST, PRIVATE CHARLES (C.1808-?) QRWS/30/FROS/ 1834-1846
These documents are held at Surrey History Centre
Contents:
Born, c.1808. Enlisted at Ipswich, 1825. Served with 1st Company, Queen’s, in
East Indies, 1827-1838; Sindh, Baluchistan and Afghanistan, 1838-1840; East
Indies, 1840-1845. Awarded Guzee 1839 Medal and Bronze Regimental Cross of
Merit. Discharged, 1846.
29. [no title] Mss Eur F127/206 1867
3 copies
Contents:
Irrigation of Sindh.
30. [no title] Mss Eur D951/25 1875-95
Contents:
Memoranda by Burne on the Sindh Frontier, Khelat, Chitral and the Tochi Valley
[printed] .
31. [no title or date] Mss Eur F208/214
Contents:
Miscellaneous Sindhi books and pamphlets (Dinsabri akhah jo qisso [Mrs
Halliburton’s troubles] by Henry Wood translated by Lilaram Vilaytrae Hyderabad
1921; Laila Majnon-i Qadiri by Miyan ‘Ali Muhammad Qadiri, Larkano 1929; Sindhi
Satvan kitab, Karachi 1954; Guldasto by Lilaram Premcand, Karachi 1922;
Pakistan A’igrikalcaral inkuva’ iri kameti. Svalnamo 1, Karachi 1951; Sindh jo
zara’ati kato, 92, 94 490, Karachi; Vatkar by Jamali, Karachi 1952[?]; title
page of Hindustan ji tavarikh by Paritamdas, Qismatra e Tolani, Karachi 1892.)
32. [no title or date] Mss Eur F208/120
Contents:
Notes from the Sind Blue Books; also notes from various secondary works
including Personal Observations on Sindh (1843) by Thomas Postans
(BY DR. DUR MUHAMMADPATHAN. FOUNDER GUL HAYAT INSTITUTE. Email legendsindhi@yahoo.com))
Twenty five years agoI wrote article for Monthly “ADYOON”, Karachi, on the history of Sindhi Dramas.In that article I gave list of 140 Dramatic societies of Sindh and Hind. Myarticle was reproduced in India also. Out of all those Deamatic Societies, RabendarnathTagore Literary & Dramatic Club was important one, as it remained activefor nearly twenty four years. It was established/formed in 1923 at Hyderabadwith Karachi as its branch. This Club formed after the name of Dr. RabendranathTagore was inaugurated by him. Tagore visited Sindh for inaugural ceremony inApril 1923 and on his arrival (on 21st of April), the KarachiMunicipality invited him as Guest ofHonour and on this occasion the Address was presented to him by Jamshed Mehtaon behalf of the city and Municipality. As it is very rare document onlyavailable with Gul Hayat Institue and is about to be vanished, therefore it isreproduced here:
Dr. RABENDRANATHTAGORE
Respected Sir,
We the President andMembers of the Karachi Municipality beg to offer you a heartly welcome on yourvisit to Karachi. We consider it a privelge to receive you in our city as weknow every one here has been execpting you with joy ever since yourintention to visit Karachi became known.
Though our city is ata great distance from your own home, Sir you are not unknown to our people asyour heart and mind have been so well broadcated through your writtings, yourspeeches and above all your actions. Your glorious work to give to the peopleof this country and of the world at large, that loving message of brotherhood of men and fatherhoodof God, your invocation to work for the nation and love to it in order to unitethe bonds of humanity by creating international links, your patriotism for yourcountry, your efforts to unite the East and West through the culture and art of both, , yourcontinued efforts to make the mystic and practical scientist one in feelingsand actions, have made you well known every where. As representatives of thecity therefore it fills us with joy to receive you, to offer you our respectand to know you in person.
Our karachi is cityof modern growth and although has no ancient historical traditions associatedwith it. As a city it has grown to be the capital of Sindh, which played agreat role in the history of India. Our city will, we hope, play great part inthe future history of our motherland.
We know you havearduous duties else here, and we also know that fulfilment of your duties is one of the many causes of your presenttour. We know that the great and noble task of founding and guiding theInternational University “ Vishwa Bharti” which you have undertaken requiresevery minute of your valued time and the constant exercise of your energies ,and we understand that its accomplishment and firm establishment will be a timereward of your hard work, efforts and anxieties.
We pray, you may livelong with peace to see the day of glorious culmination of your labour of love.
We beg to subscribeourselves,
With great respect
Jamshed Mehta(president) and Members of the Karachi Municipality.
1. OFFICE – BEARERS: We have never researchedanything with seriouness. Therefore most is missing in our history. Same is theposition of the historical records of this Club. It is on the record thatHirananad Advani, Ramchand Takhtram, Moulchand Lilaramsing and Valiram Aailsingwere active leaders of the Hydeabad branch of the Club. Whereas KhanchandDaryani, Mangharam Malkani, Bhagwan Ramchand, Chandomal Wadhwani and Pahlajsingplayed key role in its branch of Karachi. I have researched some office–bearers of the Karachi branch, and they are: Year 1928 -29. Tolasing Advani(president), C. Chaiterji (V.P), Pahlajsing Advani (Treasurer), Motiram L.Lalwani & Chandomal N. Wadhvani(Secretaries), Hatim Alvi, Ramchand Wasvani, B.R. Ramchandani & J.P.advani(All members of the Managing Committee)/ Year 1932 -33. All office –bearerswere same, but the Managing Committee consisted on T.M.Advani, Acharya Gidwani,Mangharam Malkani & Chandomal Wadhvani./ Year 1933 -34. Tolasing Advani(President), Seth Jamnadas (V.P),Jamiatrai Lalchand (Treasurer), ChandomalWadvani & Pahlajsing Advani (Secretaries), Mangharam Malkani, KhanchandDaryani & B.R. Ramchandani ( All three Specialists), Dr. Awat shahani,Thanwardas Essardas, J.Z.Chandra (All three Members), M.C.Sitlani (HonoraryAuditor).
2. TAGORE’S BIRTH DAY ANNIVERSARIES: rightfrom the inception of the Club, Tagore’s Birth day anniversary was celebratedevery year. I have details about such a two event.
· 71thBirthday was celebrated in Karachi on 8th of May 1932. First of allRupchand Bilaram – Additional Judicial Commissioner in Sindh – performedunveiling ceremony of the portrait of Tagore. After that excellent programme ofMusic, Songs, dramatic scenses & elocution competition took place in whichboys & girls both participated. Mrs. Dadibha C. Mehta distributed prizes.Ram Samitani (1st prize) & Mehta Cyrus Piroze Shah (2nd Prize)both of N.J.V.High School earned “Tagore Education Cup”. The same Cub for girls was earned by Miss LailaKundanmal (1st) & Miss hassi Rewachand (2nd). S.C.Shahani Music Cup was snatched by Tulsio Hoondraj student of City High Schooland Miss Mohani Rewachand of Indian Girls’ High School. Khubchand RewachandMinature Cup went to Miss sarswati Motiram and Club singing prizes were earnedby Miss Gopi, Miss Noni Thadhani, Miss Chaturi Jagatrai, Miss Mohani Chandomal,Miss sarswati Motiram, miss Rukmani Motiram, Miss Sushila Partabsing, Miss HariSipahimalani, Miss Tirath Sipahimalani & Miss Agna Ramchand.
· 72thBirthday was celebrated on 16th of July at Freare Hall, Karachi withRupchand Bilaram as its President. First of all Gurdyal Mallick gave shortsketch of the poet, than N.D. Mallick presented translation from “Gitanjli” andit was followed by an other translation by Mangharam Malkani and a song by MissN. Thadhani. The programme consisted of so many items. In the end prizes weredistributed. Tagore Elocuation Cup for Boys was earned by B.L.Jagtiani (1st)student of N.J.V.High School & J.R.Irani (2nd) of P.V.School.Same Cup for Girls went to Miss Indru A. Advani (1st) of the IndianGirls High School & Miss Hassi Thadhani (2nd) of same school.Music Cup was earned by Tulsidas Hunomal (1st) of City High School,Dharamsi Patel (2nd) of the Gujrati Vidyala, Miss Lila K. Gurbuxani(1st) of Shahani High School & Miss sarswati Motiram (2nd)of same school. Dastur Fancy Dress Challenge Cup prize was equally earned byMr.C.C.Shahani & Mr. P.L.Tejwani.
· On theeve of the 76th Birth Day anniversary, C.N.Wadhvani was theSecretary of the Club. In reply to hisletter of Birtday congratulations, Tagore replied on May 20, 1936, as under:
Dear friend
Your best wishes and remembranceson the occasion of my 76th birtday have touched me deeply and Iconvey to you my heartfelt gratitudes for kindness. R. Tagore.
Tagore wrote so many letters toSindhis and I have reproduced some of them in my Column, that was published inDaily Hilal –I –Pakistan of Karachi under “ Tagore writes to us”.
3.LECTURE PROGRAMMES: Apart fromconducting fortnightly “ Tagore Classes”, the Club arranged lecture programmes.Some of them were: On 4.8.1928 by A.T.Gidwani (“Kalidas”), On 15.9.1928 by HatiAlvi (“Rabendranath Tagore”), On 4.10.1928 by Mangharam Malkani (“something newto Dramatise”), On 23.11.1928 by E.L.Price (“Ambition as Tragedy &Comedy”), On 1.12. 1928 by Prof. A.L.Duarte (“Doctors in Moliers play”), On16.1.1930 by Dr.JAMES H. Cousins (“The future of Drama’), On 9.2.1930 by Prof.A.L.Durate (“George Guynemer – Knight of the Air”), On 20.2.1930 by S.C.Shahani(“Our life essentials with special reference to Gitanjali”), On 6.6.1932 byS.Rama Kumar (“Film Industry”), On 7.12.1933 by Rev. Johan Yule Rennie (“TheNew Era – Economic, Social & Religions”), )On 6.1.1934 by W.V.Venkateswaram(“Art & Life”), On 16.1.1934 by Pandit Onkaranath (“ Rag & sentiment”),On 7.12.1935 by Mangharam Malkani (“Theater & Cinema”).
The important spots/places forthese lectures were: D.J.Sindh College, Shahani High School, Amil PanchayatHall (Burns Road), Young Amil Association office & Theosophical Hall etc.
3. Dramas Staged: This Club staged handsomenumer of Dramas at both Karachi and Hydearabad. On the eve of the inaugurationof the Club by Tagore, A part from Drama “Neki Ain Badi” was staged atHyderabad. Some of other staged Dramas were: “Mulk Ja Mudabar” by KhanchandDaryani (1923), “ Ghalatfahmi” (1924), “Ratna” (1924), “qismat” by MangharamMalkani (1927), “Desh Sadqay’ (1927), “Zamanay Ji Lahar” (1929), “Eikta JoAalap” (1930), “Olad” (1932), “Anarkali’ (1937) and “ Ladies Club” (1939) etc.Khanchand Daryani, Mangharam Malkani, ahmad Chagla, Lalchand AmardinomalJagtiani were Drama writers for this Club. Khanchand Daryani and ChadomalWadhvani left the Culb and Sindh to join Film industry in Mombai and elsewhere.However, Mangharam Malkani remained with the Club till partition.
Al Tahqiq-ul-Khilafat
گله مارا گله از گرگ نيست
اين همه بيداد شبان مي کند.
رسالا
التهَافتہ تحقيق الخلافتہ
……………………………………….
مصنف
حڪيم شمس الدين احمد نوشهرائي سابق پروفيسر طبيہ ڪاليج دهلي
مال وارو شهر ڪراچي
نذر
اي مقدس نور اي اونداهين دلين جا سوجهرا اي حبيب خدا اي شافع روز جزا صلعم توهان جو لائق ۽ گناهگار غلام اهڙي دل صد پاره جا خيالات و جذبات توهان جي لطف و نوازش جي نظر کي ٿوجا جيتوڻيڪ ٽڪراپل آهي. تڏهن به توهان جي سوز محبت جي آشنا ۽ نور ايمان جي شناسا آهي.
منهنجا آقا توهان جي امت مرحومه اغيار و اقارب جي هٿان درمانده آهي پراون جا ستم سهندي اڄ پنهنجي شڪايت توهان جي بارگاهه عالي ۾ ڪرڻي پيئي آهي.
رحمته للعالمين! سبز گنبذ جي صدقي پنهنجن عاجزن تي نظر نوازش ڪريو.
تاتارن جي هٿان قصر اسلام جي بربادي ڏسي منهنجا موليٰ! هي التجا توهان جي حصور ۾ پيش ڪئي وئي هئي ۽ اڄ مان ڪن پنهنجن عالمن جي هٿان توهان جي دين جي تباهي ڏسي عرض ٿو ڪريان ته
اي بسيرا پرده يثرب به خواب
خيز ڪه شد مشرق و مغرب خراب.
توهان جي امت مان هڪڙو حقير حلقه بگواش
شمس الدين احمد.
بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم
محمده و نصلي وسلم
خلافت جو مسئلو اسان مسلمانن ۾ ڪيتري قدر ضروري آهي؟
اهو سوال انهي حديث شريف مان حل ٿيندو ته
من مات ولم يعرف امام زمانه فقط مات ميتتہ جاهليتہ
(جو شخص پنهنجي زباني خليفي کي سڃاڻڻ کانسواءِ مري ٿو تنهن جو موت ڪفر جو موت ٿئو.)
انهيءَ ڪري اسان ۾ عام طرح خليفہ وقت جي وفات کانپوءِ سندس دفن ڪرڻ کان اڳ ئي خليفي جو مقرر ڪرڻ ضروري سمجهيو ويو آهي. هاڻي اهڙي صفا ۽ ضروري مسئلي ۾ رسالا تحقيقي الخلافتہ جو لکندڙ جناب مولانا مولوي محمد فيض الڪريم صاحب اهڙي سخت غلطي ڪري جو حضرت امير المومنين خليفتہ المسلمين حرمين شريفين جي سچي ۽ مسلم خادم ۽ مهافظ سلطان وحيد الدين سادس نصرهم الله جي بجاءِ شريف مڪه کي خليفتہ المسلمين جي مقدس لقب جو حقدار چوي انهين ڳالهه تي مون کي يقين ئي نٿو اچي ڇو ته شرع شريف ۾ ترڪن جي جائز خليفي هجڻ جي لاءِ جيڪي کليل دليل آيا آهن سي ڪنهن به پڙهي ماڻهوءَ کي اهڙي غلطي نه ڪرڻ ڏيندا. پوءِ خبر نه آهي ته ڪهڙي نامعلوم غرض مولوي صاحب جنهن کي مجبور ڪيو اهي ته علماءِ اسلام جي برخلاف پنهنجي اهڙي راءِ ظاهر ڪن جنهن تي مون کي يقين آهي ته کين به اعتبار ۽ اعتقاد نه هوندو مان عام ماڻهن کي کولي ٿو ٻڌايان ته مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي رسالي ۾ ڪيتري قدر غلط ڳالهيون لکيون آهن ۽ ڪيترين جاين تي سچيون ۽ صحيح ڳالهيون لڪائي ويا آهن ۽ اميد آهي ته مولوي صاحب مهرباني فرمائي پنهنجي غلطي تي هڪڙو ڀيرو وري غور ڪندا.
مولوي صاحب جي قابل اعتراض ڳالهين کي (جتي مون کي هن رسالي ۾ ڪجهه لکڻون آهن) قوله جي لفظ سان شروع ڪندس ۽ سندين عبارت تي ليڪون ڏنل هونديون ۽ ان جي هيٺان پنهنجي راءِ عرض رکندس قوله حضرت رسول الله صلعم ارشاد فرمايو آهي ته الائمتہ من قريش يعني خليفو وقت جو قريش مان هجڻ گهرجي.
مولوي صاحب جن جيتري قدر هن حديث کي پنهنجو زبردست دليل سمجهڻو آهي اوتري قدر سخت غلطي ڪئي اٿن مون کي مولوي صاحب جن جي خدمت ۾ هن حديث جي متعلق هيٺيان عرض ڪرڻا آهن.
(1) ڪتابن ۾ ظاهر آهي ته خلافتہ جا ٻه قسم آهن هڪڙي راشده يا ڪامله هي انهي خلافته کي چون ٿا جنهن ۾ خليفا بادشاهي طريقون رکندا اهو بلڪه طريقو نبوي جي مطابق سادگي سان ديني امورن جي سرانجامي ڪندا هئا ۽ ٻي خلافت غيرڪامله هي انهي خلافتہ کي چون ٿا جيڪا بادشاهي سان گڏ هجي.
خلافتہ راشده لڳو لڳه حضور صلعم کانپوءِ رڳا ٽيهه ورهيه رهي پوءِ خلاف غير ڪاملا شروع ٿي. بهرحال خلافت هميشه کان هلي آئي آهي ۽ هميشه لاءِ ان جو رهڻ تمام ضروري آهي ڇو ته مٿي لکيل حديث موجب امام وقت جي نه هجڻ جي صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو موت جاهليه (ڪفر) جي زماني جهڙو موت ٿيندو.
پر خلافت جي لاءِ قريشي هجڻ جو شرط هميشه جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي ڇو ته حضور اقدس صلعم کي اها ڳالهه معلوم هئي ته جيتري قدر زياده زمانو گذرندو ويندو اوتريقدر ايماني جوش ۽ دينداري (جنهن جي ڀروسي ۽ يقين تي خلافتہ لاءِ قريشي جو هجڻ فرمايو هئائون) گهٽجي وڃڻ ممڪن آهي پوءِ اهڙي صورت ۾ جيڪڏهن قريشي هجڻ جو شرط هميشه لاءِ رکن ها ته پوءِ جنهن حالت ۾ ڪو خلافتہ جي قابلن ۽ شرعي شرطن جي موافق قريشي خليفو نه ملي ها ته ضرور خلافتہ جي سخت ضرورت ۽ تاڪيد کي ڏسي ناقابل خليفو مقرر ڪرڻ ۾ اچي ها ۽ اهڙي حالت ۾ جن عرضن جي ڪري امامت ضروري ڪئي وئي آهي اها فائدا حاصل ڪين ٿين ها انهين دور انديشي جي ڪري هڪڙي ٻي حديث ۾ پاڻ ارشاد فرمايو اٿن ته
(خلافتہ قريش ۾ رهندي ۽ جيڪڏهن ڪو به ماڻهو انهن سان خلافتہ ۾ مخالفت ڪندو خدا ان کي اونڌي منهن ڪيرائيندو. پر خلاف تيسين انهن کي ملندي) جيستائين دين کي قائم ڪندا انهيءَ حديث مان معلوم ٿيو ته خلافتہ جو قريشن ۾ هجڻ هر حال ۾ ۽ هميشه جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي.
۽ اهڙي ئي مضمون جي ٻي هڪڙي حديث حضرت ابو هريره رضه روايت ڪئي آهي ته
الملڪ في قريش والقضاء في الانصار والاذان في الحبشتہ والامانتہ في الازد.
(ترجمو: ملڪ (حڪومت) قريشن ۾ قضا (فيصلا ڪرڻ) انصارن ۾ ٻانگ ڏيڻ حبشين ۾ ۽ امانتہ اهل يمن ۾ انهن حديث ۾ الملڪ في قريش جو اهو ئي مطلب آهي جيڪو حديث الائمتہ من قريش جو. پوءِ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن امامت ۽ خلافتہ قريشن سان خاص ڪن ٿا ته هڪدم ٻيو رسالو ڪڍي انصارن کانسواءِ رکڻ کان منع ڪن.)
مان ڀانيان ٿو ته جيڪڏهن ترڪن کان هڪڙو ڏوهه ٿيو آهي جو الملڪ في قريش جي برخلاف ڪم ڪيو اٿن ته مولوي صاحب ۽ سندن هم نوا وڏا ڏوهي آهن جو شرعي فيصلا ڪري ۽ ٻانگون ڏيئي ۽ امانتون رکي ٽن ڳالهين ۾ حديث شريف جي برخلاف ڪرڻ جا گنهگار ٿيا آهن ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن فرمائيندا ته اهو مطلب نه آهي ته انصارن ۽ حبشين ۽ اهل يمن سان انهن ڳالهين جي خصوصيت آيه ته پوءِ ڪري ٻڌائين ته قريشين سان اها ڳالهه ڇو نه لاڳو ٿي سگهي ۽ ڇو نه اسين اها راءِ قائم ڪريون ته اهڙي کلي ڳالهه ڏسڻ ۽ سمجهڻ کانپوءِ به خلافت کي قريشين جي لاءِ هميشه خاص ڪرڻ اهو ڪم اوهان کي ڪنهن مجبوري ڪرايو آهي.
(2) هن حديث شريف جي لاءِ ته ”لا يزال هذا الامر في قريش مابقي منهم اثنان“.
(ترجمو) خلافتہ قريشن ۾ رهندي جيستائين هنن مان ٻه ڄڻان باقي رهن. علامه سيوطي لکيو آهي ته.
انه مقيد بقوله في الحديث الاني ”مااقامو الدين“ ولم يخرج منهم الا وقد انتهکواحرماتہ
(ترجمو: هن حديث شريف ۾ اهو شرط آهي ته قريشي تڏهن خليفا ٿيندا جڏهن دين کي قام ڪندا (جيڪڏهن نه ته نه ٿي سگهندا) ۽ خلافتہ منجهائن تڏهن نڪتي آهي جڏهن هنن دين جي حرامن (جهلن) کي ٽوڙيو.
ان مان پڌرو آهي ته علامه سيوطي جي خيال جي مطابق هي حديث يا انهي حديث جهڙي مضمون جون ٻيون جيڪي به حديثون آهن (مثلن حديث الائمتہ من قريش) تن سڀني ۾ دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط آهي ۽ وڏي ڳالهه هي آهي ته جيڪڏهن علامه سيوطي جو اهو خيال واجي ۽ ضروري نه سمجهي ته نعوذ بالله حضوراقدس صلعم جو قول غلط ثابت ٿي پوي ٿو ڇو ته حديث جي لفظن مان پيشنگوئي ظاهر ٿئي ٿي ۽ خاندان عباسيه کانپوءِ قريشن مان خلافتہ نڪرڻ جي ڪري پيشينگوئي صحيح ثابت ٿيندي تنهنڪري دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط ضروري آهي.
(3) انهيءَ ساڳئي حديث شريف جو شرح ڪندي علامه قسطلاني رحه ارشاد الساري شرح صحيح بخاري ۾ فرمايو آهي ته:
وانهم اذا لم يقيمو الدين لم يسمع لهم. جڏهن قريشي دين کي قائم نه ڪندا تڏهن انهن جي اطاعت نه ڪئي ويندي. ٿورو اڳتي وري انهين ساڳئي ڳالهه جي تائيد فرمائي ٿو ته: استحاق قريش الخلافتہ لا يمنع وجودها في غيرهم يعني قريشن جي خلافتہ جي لاءِ حقدار هجڻ ٻين ۾ خلافتہ وڃڻ کي روڪي نه ٿو. وري ڪجهه اڳتي انهي ساڳئي حديث شريف جي هيٺان لکيو اٿس ته وهو مقيد باقامتہ الدين ومن ثم لما استخف الخلفاء بامرالدين ضعف امرهم و تلاشت احوالهم هتي لم يبق لهم من الخلافتہ سويٰ سها.
(ترجمو: هن حديث ۾ به دين کي قائم ڪرڻ جو شرط آهي ۽ جڏهن خليفن (قريشين) ديني ڳالهين کي خفيف ڪري سمجهو تڏهن هنن جي حالت ضعيف ۽ احوال سقيم ٿئو تان جو هنن ۾ نالي کان سواءِ خلافتہ ڪا نه رهي انهي عبارت تان مولوي صاحب جن سمجهندا ته سندن خيال اهل شرع جي ڪيتري قدر برخلاف آهي ۽ اميد آهي ته اهي ڳالهيون ٻڌڻ کانپوءِ اهو خيال خام دل مان ڪڍي ڇڏيندا ته خلافت قريش کانسواءِ ڪنهن کي ملي نه ٿي سگهي.
(4) جيڪڏهن خلافتہ قريشن کانسواءِ ٻئي ڪنهن جي صحيح نه هجي ته پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن انهن ڪروڙها بزرگن جي لاءِ ڇا چوندا جن جي وفات خلافتہ عباسي ۽ شريف مڪه جي بغاوت جي وچ ۾ ٿي آهي ڇو ته معاذ الله حديث شريف جي ارشاد موجب هن جو موت زباني جاهليت (ڪفر) جو موت ٿيندو ۽ مهرباني ڪري ٿوري دير پنهنجي منهن ويهي سوچن ته بزرگن جا روح سندن لاءِ ڪهڙي راءِ رکندا هوندا.
(5) صحاح ستہ مان ابودائود ترمذي ۽ نسائي ٽنهين ڪتابن حضرت سفينه کان هڪڙي حديث روايت ڪئي آهي چنانچہ ابو دائود شريف جا هي لفظ آهن ته ”خلافته النبوتہ ثلثون ستہ ثم يوتي الله ملڪه من يشاء.“
(ترجمو: نبوت جي خلافتہ ٽيهه ورهيه رهندي پوءِ خداوند تعاليٰ جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ ڏئي.)
هن حديث مان بلڪل فيصلو ٿي ويو ته ملڪ ۽ حڪومت ۽ خلافت جي قريشين سان ڪا خصوصيت ڪانهي بلڪه خداوند ڪريم جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ عطا ڪري.
مولوي صاحب جن کي گهرجي ته رڳو هڪڙي حديث ياد ڪري شور نه مچائين ته بس قريشين کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو خليفو نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ڇو ته اهڙي طرح مسلمانن جي اعتقاد ۾ فساد ۽ خلل وجهڻ اهڙو گناهه عظيم آهي جنهن جي ذميواري سڀ ڪنهن مسلمانن کي سمجهڻ گهرجي ۽ مهرباني ڪري سوچين ته انهيءَ ڳالهه تي اڙي ويهي رهڻ ته هروڀرو الائمته من قريش جو اهو ئي مطلب آهي ته قريشين کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪو خليفو نه ٿو ٿي سگهي پاڻ کي اجايو چئن پڙهن ۾ ڏٺو ڪرڻو آهي.
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قول: خلافتہ راشده جنهن جو مڃڻ هر مسلمان تي واجب آهي سا اها ٽيهن ورهين واري خلافتہ آهي.
انهن عبارت مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته ٽيهن ورهين کانپوءِ خلافتہ جي مڃڻ جو مسلمانن کي ضرور ڪونهي. پر الائي ڪهڙي خوشي مولوي صاحب جن کان اها ڳالهه وسارائي ڇڏي آهي ته حضور جو ارشاد آهي ته جنهن شخص پنهنجي امام وقت کي نه سڃاتو تنهنجو موت زماني جاهليت جو موت ٿيندو ۽ انهي ڪري علماءِ امت انهي ڳالهه تي اجماع ۽ اتفاق ڪيو آهي ته مسلمانن جي لاءِ واجب آهي ته خلافتہ هميشه جي لاءِ قائم رکن جيئن تها مام نووي فرمائين ٿا. اجمعوا علي انه يحب علي المسلمين نصب خليفتہ انهي ڳالهه تي اجماع ڪيو اٿن ته مسلمانن تي خليفتہ جو قائم ڪرڻ واجب آهي. فتح الباري جي جيڪا عبارت اڳتي مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي لاءِ غلطي سان زبردست دليل سمجهي آهي تنهن ۾ به صفا چيل آهي ته ”خلافتہ قيامت تائين برابر رهندي“ پوءِ جناب مولوي صاحب جن تڪليف وٺي سمجهائين ته ڇا اها خلافتہ مڃڻ جي لاءِ نه آهي بلڪه رڳو ايتري لاءِ آهي ته فتح الباري ۾ لکيل هجي ۽ جڏهن مولوي صاحب جن کي ضرورت پوي تڏهن مذهب ۽ شريعت جي آڙ ۾ ڪجهه فائدو حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ ان کي دليل ۾ پيش ڪن.
قول: نبي ڪريم صلعم انهن خليفن کي به اهڙو شريف ڏنو جيڪو هنن جي حڪمن جي پيروي به پاڻ سان گڏ امر فرمايائون جيئن ته حديث ۾ آهي ته عليڪم بسنتي وسنتہ الخلفاء الراشدين يعني فرض آهي اوهان تي منهنجي پيروي ڪرڻ ۽ پيروي خلفاء راشدين جي مولوي صاحب جن هن حديث مان شايد پنهنجي اڳين ڳالهه کي ٽيڪو ڏياريو آهي ته ٽيهن ورهين واري خلافت کانپوءِ خلافت کي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي ۽ عام مسلمانن کي هن حديث جي وسيلي پنهنجي اڳين ڳالهه تي يقين ڏيارڻ لاءِ هڪڙو ڄار وڇايو اٿن ته حضور صلعم رڳو ٽيهن ورهين تائين خلفاء راشدين جي پيروي جو حڪم ڏنو آهي ۽ اڳتي جي لاءِ نه پر مان مولوي صاحب جن کي يقين ٿو ڏياريان ته ڪنهن به مسلمان مان ڌوڪو ڪو نه کاڌو آهي ۽ نه انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ کائي سگهي ٿو ڇو ته مسلمان سمجهن ٿا ته ضور جو انهي ارشاد مان اهو مطلب آهي ته اخلاق ۽ عادات ۾ منهنجي ۽ خلفاءِ راشدين جي پيروي ڪريو ڇو ته اهي اخلاق بالڪل نيڪ ۽ برگزيده آهن ۽ اهڙي طرح پاڻ کي سڌاريو ۽ انهي مان هرگز اها ڳالهه ثابت نه ٿي ٿئي ته اڳتي خليفن جا حڪم مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي. انهي حديث مان اهو مطلب مولوي صاحب جن جي دماع ڪڍيو آهي باقي مسلمانن جا دماغ خدا جي فضل سان انهي حد کي نه پهتا آهن. مولوي صاحب جن جي اڳتي هلي امام نووي رحه جي عبارت نقل ڪئي آهي جنهن ۾ امام موصوف فرمايو آهي ته اصحاب رسول الله صلعم ۽ انهن کانپوءِ امام نووي رحه جي زماني تائين علماءَ اجماع آهي ته خلافت قريشين سان خصوصيت رکي ٿي. انهي ۾ شڪ ڪونهي ته امام نووي رحه جي وقت تائين علماء جو اهو خيال هوندو ته خليفو قريشي ٿئي ڇو ته انهي وقت تائين قريشين ۾ اهڙا ماڻهو موجود آهن.
حديث سان پڻ لاڳو ڪري ها. ويچار جهڙي ڳالهه آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن جي سمجهه ئي ۾ اها ڳالهه نه ٿي اچي ته هڪڙي ئي مضمون جون ته حديثون جن ٻنهي مان پيشينگوئي معلوم ٿئي ٿي ته ما جيڪڏهن هڪڙي ۾ ڪو خاص شرط حضور فرمايو آهي ته اهو ضرور علامه سيوطي ۽ علامه قسطلاني جي قول جي مطابق ٻنهي سان تعلق رکندو. ۽ خصوصن جيڪڏهن اهو شرط ٿو رکجي ته نعوذ بالله حضور جي پيشنگوئي ٿي غلط ٿئي ۽ تعجب آهي ته جناب مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي اجائي دعويٰ کي ثابت ڪرڻ لاءِ حضور جي پيشنگوئي جي غلط ٿيڻ جو پرواهه به نه ٿا رکن.
قول: يزيد کانپوءِ مروان بن حڪم متغلب ۽ جابر حاڪم ٿيو غرض ته سلسلا خلافت راشده جو ته هڪ طرف پرامير معاويه رضي الله تعاليٰ عنہ تائين به سلسلو خلافت جو متضل نه آهي. ترڪن سڳورن تي ڪاوڙ سٽپندي مولانا صاحب جن خلافت راشده ۽ امير معاويه جي خلافت تي به هٿ صفا ڪيو آهي. خلافت راشده ته هڪ طرف انهن لفظن مان ته ظاهر ٿئي ٿو ته خلافت راشده تي به مولوي صاحب جن کي پڪ نه ٿي هجي ۽ مٿي هي لفظ به پنهنجي يقين ۽ اعتبار جي برخلاف ۽ مٿئين دل سان چيا اٿن ته خلاف راشده جنهن جو مڃڻ هر مسلمان تي واجب آهي. ۽ تمام علماءَ اهل السنته والجماعتہ جنهن ڳالهه کي اتفاق سان مڃن ٿا ته حضرت امام حسن رضي الله تعاليٰ عنه جي تقويض خلافت کانپوءِ امير معاويه رضه خليفه برلاف حق هو ان ۾ به مولوي صاحب جن کي تردد آهي.
قول: انهي کانپوءِ جڏهن بني اميه جي خلافت ختم ٿي تڏهن بني…… به زبردستي سان خلافت حاصل ڪئي.
زبردستي سان خلافت حاصل ڪرڻ ۾ مولوي صاحب جن ڏاڍو منجهي پيا آهن پر خلافت جا جيڪي شريعت وارن نمونا بيان ڪيا آهن سي جيڪا ياد هجن ها ته ايتري پريشاني ۽ مونجهارو نه ٿئي ها. ڪتاب الجنته باب البغاه ۾ لکيل آهي ته والامام يصير اماماً بامرين بالمياند مزالاشراف والاعيان وهان ينفذ حڪم في رعتيم فرفاً من قهره فبروتہ.
ترجمو: امام بن طرجن سان ٿي سگهي ٿو هڪ ته قوم مان اهل حلء ان جي بيعت ڪن ٻيو هن طرح نه ته هن جو حڪم سندس خوف کان رعيت ۾ هلندڙ هجي. ڪتاب دالمختار ۾ ٽي طريقا لکيا اٿس جيئن ته مٿين جو شرح ڪندي لکي ٿو ته:
قول: (يصيراماماً بالمبايتہ) و ڪذابا ستخلاف امام قبلہ ولذا بالتغلب والقهر.
(ترجمو:) امام بيعت ڪرڻ سان ٿي سگهي ٿو ۽ اهڙي طرح اڳوڻي امام جي مقرر ڪرڻ سان ۽ اهڙي طرح علم حاصل ڪرڻ سان انهيءَ عبارت کانپوءِ ٻي سٽ ۾ جن ترڪن سڳورن کي خليفتہ المسلمين چوڻ ڏانهن اسان جو مولوي صاحب جي دل نه ٿي وري انهن جي لاءِ لکيو اٿس ته. ويکُون بالتغلب مع المبايعہ وهُوالواقع في سلاطين الزمان نصرهُم الرحمٰن.
ترجمو: ۽ غلبه ۽ بيعت ڪرڻ ٻنهي سان گڏ به خليفو ٿي سگهي ٿو جهڙي طرح هن زماني جا بادشاهه هنن کي فتح و نصرت ڏئي انهي تقرير مان ثابت ٿي چڪو ۽ مولوي صاحب جن به مهرباني فرمائي غور سان سمجهي ڇڏن ته جيڪڏهن بني عباس زبردستي سان حڪومت حاصل ڪئي ته اهو به هڪڙو امام ٿيڻ جو طريقو آهي ۽ انهن جي خلافت ۾ منجهي پوڻ اصل نه گهرجي. باقي هن ڳالهه تي غور ڪرڻ ضروري آهي ته (زبردستي حڪومت حاصل ڪرڻ وارو) ڪهڙي قسم جو ماڻهو آهي ۽ خلافت جا اغراض ۽ فائدا ان مان حاصل ٿي سگهن يا نه ۽ ان ۾ خلافت جا شرائط موجود آهن يا نه. ڇو ته هڪڙو غلبو اهڙو هوندو جنهن سان شرط ڪيئن هوندا ۽ هڪڙو اهڙو آهي جنهن سان شرط ۽ خلافت جي لياقت هوندي. جيڪڏهن متغلب اهڙو ماڻهو آهي جنهن ۾ شرائط موجود ڪيئن آهن ته اهو باتفاق مسلمانان جائز طرح خليفو نه ٿيندو جهڙي طرح اڳئين زماني ۾ يزيد زبردستي خليفو ٿيو هو پر ان ۾ لياقت ڪا نه هئي تنهنڪري مسلمانن هن کي خليفو ڪري نه مڃيو ۽ هينئر وري شريف باغي ٿيو آهي ۽ ان کي چند دنيا پرست ۽ بندگان هوس خليفو چون ٿا پر مسلمان هن کي انهي سلوڪ جو مستحق سمجهن ٿا جنهن جو هو شريعت موجب لائق آهي پر جيڪڏهن متغلب ۾ لياقت ۽ ٻيا شروط آهن ته هو باتفاق مسلمانان خليفو آهي جهڙي طرح خليفاء بني عباس يا خلفاء ترڪ جائز ۽ تسليم ٿيل خليفا آهن.
قول: ٻي ڳالهه قابل غور هي آهي ته بني عباس جي ابتدا ۾ هڪ بني اميه جي شاخ اندلس اسپين ۾ حڪمران ٽي غظيم الشان سلطنت قائم ڪئي ۽ گهڻا خليفا ۽ امير المومنين انهي خاندان مان به پيدا ٿيا. يعني هڪڙي وقت ۾ ٻن بادشاهن خلافت جي دعويٰ ٿي رکي. مولوي صاحب جن يا اهڙي طرح ٻين تاريخ کان واقف ڪارن جي لاءِ ڪجهه به غور ڪرڻ جي ضرورت نه آهي. ڇو ته علما تاريخ اها فيصلو ڪيو آهي ته شاهان اسپين ۾ ٻين خوبن سان گڏ اها گهٽتا هئي جو هڪڙي قائم شده ۽ مستحڪم خلافت جي هوندي جداگانه حڪومت قائم ڪري خلافت جي دعويٰ ڪيائين ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن غور فرمائيندا ته معلوم ٿي ويندو ته انهي جي دعويٰ خلافت جي تصديق جي لاءِ به هيلوڪن وقت شناس ۽ ضمير فروش عالمن جو هٿ هو جيڪي هميشه رخ بدنما وانگيا هوا جي رخ تي هلندا آهن.
قول: ازان سواءِ امام ابو حنيفه جهڙي محتاطبزرگ به منصور عباسي خليفه جي مقابلي ۾ حضرت زيد شهيد ابن امام زين العابدين ابن حضرت امام حسين کي پاڻ به خليفو ڪري مڃيو ۽ ٻين کي به اهڙي هدايت ڪئي حالانڪه منصور عباسي ۽ بنا هاشم بلڪه عم رسول الله جو اولاد هو. مولوي صاحب جن الائي ڪهڙي خوشي ۾ اچي رسالي جي لکڻ ۾ ايتري قدر جلدي ڪئي آهي جو کانئن ڪيتريون افسوسناڪ غلطيون رهجي ويون آهن. خصوصن تاريخي واقعت جي بيان ڪرڻ ۾ ايتري سخت غلطي ڪئي اٿن جو ڪو به پڙهيو ماڻهو مٿن کلڻ کانسواءِ نه رهيو هوندو.
حضرت امام ابو حنيفه رحه جو هئي واقعو بيان ڪري پنهنجي سياهه اغتراض کي بااڪل بي نقاب ڪري ڇڏيو اٿن. اها خبر ئي ڪانهين ته حضرت زيد شهيد بن علي حسين عليه السلام امام صاحب کان ڪيترو اڳ ۾ نبي اميه جي خليفي هشام بن عبدالله جي زماني ۾ شهيد ٿي ويو. مولوي صاحب جن هئي خواب ڏاڍو مزي جهڙو لڌو ته امام ابو حنيفه رحه منصور عباسي جي مقابلي ۾ حضرت زيد شهيد جي (جو کانئن ۽ منصور کان ڪيترو وقت اڳي گذاري ويو) خلافت مڃي مولوي صاحب جن جي خيالات جي باند پروازي قابل تعريف آهي جو گهڙي ۾ زمين ۽ آسمان کي ملائي ڇڏن ٿا ۽ پوءِ اگرچه مولوي صاحب جن صفانه فرمايو آهي ته هن عبارت مان سندن ڇا مطلب آهي مگر معلوم ائين ٿو ٿئي ته پاڻ حضرت امام ابو حنيفه رحه جي بجائي ٿي حضرت زيد شهيد وانگر باغي ۽ دشمن اسلام شريف کي خليفو مڃي ماڻهن کي به مڃڻ لاءِ سفارش ڪن ٿا پر کين ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته هڪڙي ناخدا ترس ۽ فاسق هستي جي لاءِ هڪڙي اولو العزم امام وقت جي مقدس و مطهر وجود جو مثال آڻڻ خدا بزرگ وبرترکي جوش ۾ آڻيندو. اهڙو امام وقت اهڙن ئي مقتدين کي مبارڪ هجي جيڪي ان کي مڃين ٿا. باقي مسلمانن ۾ خدا جي فضل سان اڃا ناموس شريعت جي تحقير جي جرات ڪا نه پيدا ٿي آهي.
قول: ترڪي خلافته جا حمايتي هي دليل پيش ڪن ٿا ته آخري بادشآهه عباسي جو مصر ۾ 918ع هجري ۾ پناهه وٺندڙ هو تنهن سلطان سليم کي خلافتہ بخشي انهيءَ طرح خلافتہ ترڪن ۾ نسلن بعد نسل منتقل ٿي آئي. مگر سوال هي آهي ته انهن آخري خليفه عباسي وٽ باقي ڇا رهيو هو جو انهي بخشي ڏنو.
شريف ميان جي مدح و ثنا شايد مولوي صاحب جن کي فرصت نه ڏني آهي جو پاڻ معلوم ڪري سگهن ته ڇا باقي رهيو هو ۽ ڇا بخشيو ويو. ان جي هٿ ۾ اها شئي هئي جنهن جي اڳيان سڄي دنيا اسلام جا گردن جوش عقيدت کان جهڪن ٿا. اهو تبرڪ هو جنهن سان مسلمانن جي خون جو هڪ هڪ قطرو وابسته آهي ۽ رهندو. اهو مقدس نشان هو جنهن جي هڪڙي جهلڪ سان جوش جان فدائي ۽ سودائي سرفروشي کان مسلمان مدهوش ٿين ٿا. ۽ مان اوهان کي کولي ٿو ٻڌايان ته مسلمانن جي عزت و ناموس جي ڪنجي يعني علم مقدس هو جنهن جي هيٺان خدا جي بزگزيده پيغمبر صلعم جي سرپرستي ۾ فدايان توحيد خدا واحد جي روبرو پنهنجي جسم جان جي قرباني ڪئي هئي ته خدا جو ڪلمون دنيا ۾ بلند ٿئي.
مولوي صاحب ۽ سندن هم خيال ۽ مسٽر شريف صاحب رسول اڪرم صلي الله عليہ وسلم جي انهي مقدس يادگار کي غير ضروري سمجهن ٿا ته ڀلي سمجهن پر مسلمانن کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي هي اها عزت آهي جنهن سان مسلمانن جي موت ۽ زندگي جو تعلق آهي.
مولوي صاحب جن ته شايد مشڪل سان سمجهن پر منهنجو ٻڌائڻ فرض آهي ته انهي بخشش ته سلطان سليم مرحُم کي خلافت جي لاءِ هر طرح مستحق ڪري ڇڏيو ڇو ته مان مٿي شريعت مطهره جي معتبر ڪتابن مان نقل ڪري آيو آهيان ته خلافت ٽن طرحن سان ٿي سگهي ٿي هڪڙي اشراف ۽ معتبران قوم جي بيعت ڪرڻ سان ۽ ٻيو اڳوڻي خليفي جي مقرر ڪرڻ سان ۽ ٽيون هن طرح ته هن جي غلبي کان خوف کائي ماڻهو سندن حڪم مڃن.
هاڻي سلطان سليم کي آخري خليفه عباسي مرحوم مقرر ڪيو ۽ هزارها اهل حل و عقد سنديس بيعت به ڪئي ۽ مرحوم جو غلبو ته شهره آفاق آهي اهڙي طرح ٽنهين طريقن سان کيس خلافت حاصل ٿي.
قول: ڊاڪٽر انصاري ۽ مولانا عبدالباري صاحبان خلافتہ واسطي اهو شرط ضروري ٿا ٺهرائين ته خليفو ڪنهن جومحتاج نه هجي ۽ دشمن جو مقابلو بلا همراهي جي ڪري سگهي سو جنهن شخص کي خلافت بخشيندڙ خيال ٿا ڪن اهو پاڻ مصر جي بادشاهن جو پنشن خوار مولوي يا شيخ طريقت هو. جنهن صورت ۾ مولوي صاحب جن کي خلافت راشده ۾ به تردوڌ آهي. ان حالت ۾ ان کانپوءِ واري خلافت جي لاءِ عزت نه هجي ته ڪا وڏي ڳالهه نه آهي. پر مولوي صاحب جن هن ۾ الائي ڪهڙي اعتراض جوڳي ڳالهه ڏٺي آهي. سلطان سليم مرحوم کي خلافت ڏيندڙ مسلم طرح خليفو هو. پر جڏهن ان ڏٺو ته سنديس ڪمزوري انهي حد کي پهتي آهي جو ان خلافت جا اغتراض پورا نه ٿو ڪري سگهي تڏهن خود خلافت اهڙي زبردست مسلمان بادشاهه کي سونپي ڏنائين جو هر طرح ان ڳالهه جو اهل هو. جيڪڏهن هو ڪمزور نه هجي ها ۽ قوت رکي ها ته خلافت سونپڻ جي ضرورت ئي ڪهڙي هئي.
قول: تڏهن شريف مڪي جو آزاد آهي ۽ وڏي ملڪ جو حڪمران آهي ۽ موجوده سلطان ترڪي سان جنگ آزمائي به ڪري سگهي ٿو ۽ ڪنهن جو پنشن خوار به نه آهي سو زمين شريفين جو خادم ۽ منتظم ٿي سگهي ٿو. جيڪڏهن شريف مڪه جو آزاد آهي ته پوءِ پابندي دنيا ۾ ڪا به شئي ڪانهي. باقي وڏي ملڪ تي حڪمران ٿيڻ جو معيار به رڳو مولوي صاحب جن جي همت آهي. ڇو ته ڪو به جغرافيه ڄاڻڻ وارو ريگستان جهاز کي وڏو ملڪ ڪو نه چوندو.
مولوي صاحب جن کي شايد خبر نه آهي ته ان کي ايتري حيثيت ڪا به نه ڏني وئي آهيجو رڳو مقامات مقدسه ان جي هٿ ۾ ڏنا ويا هجن. اسان جو گذريل قبلو معراج شڙيف جي يادگار مسجد اقصيٰ يعني بيت المقدس، نجف اشرف، ڪربلائي معلي، بغداد شريف انهن پاڪن جاين ڏي (جتي مسلمانن جي تقدس جو وڏو ذخيرو مدفون آهي) ويچاري شريف ميان کي نظر ڪرڻ لاءِ قيامت تائين به جرئت نه ٿيندي.
باقي رهي هي ڳالهه ته مولوي صاهب جنهن جو خليفو بهادر حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين سان جنگ ڪري سگهي ٿو اها ته اهڙي ڳالهه آهي جو ڪو ماڻهو چوي ته ڪئو شينهن سان وڙهي سگهي ٿو پر تڏهن جڏهن شينهن چوکنڀو سڪ ٻڌل هجي. جنهن صورت ۾ حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين کي طرف رڌل ڏسي شريف نمڪ حرامي ڪري جنهن ملڪ تي ان کي عهده دار مقرر ڪيو ويو هو ان بي پرائي کي نٽي جي زور تي قبضو ڪيو اٿس تنهن صورت ۾ هن کي صاحب بهادر ۽ جنگ آزما چوڻ مولوي صاحب جن جي عقل ۽ انصاف جو عجيب مثال آهي.
شريف جي آزادي جو اهو حال آهي جو هن جو وجود اسان جي رحمدل ۽ مهربان گورنمينٽ برطانيا جي رحم ۽ مدد تي آهي. جيڪڏهن اڄ خدانخواسته دوستي ۽ صلح جا تعلقات قطع ٿي وڃن (پوءِ کڻي ان ۾ شڙيف جي ئي بدبختي آميز شرارت هجي) ته هوند يورپ جون حڪومتون جي مسلمانن جي ملڪن کي هميشه پيار ۽ محبت جي نظر سان ڏسنديون آهن سي شريف ۽ ان جي خاندان کي مولوي صاحب جي بخشيل خلافته سميت برباد ڪري ڇڏن ۽ اسان جي مولوي صاحب کي شايد انا لله وانا اليہ راجعون چوڻ جي فرصت به ڪا نه ملي. مولوي صاحب جن شايد پنهنجي مقدس ملڪ جي جغرافيائي حالت کان بي خبر هوندا پر اسان کي چڱي طرح علم آهي ته حجاز جو ملڪ جنهن ۾ هنيئر مولوي صاحب جي خليفي (شريف) جي حڪومت آهي ۽ جنهن کي مولوي صاحب جن وات ڀري وڏو بلڪه چون ٿا تنهنجا محاصل ۽ آمدني ڪڏهن به ايتري نه ٿي آهي ۽ نه ٿي سگهي ٿي. جا حرمين شريفين جي خدمات ۽ مصارف ۽ حڪومت حجاز جي انتظامي خرچن شريف جي شاهانه دربارداري ۽ اميرانه شان و شوڪت جي لاءِ پورا سگهن ۽ ڄاڻڻ واري کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي ته جانشينان خلافته هميشه ملڪ جي ٻين ڀاڱن جي آمدني مان حجاز جي خرچن جي بقايا پوري ڪندا ايندا آهن.
مولوي صاحب جن حجره جي ڪنڊ ۾ ويهي خلافتہ جي کچڻي ترڪن جي دسترخوان تان کڻي شريف جي آڏو رکي سمجهن ٿا ته هي ترانو شريف کي ڳڙڪائي وڃڻ سولو ٿيندو پر اهو رڳو مسجد جي چارديواري جو عقل آهي. شريف ڏاڍي ڏاهپ ڪئي جو اسان جي سرڪار نامدار جي پناري پيو ۽ باوجود مکيه عيسائي حڪومت آهي تڏهن به هڪڙي مسلمان حاڪم جي لاءِ رحمت ثابت ٿي جو پنهنجي ملڪ جي مسلمان رعيت کي نه رڳو حج تي وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏنائين پر پنهنجي مهرباني ڪري جهازن ۽ روانگي جو بندوبست خاص طرح ڪيائين جنهن مان شايد شريف جو ڪجهه وقت جي لاءِ پيٽ ڀرجي پوي نه ته مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي خليفي بهادر جو هيلهه تي ڏيوالو ڏسن.
قول: هن وقت جيڪي ماڻهو خلافته ترڪي تي زور ڏين ٿا اهي وڏي خطرناڪ غلطي ۾ مسلمانن کي ڦاسائڻ ٿا گهرجن. ڇاڪاڻ ته انهي جو لازمي نتيجو اهو نڪرندو ته هندستان ۾ ٻه جماعتون ٿينديون. هڪڙي طرفدار ترڪن جي ۽ ٻي طرفدار عربن جي ۽ ٻنهي جماعتن ۾ سخت اختلاف ۽ اجايو جهڳڙو قائم ٿيندو.
اسان جي ناصخ مولوي صاحب کي دلجاءِ رکڻ گهرجي ته هندستان جي مسلمانن کي خوب معلوم آهي ته سندن لاءِ ڪهڙو رستو وٺڻ ضروري ۽ فائدي وارو آهي. عربن جي جائز حمايت جي لاءِ ته هميشه کان ۽ هميشه جي واسطي تمام مسلمان تيار آهن باقي شريف جي باغيانه جرم جي تائيد ۽ حمايت جو فخر حاصل ڪرڻ وارو ڪيترا آهن ۽ انهن جو طرف ۽ ضمير ڪيترو آهي انهي ڳالهه جي مسلمانن کي چڱي طرح خبر آهي ۽ خوب سمجهن ٿا ته حمايته الحرب جي صدائي بي هنگام هڪڙو گنبذ جو آواز آهي ڇو ته توهين پاڻ دانا آهيو سمجهي سگهو ٿا ته برساتي ڏيڏرن جي شورو غوغا کان انديشو ٿي نه سگهي ۽ هندوستان جا مسلمان مذهب کي رڳي مسخري ڪين ٿا سمجهن مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجو ۽ پنهنجي خليفي بهادر جو فڪر ڪن مسلمانن جي اختلاف جو الڪو اجايو آهي.
مولوي صاحب جن خليفي جي لاءِ ٻه فرض سمجهن ٿا جيئن ته فرمايو اٿن ته:
قول: پهريون ته حرمين شريفين ۾ اهڙو امن قائم ڪري جو حجاج بيت الله کي بي خوف و خطرحج نصيب ٿئي ٻيو ته دين اسلام جي ترقي لاءِ ڪوشش وٺي. اڳتي انهي مضمون کي هنن لفظن تي پورو ڪيو اٿن ته ”سلطان ترڪي ڪنهن به قسم جا حاجين لاءِ سهوليت نه ڪئي آهي ۽ ويچارن حاجين کي جيڪا مصيبت جان و مال جي ڏسڻي ٿي پوي سا قابل رحم آهي.“
مولوي صاحب جن کي سنڌ جي وڏيرن جي پنهنجي راڄن تي حڪومت ڪرڻ جو تجربو ٿيل آهي تنهنڪري شايد حضرت خليفتہ المسلمين جي طاقت ۽ جبروت کي به انهي تي قياس ڪن ٿا.
فڪر هرکس بقد همت اوست.
مولوي صاحب جن جي تاريخي واقفيت رڳو چند گڏ ڪئلن اخبارن تي موقف آهي مان کين ڇا ڇا سمجهايان ته کين خلافته کي هڪ صدي جي اندر هي ڇويهين جنگ ڪرڻي پئي آهي. ان حالت هوندي به جو هنن کي جنگ جي باهه ڪڏهن به آرام سان ويهڻ نه ڏنو آهي هن تازي چار سالا جنگ ۾ (جيتوڻيڪ آخري نتيجو اهو ئي ٿيو جو خدا جي مرضي ۾ هو ته) به برابر پڇاڙي تائين وڙهي پنهنجي بي انتها قوت ۽ وسائل جو ثبوت ڏنو آهي. اهڙي پر جلال قوت جي اڳيان حجازي شوره پشتن ۽ فسادين جي جماعت (جنهن جي هٿان حاجين کي تڪليفون پهچنديون آهن) ڪهڙي طاقت ۽ هستي رکي سگهي ٿي پر ترڪن جي شرافت ۽ ادب عربن کي ڪڏهن به سزا ڏيڻ جي ڪوشش نه ڪئي ۽ جنهن ظلم ۽ مصيبت جو مولوي صاحب اڳتي ذڪر ڪيو آهي تنهن جو سچ يا ڪوڙ اتاهون ئي پڌرو ٿي سگهي ٿو هنن ويچارن هميشه اهو خيال ڪيو ته سا ڪنان بيت الله ۽ ديا رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم کي پاڻهين ننگ پوندو ۽ سندن ادب۽ لحاظ جي ڪري ڪڏهن به معمولي تنبيهه کانسواءِ عبرتناڪ سزا ڏيڻ جو خيال نه ڪيائين پر اها خبر ڪا نه هين ته هندوستان ۾ اهڙي قدردان دل و دماغ جا ماڻهو آهن جي هن شعر جا مصداق ٿيندا ته:
چشم بدانديش ڪه برکنده باد
عيب نما يد هنرش ور نظر
۽ افسوس آهي جو شرافت جي هن عجيب جو هر شناسي جو هنن ڪو به خيال ڪو نه آيو. ان کانسواءِ حجاز جو اندروني انتظامن هميشه شريف ۽ ان جي بزرگن جي هٿ ۾ هليو آيو آهي ۽ انهي بي انتظامي جا ذميوار شريف آهن نه حڪومت.
جيڪڏهن شريف ايمانداري سان پنهنجي خدمت انجام ڏئي ها ته حاڪم وقت جي ڪوشش جي اڳينا بدون جي ٿورڙي جماعت هميشه لاءِ نابود يا تائب ٿي وڃي ها پر هر شخص سمجهي سگهي ٿو ته اختيار واري حاڪم جي حڪومت ۾ اهڙيون خرابيون تيستائين ڪڏهن به نه ٿي سگهنديون جيستائين خود حاڪم جي ايمانداري ۾ خلل نه آهي. جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن کي اهڙيون شاهديون نه ملي سگهن جن مان معلوم ٿئي ته شريف وٽ بي انتها مال دولت گڏ ٿيڻ جو سبب ڪهڙو هوندو هو ته خدارا پنهنجي عقل مان ڪم وٺي فيصلو ڪن ته شريف جي زير انتظام ڦرلٽ ڇو نه بند ٿي ويئي؟ باقي رهي اسلام جي ترقي لاءِ ڪوشش ڪرڻ ۽ واعظ مقرر ڪري ڌارين ملڪن ڏي موڪلڻ تنهن جي لاءِ وري به مون کي مولوي صاحب جن جي تاريخي ناواقفيت جو افسوس ڪرڻو پوي ٿو مولوي صاحب کي اها خبر ئي ڪانهي ته ڪفرستان يورپ جي اڪثر حصن ۾ الله اڪبر جو آواز ترڪن جي جانبازي جو نتيجو آهي ۽ ڪيترائي ملڪ ترڪي بادشاهن جي خون فشاني ۽ محنتن کان صدائي توحيد جا آشنا ٿيا پر پوءِ جڏهن دشمنان اسلام جي لڳو لڳ چالبازن ۽ جهڳڙن کان ترڪي سلطنت ۾ هيڻائي آئي تڏهن قدرتن ترقي جي ڪوشش کي ڇڏي پنهنجي قوت کي محفوظ ۽ درست رکڻ ڏي وڌيڪ توجهه ڪيائون.
قول: هن وقت دنيا ۾ آزادي ۽ حريت جو گهر گهر ۾ ڇو آهي سو جيڪڏهن عرب جي تيرنهن سئو سالن کان آزادي جو سبق دنيا کي پڙهائيندا آيا آهن پاڻ ترڪن کان آزاد ٿيا ته ڪهڙو تجب آهي.
شايد آزادي جي معنيٰ مولوي صاحب جن اها سمجهي آهي ته نعوذ بالله مذهب ۽ شريعت جي پابندين کان آزاد ٿجي. تيرنهن سئو سالن کان عرب ڪو نئون سبق نه پڙهائي رهيا آهن ۽ نه ڪا انهن کي ڪا خاص تعليم ڏني ويئي آهي. اهو هڪڙو ئي سبق ۽ تعليم آهي جا سردار دو جهان صلعم عرب ۽ عم سڀني کي بڪسان ڏني هئي. انهي مقدس تعليم ۾ ته اسان کي سڏڻ ۾ ڪو نه ٿو اچي ته آزادي جو اهڙو جنون سوار ٿئي جو خدا ۽ خدا جي حبيب پاڪ صلعم جي قائم ڪيل حدن جو به پرواهه نه رکجي. مولوي صاحب جن اهڙي آزادي کي مبارڪ سمجهندا هوندا پر مسلمان انهي آزادي کي جهنم جو طوق سمجهن ٿا جنهنڪري خليفه وقت سان مخالفت ڪري ان جي وقت کي ڪمزور رڪجي ۽ اهڙي طرح اتحاد ۽ اخوت اسلامي کي تباهه ڪري خدا ۽ ان جي ملائڪه مقربين جي لعنت حاصل ڪجي مولوي صاحب جن کي خبر نه آهي ته اهڙي آزادي جي حق حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ شريعت اسلامي ۽ پاڪ قانون جو ڪهڙو حڪم آهي. ڪتاب رد الحتار ۾ لکيل آهي ته:
و في الاختيار اهل البغي ڪل فئتہ لهم منعتہ يتغلبون و يجتمغون و يقلتون اهل العدل بتاويل يقولون الحق معنا و يدعون الولايتہ.
اختيار ۾ لکيو اٿس ته باغي آهن جن کي طاقت هجي ۽ غلبو ڪري گڏ ٿي عدلونکي انهي تاويل سان قتل ڪن ته حق اسان جو آهي ۽ حڪومت جي ….. ڪن.
ان عبارت موجب شريف ۽ ان جا مددگار سڀ خليفه وقت کان باغي ٿيا ڇو ته آزادي ۽ حڪومت کي پنهنجو حق سمجهي سلطان سان جنگ ڪيائين ۽ هر شخص سمجهي سگهي ٿو ته باغي ڪهڙي سزا جو لائق آهي. جن ماڻهن مسلمانن جي ننڍڙن حڪومتن کي آزاد ٿيندو ڏنو آهي ۽ پوء هنن جون دليون انهي آزادي جا افسوسناڪ نتائج ڏسي خون ٿيون آهن. سي عربن جي آزادي جي حقيقت ۽ ان جي قدرت و قيمت کي خوب سمجهن ٿا.
هينئر آزادي جي شراب جو ذرانئون نشو آهي اهو وقت اچڻ ڏيو جڏهن نشو لهي سرگراني ٿيندي ته پوءِ پاڻهين شريف بهادر چوندو ته:
قرض ڪي پيتي تهي مي اور يون سمجهتي تهي ڪه هان.
رنگ لائيگي هماري فاقه مستي ايڪ دن.
پر آه جو انهي وقت جو پڇتائڻ ڪجهه به ڪم نه ايندو.
قول: سبحان الله تعجب جي ڳالهه آهي ته ڊاڪٽر انصاري ۽ سندس رفيق هندوستان وسطي خود حڪومت چاهين ٿا پر عربن کي ترڪن جو پابند ۽ هميشه لاءِ غلام رکڻ گهرون ٿا.
تعجب اهو آهي جو هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن کي به تعجب ٿيڻ لڳو ڊاڪٽر انصاري صاحب ۽ سندس رفيق هندوستان جي لاءِ جيڪا آزادي گهرن ٿا ان جو شايد مولوي صاحب جن اهو مطلب سمجهيو آهي ته (خدانخواسته) گورنمينٽ سان بغاوت ڪري پنهنجي حڪومت ٺاهجي. مشڪل هي آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن ملا ماڻهو ٿي پاليٽ ڪيس جي متعلق ڳالهائين ٿا حالانڪه اهي ڳالهيون انهن خالص شرعي ڳالهين کان وڌيڪ مشڪل آهن جن ۾ مولوي صاحب جن تباهه ڪن غلطي کائي مسلمانن ۾ هيتري قدر جوش ۽ ناراضپو پيدا ڪيو آهي عربن کي حڪومت ترڪن ۾ جيڪا آزادي ۽ خوش حالي حاصل هئي سا اسان هندوستانين جي خواب ۾ نه هوندي. هن گورنمينٽ کان گهرون ٿا ته برٽش گورنمينٽ ۽ پنهنجي شهنشاهه معظم جي سايه ڪرم هيٺ حڪومت هلائڻ ۾ اسان کي وڌيڪ دخل ملي پر اسان جي انهي خواهش کان گهڻو وڌيڪ حجاز جي عربن کي ترڪي حڪومت ۾ آزادي ۽ حقوق مليل هئا ڇو ته سڄو حجاز شريف جي هٿ ۾ رهندو هو رڳو نالي جي ڪاڻ ترڪي گورنر فوجي نظم و نسق جي لاءِ رهندو هو. پوءِ الائي مولوي صاحب جن عربن جي ڪهڙي غلامي ڏٺي جنهن لاءِ اهي لفظ چيا اٿن ته ”عربن کي هميشه لاءِ غلام رکڻ گهرون ٿا.“
ڪبرت ڪلماء تخرج من افواههم ان يقولون الاڪذبا
سندن وات مان هڪڙي وڏي (هتان جهڙي) ڳالهه نڪري ۽ ( في الحقيقت) رڳو ڪوڙ ٿا ڳالهائين.
قول: جيڪي ماڻهو عرب جي متعلق بيجا خوف و خطرا ظاهر ڪن ٿا ته آئينده عرب ڪنهن بي طاقت جو ماتحت ٿي رهندو انهن کي اهڙي بد زباني کان توبہ ڪرڻ لازم آهي.
خبر نه آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن عرب ڇا کي ٿا چون ۽ حجاز جي محدود ۽ ٿورڙي آبادي کانسواءِ ٻيو ڪهڙو حصو آزاد مسلمانن جي حڪومت ۾ ڏٺو اٿن.
جيڪڏهن عرب مان رڳو اهو ٽڪرو مراد آهي جنهن ۾ رڳا رتي جا ڍير ۽ پهاڙ آهن ته انهي ۾ شڪ ڪونهي ته اها هڪڙي اهڙي مسلمان رياست ٿي ويئي آهي جنهن جي قوت کي دنيا جي آزاد حڪومتن مان ڪنهن به ننڍڙي کان ننڍڙي جو هم رتبہ نه ٿو چئي سگهجي. مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان ته هن جي هستي يورپ جي مختلف طاقتن جي رحم کانسواءِ ان ڳالهه تي موقف آهي ته هو هڪڙي غير آباد ملڪ ۾ اجايو پنهنجو خرچ ڪرڻ ۽ ناحق مسلمانن جي وسيع قوم کي ناراض ڪري اجايو جهڳڙو پيدا ڪرڻ بيڪار ٿا سمجهن پر جيڪڏهن سڀاڻي فرانس ۽ اٽلي يا آمريڪا يا جرمني يا ڪنهن ٻي حڪومت کي شوق ٿئي ته خدانخواسته مسلمانن کي پوري طرح دنيا ۾ ذليل ۽ محڪوم ڪرڻ لاءِ هيڪر حرمين تي مقدس صليب جي جهنڊي جي بهار ڏسجي ته پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن مسلمانن کي ٻڌائين ته شريف ۽ سندس مولوي صاحب پاران مقتدي ڪهڙي ڪنڊ ۾ ويهي تماشو ڏسندا ۽ ڇا انهي مهل شريف کي آزاد چوڻ وارن مسلمانن کي شرم نه ٿيندو جو گورنمينٽ برطانيا جي خزاني ۾ افواج قاهره تي حرمين شريفين جي بچاءُ لاءِ بار وجهن.
غور ڪندڙن لاءِ اهو وڏو دليل آهي ته سلطان محمد خامس (مرحوم) ڪنهن به طرح خليفو بااختيار نه هو بلڪه بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جي تابع هو.
سچائي جو معجزو آهي ته ڪڏهن نه ڪڏهن زبان تي اچي ويندي آهي. مولوي صاحب جن حضرت سلطان محمد خامس مرحوم کي خليفو ته چون ٿا پر رڳو انهي ڳالهه ۾ منجهي بيٺا آهن ته بااختيار نه هو.
مشڪل هي آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن فيصلو ڪري ڇڏيو آهي ته اسلام جنهن ڳالهه کي چڱو چوي ان کي پاڻ ضرور خراب سمجهندا خليفي يا امير جي اسلام ۾ ئي اها خصوصيت آهي ته هو بااختيار ۽ مطلق العنان نه ٿو ٿي سگهي بلڪه هن جو سڀ ڪم ڪم باهمي مشوره ۽ صلاح سان ٿئي ٿو ۽ اها ڳالهه جنهن لاءِ اسلام کي فخر آهي ته سموري دنيا کي نظام هڪومت جمهوري سيکاريائين تنهن کي مولوي صاحب جن حقارت جي نظر سان ڏسن ٿا.
باقي رهي هي ڳالهه به بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جي تابع هو اهو به حضرت مولانا جي قدرداني جو عجيب مثال آهي. دنيا اسلام ترڪن جي نوجوان جماعت کي عزت و ناموس اسلامي جي محافظ ۽ اسلامي غيرت کان ….. چئي ٿي ۽ انهن جي ئي حسن تدبير ۽ تلوار طرابلس ۽ بلقان جي ۾ توحيد پرستن جي لڄ رکي دنيا تي ثابت ڪري ڏيکاريو ته مسلمانن جو قومي جوش ۽ مذهبي حرارت باقي آهي تنهن کي بيجا جوشيلي جماعت جو خطاب ڏيڻ مجاهدين في سبيل الله ۽ غازيان دين جي عزت افزائي آهي.
قول: قيصر جرمن جو زور ترڪي ۾ اهڙو بيحد هو جوڳو يا ترڪي هڪڙي غير مذهب حڪومت کان دشمن جي برخلاف مدد ۾ مشورو وٺڻ ۽ ان سان عهد نامون قائم ڪرڻ ۽ تعلق پيدا ڪرڻ ڪو گناهه ڪونهي بلڪ جائز آهي ڇو ته حضور آقائي نامدار صلعم ڪفار مڪه جي برخلاف قبيله نبي خزاعتہ سان عهد نامہ ۽ صلح قائم ڪيو هو. علاوه برين جيڪڏهن ترڪي حڪومت سان حڪومت جرمن جو اهڙو تعلق هجي ها جنهن کي مولوي صاحب ڏاڍي رنگ آميزي سان بيان ڪيو آهي. پوءِ بلقان جي لڙائي ۾ پوءِ جرمني ڌار ويهي تماشو ڏسي ها ۽ جيئن هينئر پنهنجي ناجائز حرص پوري ڪرڻ لاءِ جنگ ڪايائين تيئن ڇو نه آهي وقت به جنگ ۾ گهڙي پوي ها ۽ مولوي صاحب جن کي خيال فرمائڻ گهرجي ته غير شرعي شاهدن جي خبرن تي خيال ڪري امام ۽ خليفه وقت کان بدظن ٿيڻ بلڪه ان جي شان اقدس ۾ ائين چوڻ ته ”بلڪه جرمني جو هڪڙو صوبو هو“ اهي سڀ اهڙا زبردست گناهه آهن جو دنيا ۽ آخرت جي سزائن جا مستحق ٿي سگهن ٿا.
قول: مولوي عبدالباري صاحب جا تحرير فرمائي آهي ته عيسائيت ۽ جهنڊو مقامات مقدسہ تي اڏامڻ لڳو آهي سا بالڪل ڪوڙي آهي. ائين نه ٿيو آهي ۽ نه ٿيڻو آهي. اسان سڀني کي چڱي طرح معلوم آهي ته سرڪار باوجود عيسائي يڪه عيسائي مذهب رکي ٿي تڏهن به هندوستان ۾ ڪنهن به مسجد سان اهڙي بي حرمتي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي. هڪڙي فدائي اسلام ۽ مقدس عالم و بزرگ کي ڪوڙو چوڻ ڪيتري قدر بي ادبي آهي. انهي ڳالهه کان درگذر ڪرڻ کانپوءِ مولوي صاحب جن جي معلومات ۽ واقفيت تي تعجب ٿئي ٿو. مقامات مقدسه ۾ جيڪڏهن بيت المقدس وغيره مفتوح مقامات به مولوي صاحب جن داخل سمجهن ٿا ته پوءِ مجبورن رسالي جا مطالعا ڪندڙ جناب مولوي عبدالباري صاحب ڏسي منسوب ڪيل لفظ ڏانهن منسوب ڪندا ۽ جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن جي اعتقاد ۾ انهن کي ڪو تقدس ڪونهي ته پوءِ مسلمانن کي به مولوي صاحب جي طرفان ڪا شڪايت ڪانهي. اڳتي انهن لفظن مان ته ڪنهن به مسجد سان اهڙي بي حرمتي ڪا نه ٿي آهي، معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته مولوي صاحب مقامات مقدسه رڳو مسجدن جي حدود ۽ چار ديواري کي سمجهيو آهي ۽ اها ڳالهه وسري ويئي اٿن ته جزيره العرب جو هڪڙو هڪڙو انجو اهو تقدس ۽ فضيلت رکي ٿو جيڪو سندن خيال موجب مسجدن کي حاصل آهي.
هن کانپوءِ مولوي صاحب جن تسليم و رضا جي عجيب منزل طئي ڪئي آهي ۽ ابره يمن جي عيسائي حاڪم جي بيت الله شريف تي ڪاهه ڪرڻ ۽ پوءِ آخر ڪنهن جي سامهون ٿيڻ کانسواءِ خدا جي طرفان ان جي لشڪر جي ناس ٿي وڃڻ جو ذڪر ڪرڻ کانپوءِ فرمائين ٿا ته هاڻي به اهو ساڳيو خدا تعاليٰ جي و قيوم قادر مطعلق آهي ۽ ڪعبي شريف جو مالڪ و محافظ آهي شور مچائڻ جي ڪا ضرورت ڪانهين.
افسوس انسان ڪهڙو خود غرض آهي جو خدا واحد سان به خود غرض ڪرڻ کانسواءِ نه ٿو رهي.
ڪنهن ڊگهي تقرير ڪرڻ کانسواءِ مولوي صاحب جن جي خدمت ۾ رڳو ايترو غرض آهي ته قرآن شريف ۾ ڪعبي جي حفاظت کان وڌيڪ انسان خود غرض ۽ ظالم انسان جي رزق و معاش جي لاءِ صفا و عدو آيل آهي پوءِ براءِ خدا مولوي صاحب جن فرمايائين ته پاڻ جو چئن پئسن جي روٽي جي لاءِ خدا قادر جي وعدي تي ڀروسو نه ٿا رکي سگهن ۽ دربدري ۽ جائز و ناجائزحيلا حوالا ڪن ٿا سو سندن ضمير ۽ دل ايڏي وڏي ڪم جي لاءِ رڳو خدا تي رکي ويهڻ رهڻ ۽ ڪنهن به قسم جي ڪوشش نه ڪرڻ ۽ هٿن پيرن نه هلائڻ جي ترغيب ڪيئن ڏئي ٿي.
قرآن شريف جي حفاظت لاءِ خدا تبارڪ و تعاليٰ وعدو فرمايو آهي:
انا نحن نزلنا الذڪر و انالہ لحافظون
ترجمو: اسان قرآن کي نازڪ ڪيو آهي ۽ اسين هن جي حفاظت ڪرڻ وارا آهيون.
پوءِ ڇا هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن جي اعنقاد موجب مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته قرآن شريف جي حفاظت کان بي پرواهه ٿي ويهي رهن!
ان کانسواءِ جيڪڏهن ابره ڪاهه ڪئي ۽ ان جو مقابلو نه ٿي سگهيو ته انهي مهل مقابلي ۽ حفاظت ڪرڻ وارا ئي ڪير هئا. تاريخ مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته محافظان ڪعبه جي ايتري جماعت ڪڏهن به نه هئي جو اهڙي طاقتور بادشاهه جي سامهون ٿي سگهي تنهنڪري ويچارا خاموش رهيا ۽ اهڙي طرح قدرت کي براه راست ظاهر ٿيڻ ضرور ٿئو پر اڄ جڏهن خدا جي زمين تي چاليهه ڪروڙ حلقه بگو شان توحيد موجود آهن تڏهن انهي مقام مقدس جي حفاظت جي لاءِ (جنهن ڏينهن رات سندن گردن جهڪن ٿا) هنن کي ضرور انهي ذميواري ڪري بي چين ٿيڻ گهرجي جيڪا خدا جي طرفان هنن تي مقرر ٿيل آهي. علاوه براين اسين مڃون ٿا ته خداوند ڪريم پاڻ ڪعبي جي حفاظت ڪرڻ وارو آهي پر آخر اسان جو انهي ڳالهه جا مدعي آهيون ته اسين خدا جي مخصوص نعمتن جا اڪيلا ٺيڪيدار آهيون انهن تي به ڪجهه فرض آهن. (مولوي صاحب پاران) ماڻهن جو خيال آهي.
احسب الناس ان يترڪو ان يقولو اٰمنا و هم لا يفتنون.
ترجمو: رڳو انهن جي انهي دعويٰ کي ڏسي ته اسان ايمان وارا آهيون آزمائشن کانسواءِ.
هنن کي ڇڏي ڏيو (ته وڃي بهشت جون لذتون وٺڻ پر ائين هرگز نه ٿيندو.)
قول: شروعات کان وٺي وقت بوقت جيڪي عربي ۽ ترڪي بادشاهن ۽ ملڪن ۾ تبديليون ٿينديون آيون آهن تن ۾ نه ترڪن هندن جي مسلمانن جي رائي ورتي آهي ۽ نه هند جي مسلمانن جي رائي تي هليا آهن.
مولوي صاحب جن هي اهڙي ڳالهه ڪئي ڄڻ ڪي رشتيدار پاڻ ۾ پائپي جي ڳالهه تان رٺا آهن ۽ هڪٻئي کي ڏوراپا ڏين ٿا ته فلان ڳالهه ۾ اسان ڀائرن کان ڪين پڇيو.
مولوي صاحب جي نظر ۾ شايد خلافته اسلامي جو نظام هڪڙي قسم جو ڀائي بندي جو سلسلو آهي ۽ گويا ترڪن ۾ شادي ٿيڻي آهي. هاڻي اسان سان ڳنڍ سنڍنه رکيو اٿن تنهنڪري اسين به هنن جا ڀت ڀائي نه ٿيون.
مان مولوي صاحب کي درخواست ٿو ڪريان ته منهنجو گذريل مضمون غور سان پڙهن جنهن ۾ ٻڌائي چڪو آهيان ته شريعت جي فيصلي موجب خليفي ٿيڻ جي هڪڙي اها صورت بيان ڪئي ويئي اهي ته قوم مان اهل حل وقد هن جي بيعت ڪن ۽ حضرت خليفته المسلمين جي بعيت قوم مان هزارها اشراف و معتبر ڪن ٿا پوءِ ساندن جي ڳوٺ جي هڪڙي گوشه گمنامي جو رهندڙ پاڻ کان رائي ۽ اجازت حاصل ڪرڻ جي ڇو خواهش رکي ٿو ۽ ان جي ڪهڙي ضرورت آهي.
قول: ۽ نڪي انگريزن جي برخلاف جنگ ڪرڻ کان باز رهڻ لاءِ مسلمانن جي صلاح ٻڌايائون. هي ڳالهه پڌري پئي آهي ته اسان کي هنن جي اندروني حالتن ۽ ملڪي ضرورتن جي ڪا به خبر ڪانهي اهڙي صورت ۾ اول ته اسان جي صلاح ڏيڻ ئي هڪڙي ناموزون ڳالهه هئي پر تنهن کانسواءِ هو پنهنجو ضرورتون ۽ ملڪي اغراض ۽ فائدا اسان کان بهتر سمجهن ٿا ۽ اهڙي حالت ۾ جيڪڏهن ترڪن اسان مان ڪن چوندڙن جي ڳالهه تي ڪن نه ڏنو ته هو اختيار وارا هئا ۽ قابل الزام نه ٿا ٿي سگهن بلڪه اهو انهن ماڻهن جو قصور ۽ زبردستي هئي جن هنن کي اهڙي ڳالهه کان جهليو ٿي جنهن کين دخل ڏيڻ جو ذرو به حق ڪو نه هو ۽ ڪو به عقلمند انسان هنن کي انهي ڪري قصوردار ڪو نه چوندو.
قول: ترڪي تي صلح جا شرط ڪهڙا پوندا تنهن ۾ هند جي مسلمانن کي دخل ڏيڻ جو ڪو سبب ڪونهين.
بيشڪ جيڪي ماڻهو نظام خلافته جهڙي مقدس اسلامي اصول کي مسخري ڪري سمجهن ٿا تن جي لاءِ ته اها ڳالهه بالڪل مناسب ۽ جائز آهي ته ويهي مزي سان تماشو ڏسن پر هندوستان جا مسلمان جنهن صورت ۾ اهو نور ايمان پنهنجي دل ۾ رکن ٿا جو حضرت رسالت ماب صلعم کان کين ورثي ۾ مليو آهي تنهن صورت ۾ کين سندن مذهب ۽ ايمان مجبور ڪيو آهي ته انهي مسئلي ۾ تمام گهڻي دلچسپي وٺن جنهن جي سڃاڻڻ تي سندن خاتمه بالخيرموقف آهي ۽ مسلمان پنهنجو فرض ٿا سمجهن ته جيڪي مسخرا خليفته المسلمين جي مقدس لقب کي بازاري خطاب ڪري سمجهن ٿا تن کي ٻڌائين ته خلافته جو فيصلو اهڙن ماڻهن جي هٿ ۾ نه آهي جيڪي اسلامي تعليم کان نا آشنا يا چند روزه ۽ پائيدار دنيا جي مقابلي ۾ پنهنجي مذهب ۽ پنهنجي متاع کي هيچ سمجهن ٿا بلڪه انهن سچن مسلمانن جي مرضي ۽ اتفاق موقف آهي جن جون دليون نور ايمان کان منور آهن هندستان جي مسلمانن سان گورنمينٽ برطانيا نهايت لطف و سان (۽ پنهنجي انهن ممتاز اصول جي مد نظر تي هو سڀ قوم جي مذهبي ڳالهين جو احترام ڪري ٿي) وعدو ڪيو ته سندن مقامات مقدسه ۽ خلافته تي جنگ جو ڪو به اثر نه پنودو انهن انهي وعدي تي ڀروسو رکي ۽ دلجاءِ ڪري پنهنجي تن مال سان سرڪار جي مدد ڪئي آهي سي هنيئر ڏسن ٿا يورپ جي ڪن نا عاقبت انديش اخبارن ۾ اهڙيون ڳالهيون هلي رهيون آهن جن مان انديشو پيدا ٿيو آهي ته خلافته ۽ مقامات مقدسه ۾ دخل ٿيڻ جي لاءِ جيڪو اعلان وقت بوقت وزيرن ارڪان دولت کان ٿيندو رهيو آهي ان جي برخلاف ڪجهه چئو پچئو هلي رهي آهي ۽ ان ڪري هنن کي اهو خطرو ٿيو آهي ته اسان جي هڪڙي وڏي مذهبي اصول کي صدمو پهچڻ جو امڪان آهي بس اهو ئي سبب آهي جنهنڪري اسين پنهنجي زندگي جو اهو ضرور مقصد سمجهون ٿا ته هر طرح پنهنجي گورنمينٽ کي آماده ڪريون ته انهي شاهانه ۽ صيريح وعدي جي برخلاف هلت ڪري پنهنجي ستن ڪروڙن رعايا کي هميشه جي لاء پاڻ کان مايوس نه ڪري.
قول: ترڪن جي خلافت به نسبت فيصلو خاص ڪتاب شرح عقاب علامه تفتاززاني ۾ ٿيل آهي ۽ پوءِ ان ڪتاب جي هي عبارت نقل ڪئي اٿن ته ”فان قيل فليڪتف بذي شوڪتہ لہ الريا ستہ العامتہ اماما ڪان او غير امام فان انتظام الامر يحصل بذالک کما في عهد الانزاڪ قلنا يحصل اننظام في امر الدنيا لکن يختل امر الدين و هو الامر المقصود.“ يعني جيڪڏهن سوال ڪجي ته قريشي هجڻ خليفي…… ضروري نه آهي بلڪه جو شخص رياست ۽ شوڪت وارو هجي ان کي خليفو ڪري مڃڻ گهرجي ڇاڪاڻ ته اهو به انتظام ڪري سگهي ٿو جيئن ترڪن جي زماني ۾ آهي ته جواب هن طرح آهي ته انهي ۾ ڪجهه انتقام دينوي حاصل ٿيندو پر ديني انتظام هرگز حاصل نه ٿيندو ۽ وڏو غرض دين جي انتظام جو آهي.“
تاريخ مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته ڪتاب شرح عقائد (جنهن مان مولوي صاحب جن هي عبارت نقل ڪئي آهي) تنهنجي مصنف (يعني ٺاهڻ واري مورخه 2 ماهه محرم 792 هجري ۾ وفات ڪئي آهي ۽ انهي عالم سڳوري جي زماني ۾ هندوستان ۾ امير تيمور مرحوم ۽ ترڪن مان سلطان با يزيد يلدر مرحوم هئا ۽ تاريخي وارن امير تيمور جي مذهبي نقطه نظر سان تعريف ڪا نه ڪئي آهي انهي ئي ڪري علامه تفازاني ۽ مير شريف جرحاني انهي کي خليفو ڪري نه مڃئو. ۽ انهي زماني جي ترڪي بدشاهن جي نظريه ملڪي ترقي تي زياده هئي ۽ اڃا تائين خلافته به ترڪن ۾ ڪا نه آئي هئي انهي ڪري علامه تفتازاني جو اهو چوڻ ته ”ديني انتظام حاصل نه ٿيندو“ انهيءَ وقت جي مناسب حال هوندو پر خلافته (جهڙي طرح مولوي صاحب جن خود پنهنجي رسالي ۾ لکيو آهي) علامه تفازاني کان هڪ سئو چوويهه ورهيه پوءِ سلطان سليم مرحوم کي ملي. ان مان معلوم ٿيو ته علامه تفتازاني دين يج انتظام نه ٿي سگهڻ جو عذر ترڪن کي خلافته ملڻ کان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سئو ويهه ورهيه اڳ ۾ ڪيو آهي ۽ انهي وچ ۾ ترڪن جي مذهبي حالت ۾ اسلامي اعتقاد جي مضبوط ٿيڻ سان ڪيتري قدر نه وڏو تغير ٿي ويو هوندو جنهن جي ڪري انهن کي خلافته ڏيڻ جي لاءِ خليفي به منتخب ڪيو ۽ به انهي ڳالهه تي اتفاق ڪيو ۽ علامه تفتازاني جو اهو چوڻ هرگز انهي ترڪن سڳورن سان تعلق نه ٿو رکي سگهي جن کي خلافته سونپي ويئي ڇو ته هي هڪ سئو ڇوويهه ورهيه اڳ جي ڳالهه آهي.
جيڪڏهن هي ڳالهه مولوي صاحب جن تاريخ کان نا واقفيت جي ڪري ڪئي آهي ته کين غور ڪرڻ گهرجي ته ڪيڏي نه سخت خطا ڪئي اٿن جو خلافته جهڙي نازڪ ۽ ضروري مسئلي ۾ ناواقفيت جي ڪري انهي منصب جو لائق نه ٿي قلم کنيو اٿن ۽ جيڪڏهن ڄاڻي واڻي ائين ڪيو اٿن ته مان مسلمانن کي درخواست ٿو ڪريان ته انهي رسالي جي شايع ڪرڻ جي اصلي غرضن تي غور ڪن جنهن ۾ کلي طرح ڌوڪو ڏنو ويو آهي هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن جي دلائل جو گولا بارود ختم ٿي ويو آهي باقي سندن ميگزين ۾ هي آخري ڪارتوس رهيل آهي ته:
هي ڳالهه تمام ضروري غور ڪرڻ جهڙي آهي ته خلافته جو مسئلو جو ڪتب عقائد ۾ مذڪور آهي سو انهي خليفي جي متعلق آهي جو ڪنهن ملڪ ۾ پنهنجي حدود جي اندر حاڪم هجي ۽ انهي ملڪ ۾ حدود الله جاري رکي غير ملڪ سان ته ڪنهن به طرح هن جو لاڳاپو نه آهي. سلطان ترڪي نه اڳي ڪڏهن هندستان ۾ حاڪم ٿيو آهي ته هاڻي آهي پوءِ انهن مضمون کي هن جملي تي پورو ڪيو اٿن ته ملڪ مان ٻاهر ڪنهن بادشاهه کي مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي. مولوي صاحب جن کي هن ڳالهه تي ويچار ڪرڻ گهرجي ته اسلام جيتوڻيڪ هڪڙي اهڙي هدايت آهي جا سموري دنيا جي لاءِ هڪڙي ئي طرح مفيد ۽ ڪارآمد ٿي سگهي ٿي پر اها ڳالهه بظاهر ناممڪن آهي سڄي دنيا ۽ ڪل انسان ٻين مذهبن کي ڇڏي اسلام جا حلقا لڳوش ٿين ۽ اها ڳالهه نه ڪڏهن ٿي آهي ۽ نه آئينده ٿيڻي آهي ۽ انهي ڪري سڄي دنيا تي حڪومت ڪرڻ محال آهي پر سڀڪنهن مذهب جي لاءِ اها ڳالهه ضروري هجڻ گهرجي ته جتي هو پيدا ٿيو ۽ نشو نما پاتا ۽ جتي هن ترقي ڪئي آهي جايون ضرور هن جي مذهبي حڪومت جي زير اثر هجڻ گهرجن. غور ڪرڻ سان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته اسلام تي هڪڙو اهڙو مذهب آهي جنهن لاءِ چئي سگهجي ٿو ته هن جا مرڪزي شهر ۽ جتي هن جو سنگ بنياد رکيو ويو سي هن جي حڪومت هيبت آهن ۽ انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ جيستائين خدا جو لطف و ڪرم شامل حال آهي ۽ مسلمانن جي خون مان غيرت و حميت جي حرارت سرد نه ٿي وئي آهي تيستائين ارض مقدس اسلام جي زير اثر رهندي ۽ انهي طرح چئي سگهجي ٿو ته اسلام جو بنياد بفضله تعاليٰ هميشه کان مضبوط آهي ۽ رهندو ۽ اسلام جي سچائي جو اهو کليل دليل آهي.
پر انهي کلي حقيقت سان گڏ اها ڳالهه به پڌري پئي آهي ته اسلام هڪڙو عالمگير قانون آهي ۽ اڳين زماني جي مذهبن وانگر ان جا اصول ۽ هدايتون ڪنهن خاص ملڪ يا قوم يا فرقي سان مخصوص نه آهي. انهي ڪري دنيا جي مختلف حصن ۾ ان جا اصول ۽ متارائج ٿيا ۽ گهڻن ماڻهن کي توفيق ٿي ته الاهي هدايت حاصل ڪن. پر جتي جتي هي هدايت پهتي ۽ جيڪي ماڻهو ان جي اثر جي هيٺ آيا تن جي لاءِ ضروري نه آهي ته هو پوري طرح اسلامي حڪومت جي زور اثر هجن. ڇو ته مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان ته دينوي اثر ۽ تعلق ۾ تمام دنيا جو اسلام جو تابعدارٿيڻ ڏاڍو مشڪل آهي پر انهن جي لاءِ اها ڳالهه بالڪل ضروري اهي ته اسلامي برادري ۽ مذهبي اخوت جي انهي مرڪز سان هنن جو تعلق قائم رهي جنهن کي خداوند ڪريم پهرين ڏينهن کان اسلام جو مخصوص مقام ڪري ڇڏيو.
ڇو ته اها اسلامي اخوت ۽ اتحاد جي مسلمانن لاءِ يقينن فرض کان به وڌيڪ ضروري آهي ۽ جنهن کان افسوس آهي ته مولوي صاحب جن جي پرواهه آهن تيستائين ٿي نه ٿي سگهي جيستائين ان جو رشتو مضبوط نه رکيو وڃي.
جيڪي ماڻهو اخوت جهڙي اسلام جي بنيادي اصول کي مسخراپن سمجهن ٿا تن کي مان ٻي طرح سمجهايان ٿو ته انسان ۾ جسم ۽ روح ٻه شئي آهن ۽ جهڙي طرح ٻئي جدا جدا حقيقتون رکن ٿيون. اهڙي طرح هنن جا تعلقات به هڪ ٻئي کان ممتاز رهن ٿا ۽ دنياوي پابندن جو رڳو جسم تي ٿي سگهي ٿو پر روح ڪڏهن به ڪنهن دنياوي طاقت جو محڪوم ۽ فرمانبردار نه ٿو ٿي سگهي. انهي ڪري اسلام ٻنهي جي لاءِ قانون مقرر ڪيا آهن ۽ ٻنهي ڌار ڌار فرائض آهن. مذهب جا جيڪي اصول خاص طرح روح سان تعلق رکن ٿا انهن جو جسم سان ڪو تعلق ڪونهي ۽ اهڙي جسم مخصوص احڪام روح کان الڳ آهن.
خليفته المسلمين جي هٿ ۾ دنياوي ۽ روحاني ٻئي رشتا ڏنا ويا آهن ۽ جتي ۽ جيتري قدر ان جي دنياوي بادشاهت آهي اتي ۽ اوتري قدر هو بادشاهي فرائض انجام ڏئي سگهي ٿو ۽ ان کي ڏيڻ ضروري آهي پر هن جي روحاني حڪومت تمام حلقه بگوشان اسلام تي هڪ جهڙي ۽ هر وقت هر حالت ۾ آهي پوءِ اهي سنديس دنياوي بادشاهت جي اندر هجن يا ٻاهر.
ان ۾ نه ٿو چئي سگهان ته منهن جو چوڻ انهن ماڻهن سمجهي ويا نه جن جون نظرون منهنجي پير جي پٺي تي به نه ٿيون پون ۽ روح ۽ جسم جا تعلقات ته هنن جي سمجهه کان گهڻو پري آهن. ڇو ته عرفي مرحوم چئي ويو آهي ته:
مدار صحبت مابر حديث زير لبيٰ ست
ڪه اهل شوق عام اندر گفتگو عربي است.
انهن ماڻهن کي جيڪي اهو طفلانه اعتقاد رکن ٿا ته حضرت خليفته المسلمين جي دنياوي بادشاهي کان ٻاهر مسلمانن کي ان جي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي تن کي عيسائي دنيا کان سبق آموز عبرت وٺڻ گهرجي ته هو دينوي حڪومت سان گڏ پنهنجن مذهبي تعلقات جي لاءِ روحاني بادشاهت کي ڪيترو ضروري خيال ٿا ڪن ۽ اڄ به (باوجود يڪ دنيا هنن کي مذهبي پابندين کان آزاد چئي رهي آهي.) پوپ جي روحاني اثر کي حد کان وڌيڪ مڃيندا ٿا اچن ۽ جيڪڏهن هاڻي هنن جي انهي مڃتا ۾ ڪجهه گهٽتائي ٿيندي وڃي ٿي ته اها هنن جي ماده پرستي جو نتيجو آهي ۽ پوءِ اسان جا مذهبي پيشوا هجڻ جا مدعي شرم ڪن ته هنن جي اها مڃتا اهڙي حالت ۾ آهي جو هنن وٽ امام ۽ خليفي جي مقرر ڪرڻ جا اهڙا تاڪيدي اصول ڪين آهن جهڙا سان وٽ.
مان مولوي صاحب جن جي عجيب و غريب عقل کان سوال ٿو ڪريان ته توهان جو چوڻ آهي ته ترڪي حڪومت کان ٻاهر آهيون انهي ڪري انهن جي حڪمن مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي ۽ ڪو فائدو نه ٿيندو ۽ انهي مان دليل ٿا انهي ڳالهه جو وٺو ته ترڪ جي خلافت صحيح نه آهي هاڻي مهرباني ڪري ٻڌايو ته جيڪي مسلمان خلفاء راشدين رضه جي زماني ۾ اسلام جي دينوي حڪومت کان ٻاهر رهندا اهو ڇا اهي به نعوذ بالله خلافت کي راند ڪري سمجهندا هئا ۽ ڇا انهن جو به اهو خيال هوندو هو ته خلافت کي مڃڻ جي ضرورت ڪانهي؟ ۽ ڇا توهين به ائين سمجهو ٿا ته جنهن صورت ۾ هنن تي پرائي برادشاهي ۾ هجڻ جي ڪري جيڪو حڪم ڪو نه هلندو هوتنهن صورت ۾ خلفاء راشدين خلافت صحيح نه هجڻ گهرجي.
۽ جيڪڏهن ائين نه آهي ته مهرباني ڪري توهين هاڻي سمجهي ڇڏيو ته جهڙي طرح هو پروان ملڪن ۾ رهي روحاني (حڪام ۾ حضرات خلفاء راشدين رضه کي پنهنجو امام ۽ خليفو ڪري مڃيندا هئا ۽ هنن جي خلافت صحيح سمجهندا هئا بلڪه انهي طرح اسان به حضرت امير المومنين خليفته المسلمين حضرت سلطان وحيد الدين (اللهُمَ والمن والاه و عاد من عاداه)کي جنهن جي خلافت مڃڻ اسان تي واجب آهي) پنهنجو جائز ۽ صحيح خليفو ڪري مڃيون ٿا.
مان گهڻي ڪوشش ٿو ڪريان ته جناب مولوي صاحب جن جو پرده فاش نه ٿئي ۽ ماڻهو سمجهن ته رڳو تحقيقات جي غلطي ڪري شريف ميان باغي کي مولوي صاحب جن خليفو چيو آهي ۽ ڪنهن خاص غرض جي ڪري ڄاڻي واڻي مسلمانن ۾ فساد جا ڳائڻ جي ڪوشش نه ڪئي اٿن پر افسوس آهي جو مولوي صاحب جن مضمون خود ڀانڊو ڦوڙيو ٿو وجهي.
حضرت جن فرمائين ٿا ته ”ترڪن جي هندستان ۾ بادشاهي ڪانهي ۽ اسان سان ڪو تعلق ڪونهين ۽ ملڪ کان ٻاهر ڪنهن بادشاهه کي مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ۽ انهي ڪري انهن جي خلافت مڃڻ مان ڪهڙو فائدو ٿيندو ڇو ته سندس فرمان پنهنجي ملڪ کانسواءِ ٻئي ملڪ ۾ جاري نه ٿو ٿي سگهي ۽ انهي ڪري انهن جي خلافت قابل تسليم نه آهي.“ پر ساڳئي وقت مسٽر شريف جي لاءِ جو هڪڙو باغي آهي ۽ جنهن جي طاقت حضرت سلطان العظم جي پتي جيتري به نه آهي ۽ اسان مان هن جو ڪو به تعلق ڪونهي ۽ هندوستان ۾ هن جي اهڙي طرح حڪومت ڪانهي جهڙي ترڪن جي نه آهي ته به مولوي صاحب جن بي چين آهن ۽ مسلمانن کي ورغلائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن ٿا ته شريف کي خليفته المسلمين ڪري مڃڻ.
منکرئي لودن وهم رنگ مستان زيستن
قرآن پاڪ ۾ ارشآد الاهي آهي ته:
لا يُڪَلفُ اللهُ نَفسًا اِلاَ وُسعَهَا.
ڪنهن به ماڻهو کي خداوند ڪريم هن جي طاقت ۽ امڪان کان وڌيڪ تڪليف نه ٿو ڏئي.
۽ سڀ ديني پابنديون انهي حالت ۾ اسان تي ضروري ٿي سگهن ٿيون جنهن حالت ۾ اسان ۾ انهن جي بجاءِ آڻڻ جي طاقت هجي. ۽ جيڪڏهن ويچارو انسان ڪنهن وقت مجبور ٿي پيو ته ۽ شريعت جا حڪم پورو نه ٿي سگهن ته هو بارگاهه صمدي ۾ قابل معافي سمجهي وڃي ٿو. ڇو ته سڀ ڪجهه ڄاڻڻ واري کي خبر آهي ته ان جا ٻانها مجبوري کان سندس حڪم بجاءِ نه ٿا آڻي سگهن. جيڪڏهن مولوي صاحب جن انهي ڳالهه تي ٿورو گهڻو ويچار ڪن ها ته هي لفظ ڪڏهن به نه لکن ها ته:
قول: تواريخن مان معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته خلافت ۾ وقت بوقت تبديليون ٿينديون آيون آهن. يزيد پليد با نفاق مسلمان خليفو نه هو تنهنڪري قبول ڪرڻو پوندو ته انهي زماني خليفو حذوم هو ۽ جيڪڏهن انهي کي منجمه خلفاء جو شمار ڪيو وڃي ته موٽي اهو مشڪل لازم ايندو ته حضرت امام حسين عليه السلام جي شهادت قائم نه ٿي رهي سگهي. حالانڪه سڀ مسلمان امام حسين رضه کي شهيد قبول ڪن ٿا. ڇو ته يزيد پليد جي جبر ۽ علم کان سڀ مسلمان خاموش رهيا ۽ مروان بن حڪم جي زباني به اهڙو ئي ظلم هو جنهن مسلمانن کي جائز ۽ صحيح خليفي مقرر ڪرڻ جو موقعو نه ڏنو. اهڙي صورت ۾ جيئن مان مٿي چئي چڪو آهيان برابر مجبوري کان هڪڙي واجب ۽ ضروري فرض ادا ڪرڻ کان قاصر رهيا. ۽ مون کي اها ڳالهه سمجهه ۾ ئي نه ٿي اچي ته مولوي صاحب هي اجائي ڳالهه لکي ڇو رسالي جا ڪاغذ ڪارا ڪيا.
قول: سلسله خلافت جو ٻيو انقطاع خاندان بني اميه جي پڇاڙي ۾ واقع ٿيو جڏهن ابو العباس السفاج عباسي بني اميه کي تباهه ڪري بني عباس جي خلافت جو پايو وڌو.
مان مٿي شرعي دليلن سان ثابت ڪري آيو آهيان ته عباسن جو خلافت حاصل ڪرڻ بالڪل صحيح هو ۽ مولوي صاحب جن يقين رکن ته مسلمان اهڙين انڌين محبتن جي ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي اصول کي چرچو يا کيل نه ڪري سمجهندا.
قول: بني عباس جي زماني ۾ هڪ رقيب سلطنت بني اميه جي اندلس ۾ موجود هئي اهي به خلافت جا مدعي هئا وري بني عباس جي آخري زماني ۾ مصر ۾ بني عبيد جي خلافتت قريبن ٽي سئو ورهيه نهايت اقتدار ۽ زور شور سان رهي انهي مان به گهڻائي مدعي خلافت جا بڻيا.
مولوي صاحب جن کي مان وري انهي ڳالهه ڏي توجهه ٿو ڏياريان ته اسلام جا اصول ه طلب مولوين جي هٿ وس نه آهن جو جنهن مهل ضرورت سمجهن پنهنجي سياهه اغراض جي حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ نڪ کان جهلي هيڏي هوڏي ڦيرائين. ۽ جيڪڏهن ڪي اهڙا مولوي اڳئين زماني جا هوندا ته به اسلام انهن جي ايتري ئي حقيقت سمجهي ٿو جيتري هن زماني جي دنيا پرست مولون جي.
مان وري به کلي طرح اوهان کي ٻڌايان ٿو ته هڪڙي جائز ۽ مسلم خلافت جي هوندي اهي به خلافت جا اهڙي طرح غير مستحق ۽ غلط مدعي هئا جهڙو هينئر اوهان وارو خليفو شريف بهادر خلافت جو لائق نه آهي.
قول: وري به دوباره چئجي ٿو هندوستان جي مسلمانن کي ڪنهن به وقت تبديل خلافت جي متعلق دخل ڏيڻ جو موقعو ڪو نه مليو آهي.
مان مٿي ٻڌائي چڪو آهيان ته قانون شريعت جي مطابق اها حل و عقد ۽ قوم جي معتبر ماڻهن جي نيت سان صحيح طرح خليفو ٿي سگهي ٿو ۽ هميشه ائين ٿيندو آيو آهي ته جڏهن جڏهن ڪو خليفو مجبوري جي ڪري معزول ڪرڻ ۾ ايندو آهي تڏهن مسلمانن مان هزارين اهل حل و عقد ۽ اشراف قوم ٻئي خليفي جي بيعت ڪندا آهن ۽ اهڙي طرح ان جي خلافت مڪمل ۽ صحيح ٿي ويندي آهي.
باقي رهي هي ڳالهه ته هندستان جي ماڻهن ۽ خصوصن اسان جي حضرت مولانا مولوي صاحب جن کان (جن جي شخصيت تحقيق الخلافتہ لکڻ کانپوءِ شايد اهم ٿي پئي آهي). ڇو نه صلاح ورتاءُ تنهن لاءِ عرض آهي ته ارض مقدس ۽ اسلامي حڪومت جي لکين علماء ۽ اشراف قوم جي هوندي هنن کي هتان مشورو وٺڻ جي ضرورت ڪا نه هئي پر تنهن کانسواءِ وڏي ڳالهه هي آهي ته مشورو انهي ماڻهو کان وٺبو آهي جيڪو پوري طرح واقفيت رکڻ ڪري صلاح ڏيڻ جي لائق هوندو آهي اسين سندن بادشاهي کان ٻاهر آهيون ۽ تمام پري رهون ٿا تنهنڪري اتاهون جي اندروني حالتن ۽ ضرورتن جي اسان کي خبر ڪانهي انهي ڪري اسان بلڪل نه چئي سگهنداسين ته ڪهڙو ماڻهو خليفي چونڊڻ جي لائق آهي ۽ ڪهڙو نه آهي. انهي ڪري سڀ ڪو ماڻهو سمجهي سگهي ٿو اسان کان صلاح وٺڻ فضول ۽ اسان جو مشورو ڏيڻ نا موزون هو.
۽ مولوي صاحب جن غور فرمائين ته اسان جي حالت بالڪل اهڙي آهي جهڙي انه مسلمانن جي هئي جيڪي خلافت راشده جي زماني ۾ اسلامي حڪومت کان ٻاهر رهندا هئا ڇا پوءِ نعوذ بالله اهي به انهي ڪري خلافت تي يقين نه رکندا هئا ته خليفي مقرر ڪرڻ وقت اسان کان صلاح نه پڇي وئي آهي.
الله اڪبر! مون کي عجب ٿو ٿئي مولوي صاحب جن جي ضمير ڪيئن اجازت ڏني آهي ته اهڙين صفا ڳالهين جي برخلاف چئي آفتاب ني خاڪ وجهو.
يُرِيدُونَ اِنَ يطفئو نور الله بِاَ افواهِم و الله متم نوره وَلو ڪره الڪَافِرون.
خدا جي( سچائي ۽ صداقت) جي نور کي پنهنجن …… سان زائل ڪرڻ گهرون ٿا پر جيتوڻيڪ ڪافرن کي برو ٿو لڳي تڏهن به خدا پنهنجي نور کي پورو ڪرڻ وارو آهي.
قول: حالانڪه ڪيترا سلطان ترڪي معزول ۽ مقتول ٿيا جو شريعت ۾ نهايت ناجائزامر آهي.
جيڪڏهن چالاڪي رڳو مولوي صاحب جن جي حصي ۾ آئي آهي ته گهٽ ۾ گهٽ چالاڪي جا سمجهڻ وارا دنيا ۾ گهڻا ٿيندا.
مولوي صاحب جن معزول ۽ مقتول ٻنهي لفظن کي انهي لاءِ گڏيو آهي ته عام ماڻهن کي خليفي کي خلافت ۽ بادشاهي کان برطرف ڪرڻ ۽ ان کي مقتول ڪرڻ ٻئي هڪ جهڙيون ڳالهيون ڏسڻ ۾ اچن ۽ مسلمانن جي نظر ۾ مقتول سان گڏجي معزول به هڪڙي وڏي خراب ڳالهه ڏسڻ ۾ اچي ۽ پورو وري پنهنجي مطلب کي پورو ڪرڻ لاءِ معزول ڪرڻ ۽ قتل ڪرڻ ٻنهي کي گڏي ناجائز ٻڌائين ٿا پر ائين نه آهي قتل ڪرڻ برابر شريعت ۾ ناجائز امر آهي ۽ انهي ڪري جڏهن ڪنهن ناخدا ترس قاتل خليفي کي شهيد ڪيو آهي ته ان جي پوري طرح تفتيش ڪري سزا ڏني ويئي آهي. باقي معزول ڪرڻ جي لاءِ مان اڳتي ٻڌائيندس ته جائز آهي ۽ مولوي صاحب جن بالڪل غلط چيو آهي ته ناجائز آهي.
قول: ڪتب عقائد ۾ صاف تشريح موجود آهي ته خليفو ملڪ جو سواءِ ڪافر ٿيڻ جي معزول نه ٿو ڏئي سگهي.
افسوس آهي جو عوام الناس کي وڏو فريب ڏنو ويو آهي ۽ مون کي مجبورن ائين چوڻو پوي ٿو ته هي ڳالهه بالڪل غلط ۽ صريحًا ناواقفيت تي مبني آهي.
امام ۽ خليفو معزول ٿي سگهي ٿو اها اهڙي کلي ڳالهه آهي جو ڪنهن شهادت پيش ڪرڻ جي ضرورت ئي ڪانهي پر انهي لاءِ مولوي صاحب جن غور ڪن سندين خدمت ۾ عرض ڪيان ٿو شرح مقاصد ۾ لکيل آهي ته:
ينحل عقد الامامتہ بما يزول به مقصود الامامتہ.
امامت قائم ڪرڻ جو غرض جن ڳالهين سان ٽٽي پوي ٿو انهن ڳالهين پيدا ڪري امامت به زائل ٿي ويندي.
۽ ڪتاب شرح مواقف ۾ چيل آهي ته:
………………………………………………….
جيڪڏهن ڪو سبب پيدا ٿي پوي ته پوءِ امت کي امام جي معزول ڪرڻ جو اختيار آهي. مثلن هن کان ڪا اهڙي ڳالهه ظاهر ٿئي جنهن مان مسلمانن جي حالتن جي خرابي ۽ ديني امور جي گهٽتائي پيدا ٿئي ۽ موقف ڪرڻ به مسلمانن جي اهڙوئي وس آهي جهڙو انتظام ۽ ديني امور جي واڌاري لاءِ ان کي قائم ڪرڻ ۽ جيڪڏهن ان جي معزول ڪرڻ مان ڪو فتنو جاڳي ته ٻنهي مان هلڪي خرابي اختيار ڪرڻ گهرجي.
بعض ڪتابن جيڪڏهن امام ۽ خليفي کي معزول ڪرڻ کان جهليو آهي به رڳو ايتري لاءِ ته متان ان کي معزول ڪرڻ ڪري ان جا طرفدار مخالفت ڪن ۽ پوءِ مسلمانن جي پاڻ ۾ خونريزي ٿئي انهي شر کي ٽارڻ لاءِ منع ڪئي اٿن. پر جيڪڏهن اهڙي فساد پيدا ٿيڻ جو امڪان نه هجي ته پوءِ قانون اسلامي چوي ٿو خليفو معزول ڪرڻ لائق آهي ۽ ٿي سگهي ٿو.
سلطان عبدالحميد خان مرحوم کي جڏهن معزول ڪيو ويو هو تڏهن دنيا کي خبر آهي ته فتنو و فساد جو انديشو ڪو نه هو ۽ بفضله تعاليٰ ٿيو تنهنڪري قوم مان اهل حل و عقد جيڪڏهن ان جي مقدس عهدي کان جدا ڪيو ته شريعت اسلامي بلڪل جائز چوي ٿي.
مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته اهڙين ڳالهين تي غور ڪرن ۽ فريب نه کائين پنهنجي ايمان کي بچائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن ڇو ته اسان مسلمانن کي خدا جي طرفان هڪڙو آزمائش جو زمانو آيل ٿو ڏسجي جيڪو خود جا جيڪي مولوي (جن جو ڪم مسلمانن کي هدايت ڪرڻ هجڻ گهرجي) سي گمراهه ڪرڻ ۽ سڌي رستي کان هٽائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪري رهيا آهن.
چو ڪفراز ڪعبه برخيزد ڪي ماند مسلماني.
جب مسيحا دشمن جان هو تو هو ڪيونڪر شفا
ڪون رهبر هو بهلا جب خضر بهڪاني لگي.
قول: هي چوڻ ۾ ٿو اچي ته جيستائين سلطان ترڪي وٽ تبرڪات رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم جا موجود آهن تيستائين ٻيو ڪو خليفونه ٿو ٿي سگهي. سو سڀ کان وڏا ۽ عمده تبرڪات رسول الله صلعم جا حرمين شريفين آهن ۽ جيڪو انهن جو خادم آهي ان کي ٻين سڀني خلافت جي مدعين کان زياده حق آهي.
هنن لفظن ڏسڻ کانپوءِ ته صفا معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته هن رسالي جو مضمون مولوي صاحب جن جي قلم و زبان مان نڪتل نه آهي بلڪه پوري خول مان ڪو ٻيو آواز ڪڍي رهيو آهي.
از پس آئينه طوطي صفتم و اشته اند
انچه استاد ازل گفت همان مي گويم.
مان ڪيئن مڃان ته هن رسالي جي ورقن تي هڪڙي اهڙي دل جي جذبات جو نقشو آهي جنهن جي زبان مان سچائي سان لا الِٰہ الا الله محمد رسول الله صلعم نڪري ٿو اعتبار ڪرڻ جهڙي ڳالهه ئي ڪونهي ته رسالا تحقيق الخلافتہ مولوي صاحب جن پنهنجي اعتقاد ۽ ضمير جي مطابق لکيو آهي ڇو ته بقول غالب مرحوم.
چرخ ڪو ڪب يه سليقه هين ستم گاري من
ڪوئي معشوق هين اس پرده زنگاري مين.
۽ اها افسوسناڪ ڳالهه آهي ته حبيب پاڪ روحي فدا صلعم جي ضرورت جو اندازو مولوي صاحب جن کان نه ٿي سگهيو آهي ۽ هو نائب رسول صلعم وٽ حضور جا نشان ۽ تبرڪات غير ضروري سمجهن ٿا.
مولوي صاحب جن کي اها خبر هوندي ته هميشه کان اهو خدائي قانون هليو آيو آهي ته پيغمبرن جا تبرڪات سندن جانشنين جي سچائي جو ثبوت ليکڻ ۾ ايندو آهي.
خداوند جل و جلاله نبي اسرائيل جو هڪڙو پراڻو واقعو بيان ڪري بالڪل صفائي سان انهي جهڳڙي جو فيصلو ڪري ڇڏيو آهي. ارشاد الاهي هن ريت آهي ته:
اذ قال لهم نبيهم ان الله قد بعث لکم طالوت ملڪًا قالوا انيٰ يڪون لہ الملڪ علينا و نحن احق بالملڪ منہ قال انه الله اصطفٰہ عليکم و زاده بسطتہ في العلم والجسم والله يوتي ملڪہ من يشاء والله واسع عليم وقال لهم نبيهم ان اٰيتہ ملڪہ ان ياتيڪم التابوت فيہ سڪينتہ من ربکم و بقيتہ مما ترڪ اٰل موسيٰ وال هٰرون تحملہ الملٰڪتہ ان في ذٰلک لايتہ ان کنتم مومنين.
جڏهن سندن (بني اسرائيل جي) نبي کين چيو ته خدا تعاليٰ اطالون کي توهان جو بادشاهه مقرر ڪيو ته چيائون ته وري انهي کي اسان تي بادشاهي ڪيئن ملندي ۽ ان کان ته اسين وڌيڪ حقدارآهيون. چيائين ته خدا ڪريم هن کي توهان تي حڪومت ڪرڻ جي لاءِ پسند ڪيو آهي ۽ هن کي علم ۽ جسم (طاقت) ۾ ڪشادو ڪيو اٿس. ۽ خدا جي مرضي جنهن کي پنهنجو ملڪ ڏئي (۽ خدا جا سڀ ڪم چڱا آهن ڇو ته) ڏاڍو گنجائش وارو ۽ داناءُ آهي ۽ نبي عليہ السلام ائين به چيو ته ان جي بادشاهه ٿيڻ جي نشاني هي آهي ته جنهن صندوق ۾ توهان جي خدا جي تسلي (مقدس تورات) ۽ حضرت موسيٰ ۽ حضرت هارون جي اولاد جا باقي ڇڏيل تبرڪات موجود آهن توهان وٽ ايندي ۽ فرشتا ان کي کڻندا ۽ جيڪڏهن توهان ۾ ايمان آهي ته توهان جي لاءِ هي هڪڙي نشاني ئي بس آهي.
هاڻي قرآن مجيد جي هڪڙي هڪڙي لفظ تي غور ڪيو. معلوم ٿيندو ته جنهن تي مولوي صاحب جن ۾ مونجهاري کان چڙهي نه ٿا سگهن تنهن جو تمام کليل لفظن ۾ خدا تبارڪ و تعاليٰ فيصلو ڪيو آهي. هن مختصر رسالي ۾ ايتري گنجائش نه آهي نه ته مان اوهان کي ٻڌايان ته قرآن شريف جي هڪ هڪ لفظ مان مولوي صاحب جن جي سڄي رسالي جو رد آهي پر جيڪا ڳالهه مان هينئر اوهان کي ٻڌائڻ گهران ٿو سا بالڪل صفا پئي آهي. جڏهن ماڻهن طالوت جي بادشاهي قبول نه ٿي ڪئي تڏهن پيغمبر وقت کي ضرورت ٿي ته ماڻهن کي دليل سان هن جي بادشاهي مًڃارائي. هڪڙو زبردست دليل خدا جي طرفان اهو بيان ڪيو ويو ته اوهان کي گذريلن پيغمبرن جا تبرڪات آڻي ڏيکاريندو جنهن مان معلوم ٿيو ته پيغمبر جا تبرڪات موجود هجن ان جي جانشيني جو وڏو دليل آهي.
مولوي صاحب جن جي هنن لفظن مان ته ”هي جو چوڻ ۾ ٿو اچي معلوم ٿو ٿئي ته پاڻ سمجهو اٿن ته تبرڪات کي خلافت جو دليل ماڻهن کي ٺهرايو آهي پر اها مها غلطي آهي مان کين ٻڌايان ٿو ته هي حضرت رب العزتہ جو دليل بيان ڪيو آهي ۽ اهو اعتراض اسان تي نه ٿو ٿئي پر خود خدا ئي قهار تي ٿئي ٿو ۽ پوءِ بهرحال انهي جا جيڪو خدا جي فيصلن تي اعتراض ڪري قرآن پاڪ جي لفظن مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته خداوند ڪريم انهي دليلن کي هڪڙو زبردست دليل ٺهرايو آهي جنهن ڪري انهي نشاني ۽ دليل کي ايمان جي ڪسوٽي ۽ پرک فرمايو اٿس ڇو ته چوي ٿو ته جيڪڏهن اوهان کي ايمان آهي نه اهو ئي دليل گنج اٿو.“
هاڻي مولوي صاحب جن غور ڪن ته جيڪڏهن حضرت موسيٰ عليہ السلام جا تبرڪات حڪومت جو اهڙو زبردست دليل ٿي سگهن ٿا ته ڇو حضور آقائن نامدار سردار انس و جان صلعم جا تبرڪات دليل خلافت نٿا ٿي سگهن؟
پر تبرڪات کان اڳ ۾ قرآن شريف انهن تمام ضروري ڳالهين ڏي اشارو فرمايو آهي جيڪي خلافت ۽ بادشاهي ۽ پيغمبر جي جان نشينن جي لاءِ لازمي طرح هجڻ گهرجي. چنانچه ارشاد الاهي آهي ته طالوت کي جو خدا بادشاهي جي لاءِ منتخب فرمايو آهي ته ان کي علم و دانش طاقت و قوت ۾ به اهڙوئي ڪو اٿس جنهن ڪري بادشاهي جي لائق ٿي سگهي ۽ اها ئي ڳالهه آهي جنهن لاءِ علماء خلف و خلق جو اتفاق آهي ته خليفته المسلمين ضرور قوي زبردست ۽ طاقت وارو هجڻ گهرجي پوءِ مولوي صاحب جن کي خيال فرمائڻ گهرجي ته معدود چند عربن جي جماعت ۽ هڪڙي پرائي هٿ وس نواب کي ڪيئن اهڙي ذميواري سونپڻ جي ذليل ڪوششن ڪن ٿا جنهن لاءِ خداوند ڪريم جي صريح ارشاد جي برخلاف ٿئي ٿي. آخر ۾ مولوي صاحب جن مسلمانن کي وعظ فرمايو آهي ته بادشاهه وقت جي اطاعت ضروري آهي. بيشڪ هي اهڙي ڳالهه چئي اٿن جنهن جي ضرورت کي عام مسلمان مولوي صاحب جن کان وڌيڪ محسوس ڪن ٿا پر حاڪم جي اطاعت سان گڏ اسان تي ۽ مولوي صاحب تي انهي زبردست حاڪم جا حقوق ۽ فرائض آهن جن کان رڳو خوشامد پرستي جي ڪري بي پرواهه ٿيڻ نهايت ايمان سوزي ۽ اسلام فروشي آهي ۽ حڪومت چڱي طرح سمجهي ٿي ته جو شخص پنهنجي خدا ۽ پنهنجي رسول ۽ مقدس ايمان ۽ مذهبي تعليم جي برخلاف ڪرڻ يا چوڻ ۾ بي پاڪ آهي تنهن ۾ انساني شرافت جي انهي پاڪ جو هر يعني وفاداري ۽ اطاعت مان ڪو به بهرو ڪو نه هوندو ۽ پوءِ جيڪڏهن هو اطاعت يا وفداري جي دعويٰ ڪري ته يقينن ان ۾ سچائي ڪا نه هوندي. بس شورشر نه ٿا ڪيون سو به انهي پروردگار جي ارشاد جي ڪري جنهن ديني ڳالهين جي پابندي ۽ احترام اسان تي سڀ کان وڌيڪ ضروري ڪيو آهي.
۽ انهي ڪري اسان پاڻ گورنمينٽ جي سامهون نهايت ادب سان عرض ڪيون ٿا ته خلافت ۽ مقامات مقدسه جي فيصلي ۾ مسلمانن جي خالص مذهبي جذبات ۽ احساسات جو خيال رکي مسلمانن کي انهي نيڪ ڪوشش ۾ مدد ڏئي جا هو پنهنجي وفداري کي داغدار نه ڪرڻ جي لاءِ ڪري رهيا آهن.
۽ جيڪي تنگ نظر ماڻهو خوشامدڙين جي ضمير فروشي کان جلد خوش ٿي پائجامه مان نڪري وڃن ٿا تن کي گهرجي ته جيڪڏهن تحقيق الخلافت جي ڏسڻ سان کين ڪنهن گهڻي خوشي ورتو هجي ته مهرباني ڪري ان کي گهٽ ڪن ڇو ته انهن رسالي ۾ مسلمانن جي صحيح مذهب ۽ خيالات جي ذرو به ترجماني ڪا نه ڪئي وئي آهي.
پڇاڙي ۾ خدا کان دعا آهي ته پنهنجي دين کي ماراسنين کان هميشه محفوظ رکي آمين.
رَبَّنَا تَقَبَّلْ مِنَّا إِنَّكَ أَنْتَ السَّمِيعُ الْعَلِيمُ وَتُبْ عَلَيْنَا إِنَّكَ أَنْتَ التَّوَّابُ الرَّحِيمُ .
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حڪيم شمس الدين احمد- ڪراچي
متوطن نوشهره فيروز حال وارد-ايضًا
ولايتي ڪپڙي خريد ڪرڻ جي حرمت بابت جمعيت علماءِ صوبه سنده جي متفقه فتويٰ
الله اڪبر الله اڪبر
وَلَا تَعَاوَنُوا عَلَى الْإِثْمِ وَالْعُدْوَانِ
(سوره مائده)
ولايتي ڪپڙي
خريد ڪرڻ جي حرمت بابت
جمعيت علماءِ صوبه سنده جي
متفقه فتويٰ
جا
12-13 ذوالقعد سنه 1340 جمعيت جي اجلاس سکر ۾ جيڪو زير صدارت سيد قاضي اسد الله شاهه صاحب جي منعقد ٿيو هيو، منظور ڪئي وئي.
دفع پهريون قيمت ۶–۱–۰ جلد ۲۰۰۰
الوحيد اليڪٽرڪ پريس ڪراچي.
ولايتي ڪپڙي خريد ڪرڻ جي منع هجڻ واريءَ فتويٰ جي تمهيد
بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم
الحمد لله الذي اليہ البدايتہ والنهايتہ والصلواتہ والسلام علٰي رسولہ الذي ختم عليہ النبوة والرسالتہ و علٰي آلہ و صحبہ اجمعين.
(1)امابعد- ڄاڻڻ گهرجي ته ولايتي ڪپڙا جي نه خريد ڪرڻ بابت اصل ۽ بنياد هيٺين آيت آهي.
إِنَّمَا يَنْهَاكُمُ اللَّهُ عَنِ الَّذِينَ قَاتَلُوكُمْ فِي الدِّينِ وَأَخْرَجُوكُم مِّن دِيَارِكُمْ وَظَاهَرُوا عَلَىٰ إِخْرَاجِكُمْ أَن تَوَلَّوْهُمْ
ترجمو: ”جن ماڻهن توهان سان دين جي باري ۾ جنگ ڪئي آهي ۽ اوهان کي اوهان جن ملڪن مان ڪڍيو يا ڪڍڻ تي مدد ڪئي آهي تن سان ”موالات“ ڪرڻ کان الله تعاليٰ اوهان کي منع ٿو ڪري.“
انهيءَ آيت جي حڪم موجب هندستان جي مشهور علمائن حربي ڪافرن سان ”ترڪ موالات“ جي فتويٰ ڏني آهي. ڇو ته الله تعاليٰ مٿين آيت ۾ ڏيکاريل ٽن قسمن جي ڪافرن سان ايمان وارن کي موالات رکڻ کان روڪيو آهي ۽ ”موالات“ جي معنيٰ ۾“ ويجهائي جا سڀ لاڳاپا، ۽ همراهي ڪرڻ، ۽ مددگاري جا سمورا ڳانڍاپا داخل آهن. حربين سان اهڙا معاملا رکڻ جن جي ڪري ساڻن ربط ۽ ايڪو زياده ٿئي يا انهن جي هيٺيليءَ طاقت کي فائدو پهچي يا اسلامي شوڪت جي تباهه ٿيڻ جو سبب هجي يا انهن سان اهڙي ڏيتي ليتي رکجي جنهنڪري سندن محبت ۽ دوستي جو اظهار ٿئي يا ان مان مسلمانن جي بي غيرتي ۽ ذلت تي راضي رهڻ جو دليل ورتو وڃي ته اهڙا سمورا تعلقات شريعت ۾ منع ۽ حرام آهن.
(2) حربي ڪافرن جون تيار ڪيل عام شيون ۽ خاص طرح ڪيترو انهن جي اقتصادي ۽ جنگي ۽ سياسي قوت جو وڏو سبب آهي ۽ دشمنن جي انهيءَ ئي اقتصادي ۽ جنگي طاقت جي ڪري اسلام جي شوڪت کي ضعف ۽ نقصان پهچي ٿو ڇاڪاڻ ته موجوده زماني جي عام حڪومتن ۽ خاص ڪر يورپ جي بادشاهتن جي بيهڪ واپار تي آهي. جيڪا بادشاهت واپار ۾ وڌيڪ ماهر آهي ان جي جنگي طاقت به اعليٰ درجي جي آهي. انهيءَ ڪري هنن جي ملڪ جي ٺهيل شين جي خريد ڪرڻ سان کين عظيم الشان مالي امداد حاصل ٿئي ٿي ۽ ان جي منع هجڻ ۾ ڪو شڪ ۽ شبهو ڪو نه آهي.
ولم نبع مافيہ تقويتهم علي الحرب
(درمختيار ڪتاب الجهاد)
ترجمو: جنهن شئي مان ڪافرن کي جنگ ڪرڻ تي طاقت پهچي اها انهن کي نه وڪڻي ڏجي.
وڪل مايستعان بہ في الحرب لان فيہ امدادهم و اعانتهم علي احرب المسلمين. قال الله سبحانہ و تعالي ولا تعلو نوا علي الاثم والعدوان.
(بدائع صنائع)
ترجمو: (ڪافرن کي) ان شئي جو وڪڻي ڏيڻ منع آهي جنهن مان جنگي مدد پهچي سگهي ڇو ته ان ڪري ڪافرن کي مسلمانن جي مارڻ تي مدد ڪئي وڃي ٿي ۽ الله تعاليٰ فرمايو آهي ته گناهه ۽ بڇڙي ڪم تي مدد نه ڪريو.
معالم التنزيل وغيره ۾ آيت ” اشتروا بآيات الله ثمنا قليلا “جي تفسير ۾ ابن عباس رضه کان نقل آهي.
وذلک ان اهل الطائف امدوهم بالاموال ليقو وهم علي حرب رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم.
ترجمو: يعني ته طائف وارن مڪي جي ڪافرن کي مالي مدد ڏني هئي ته رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم سان جنگ ڪرڻ لاءِ طاقتور ٿين.
ان آيت ۾ طائف وارن جي انهيءَ فعل يعني مڪي جي ڪافرن کي رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم جي برخلاف جنگ ڪرڻ لاءِ مالي امداد ڏيڻ کي سختي سان ننديو ويو آهي.
انهن سڀني عبارتن تي غور ڪرڻ کانپوءِ پوري طرح ثابت ٿي ويو ته حربين سان انهيءَ قسم جو واپار ڪرڻ به موالات ۾ داخل آهي جنهن کان شريعت الاهي منع فرمائي آهي. جيئن ته ڪتاب ”عدة الامراَءَ والحڪام“ مطبوعه مصرجي صفحي نمبر 28 ۾ فرمائي ٿو ته:
قدسئل ابن سيرين عن رجل يبيع داره من نصراني يتخذها بيعتہ فتلا ومن يتولهم منڪم فانہ منهم فکيف حڪم من يتولا هم بجلب الميرة والبضائع والاموال التي تقويهم وتشد شوڪتهم علي الاسلام و يمن يذل لعزتهم و يتضعضع لصو لتهم و يخضع لاحڪلمهم فاني لہ بعد ذلک التسمي بعنوان الايمان والاسلام وقد استسلم لاحڪام الڪفر ايبتغون عندهم العزة فان العزه لله جميعا.
ترجمو: حضرت ابن سيرين (تابعيءَ) کان هڪ ماڻهو بابت پڇيو ويو جو نصراني کي پنهنجو گهر وڪڻي ڏي ۽ نصراني کي گرجا بڻائڻ جو ارادو هجي جواب ۾ هي آيت پڙهيائين ته و من يتولهم الايتہ يعني جيڪو اوهان مان انهن سان موالات رکندو ته اهو انهن مان آهي. پوءِ جو ماڻهو انهن (نصارن) کي اناج جي قافلن موڪلڻ ۽ سامان اسباب ڏيڻ سان مدد ڪري ٿو جنهنڪري هنن کي قوت ملي ٿي ۽ اسلام تي سندن غلبو ڏاڍو ٿئي ٿو ته ان جو ڪهڙو حڪم آهي ۽ ڪهڙو حڪم آهي ان جو جي هنن (نصارن) جي عزت لاءِ پاڻ کي ذليل ڪري ۽ هنن جي دٻدٻي اڳيان هيڻائي ظاهر ڪري ۽ هنن جي حڪمن اڳيان نوڙت ڪري ڇا ان کانپوءِ به اهڙي کي ايمان ۽ اسلام جي سر نيم سان سڏي سگهبو؟ حالانڪه، هن تي ڪفر جي حڪمن اڳيان ڪنڌ نوائي ڇڏيو آهي. انهن وٽ عزت جا طالبو آهن ڇا؟ پوءِ بيشڪ سموري عزت جو مالڪ الله آهي.
(3) ڪن ماڻهن جو هي اعتراض ڪرڻ ته حضور انور صلي الله عليه وسلم هڪ وقت مديني جي هودين کان سام جي حربي ڪافرن جو تيار ڪيل ڪپڙي خريد ڪرڻ جو ارادو ڪيو هو ۽ ان وقعي تي موتته واري جنگ کي شاهد آڻين ٿا سو بلڪل بيجا آهي، ڇو ته تاريخ مان معلوم نٿو ٿي سگهي ته سندن اهو ارادو (يعني يهودي کان شامي ڪپڙي خريد ڪرڻ وارو) جنگ موتته ۽ مٿين آيت جي نازل ٿيڻ کان اڳي هو يا پوءِ؟(حالانڪه غزوه موتته ۽ ان آيت جو نزول ٻئي هڪ سنه 8 هه جا واقعا آهن.) اهڙيءَ طرح اهو به معلوم نه آهي ته اهي ڪپڙا برابر شام جي انهي ڀاڱي مان خريد ڪيا ويا هئا جتي حربي رهندا هئا يا شام جي ٻئي ڪنهن ڀاڱي مان؟ ڇو ته انهي زماني ۾ ساري شام جا رهاڪو مسلمانن سان برسر جنگ نه هئا تنهنڪري ڪيئن چئبو ته ضرور ضرور اهي ڪپڙا جن جي فقط اڃا خريد ڪرڻ جو حضور انور صلي الله عليه وسلم ارادو فرمايو ضرور شام جي حربي ڪافرن وٽان واپار ۾ آيل هوندا؟ حالانڪه علمائن ڪافرن جي ٺهيل شين جي خريد ڪرڻ کان مطلق منع ڪا نه ڪئي آهي پر اها منع تڏهن آهي جڏهن باليقين معلوم ٿئي ته انهن شين جي خريد ڪرڻ سان محارب ڪافرن کي جنگ ۾ مدد پهچندي. ثمامة رضه واري حديث کي ڏسڻ گهرجي ته پهريان حضرت رسول الله صلي الله عليه وسلم ثمامة کي مڪي وارن ڏانهن اناج موڪلڻ جي هن ڪري منع فرمائي جو امڪان هو ته متان سندن جنگي طاقت ۾ امداد ٿئي. پر وري جڏهن معلوم ٿين ته انهي مان سندن جنگي قوت ته ڪا نه وڌندي پر مرڳو پيٽ پالڻ لاءِ ئي محتاج آهن تڏهن پاڻ اجازت فرمايائون تنهنڪري چئبو ته حربين سان معاملي رکڻ جو مدار انهن جي جنگي قوت جي مدنظر تي آهي يعني ته جيڪڏهن خريد فروخت مان انهن کي جنگي قوت پهچي ته منع آهي جي نه ته منع نه آهي.
قال الامام السرخسي فمن عليہ (اي ثماتة) رسول الله صلي الله عليه وسلم بشرط ان يقطع الميرة عن اهل مڪته ففعل هتي قحطو- (مبسوط ج 1 صفه 25)
ترجمو: امام سرخسي فرمايو آهي رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم ثمامة کي هن شرط تي ڇڏي ڏنو ته مڪي وارن ڏانهن اناج جو قافلو موڪلڻ بند ڪري ڇڏي جيئن ته تيستائين ائين ڪيائين جيستئاين هو ڏڪار ۾ گرفتار ٿيا.
ٻئي روايت آهي:
وانصوف الي بلده و منع الحمل الي مڪتہ حتي جهدت قريش وڪتبوا الي رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم ويسئالو نه بارحا مهم ان يڪتب الي ثمامتہ يحمل اليهم الطعام فقل رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم اهه(فتي القدير)
ترجمو: يعني ته ثامتہ ڳوٺ ڏانهن موٽي وڃي مڪي وارن ڏانهن اناج بند ڪيو تان جو هو بلک مرڻ لڳا ۽ رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم ڏانهن مائٽي جا قسم وجهي لکيائون ته ثمامتہ ڏانهن لکي ته ته هو هنن ڏانهن اناج موڪلي ڏي جنهن تي رسول الله صلي الله عليه وسلم ائين ڪيو.
هن تمهيد کي چڱي طرح ياد رکڻ گهرجي جو اڳتي فتويٰ جي سمجهڻ ۾ ڏاڍي مفيد ٿيندي.
حربين جي ڪپڙي خريد ڪرڻ جي حرام هجڻ بابت فتويٰ
بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم
سوال
علماءَ سڳورا هن صورت ۾ ڪهڙو حڪم ڏين ٿا ته حربي ڪافرن کي اهڙ: حالت ۾ جو هو مسلمانن سان وڙهي رهيا هجن ته سندن ملڪ جي تيار ٿيل شين خاص ڪري ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ سان مدد ڪرڻ جائز آهي يا نه؟ جنهن مان هنن کي عظيم الشان مالي امداد ملي ٿي ۽ هوڏانهن مسلمانن کي انهن ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ جي ضرورت به ڪا نه آهي. اٿلندو پنهنجي ديسي هنرن ۽ وطن جي رهاڪن کي نقصان پهچڻ جو يقين آهي ته اهڙي حالت ۾ ولايتي ڪپڙا خريد ڪرڻ ناجائز آهن يا نه؟ عدم جواز واري صورت ۾ ريل جي سواري ۽ پوسٽ وغيره جو به حڪم بيان فرمائيندا.
جواب
حربي ڪافرن کي مالي مدد ڪرڻ شريعت ۾ بالڪل ناجائز آهي. خاص ڪري ان حالت ۾ جو هو مسلمانن سان وڙهي رهيا هجن. الله تعاليٰ فرمايو آهي ته ” وَلَا تَعَاوَنُوا عَلَى الْإِثْمِ وَالْعُدْوَانِ “ يعني ته گناهه ۽ بڇڙائي تي مدد نه ڪريو. اهو ئي سبب آهي جو فقيهن رحمة الله عليهم حربي ڪافرن کي هٿيارن ۽ ٻين سڀني اهڙين شين جي وڪڻي ڏيڻ کان منع فرمائي آهي جنهن مان هنن کي جنگ ۾ مدد ملي. جيئن سير ڪبير ۾ آهي ”ڪل ما يستعان بہ في الحرب“ پوءِ جنهن حالت ۾ رپيا هٿيارن وغيره جي حاصل ڪرڻ جو ذريعو آهن ۽ جنگين جي مدد ۾ مقصودي ۽ اصول شئي آهن ته انهن سان مدد ڪرڻ بالضرور منع آهي. آيت شريف ”ان الذين ڪفروا ينفقون اموالهم ليصدو عن سبيل الله“ جي تفسير ۾ ابن جو ۽ بيهقي ۽ ٻين کان روايت آهي ته:-
ليا اصيب قريش يوم بدر فرجعوا الي مکتہ مشي صفوان بن اميتہ و عڪرمتہ بن ابي جهل و عبدالله بن ربيعتہ في رجال من قريش اصيب آبائهم و اخوانهم ببدر فڪلموا ابا سفيان و من ڪانت لہ في تلک العير في قريش من تجارة فقالوا يا معشر قريش ان محمد اقد و ترڪم و قتل رجالکم فاعينونا بهذا المال علي حربه لعلنا ندرڪ منہ ثارنا ففعلوا ففهيم ڪما ذڪر ابن عباس رضه انزل الله تعاليٰ ان الذين ڪفرو اينفقون اموالهم الايتہ.
ترجمو: يعني قريش جڏهن بدر جي ڏينهن شڪست کائي مڪي ڏانهن موٽي آيا تڏهن صفوان ۽ عڪرمتہ ۽ ابن ربيعتہ ٻين قريشي ماڻهن سان جن جا مائٽ بدر ۾ ماريا ويا هئا هلي اچي ابو سفيان ۽ سندس واپار ۾ سنگتين سان گفتگو ڪيائون. ۽ چيائون ته اي قريشي جماعت! محمد (صلي الله عليہ وسلم) اوهان کي شڪست ڏني ۽ اوهان جا مڙس مارائي ڇڏيائين تنهنڪري هن واپار جي مال سان ان جي جنگ تي اسان جي مدد ڪريو من اسان پنهنجي وير وٺڻ ۾ ڪامياب ٿيون. پوءِ قريشين ائين ڪيو يعني تجارت مان انهن کي مالي امداد ڪيائون ابن عباس رضه جي چوڻ موجب انهن جي حق ۾ ئي اها آيت نازل ٿي ته ”ڪافر پنهنجو مال هن ڪري خرچ ڪن ٿا ته سڌي رستي تان روڪي ڇڏين.“
تفسير بيضاوي ۽ ابوالسعود ۽ تفير ڪبير ڪشاف ۾ به اهڙي طرح آيل آهي. هن مان معلوم ٿيو ته روپيا جنگ جي اعانت ۾ نهايت ڪارآمد شئي آهي. الله تعاليٰ ڪيترين آيتن ۾ جهاد لاءِ مسلمانن کان مال جي طلب ڪئي آهي جيئن ته حڪم آهي:
جا هدوا باموالکم و انفسکم
ترجمو: پنهنجي مالن ۽ پنهنجي ساهن سان جهاد ڪريو.
امام سيد محمود بغدادي ان آيت جي تفسير ۾ لکي ٿو
والجهاد بالمال انفاقہ علي السلاح و تزويد العزاة ونحو ذلک
(روح المعاني)
ترجمو: مال سان جهاد ڪرڻ جو هي مطلب آهي ته هٿيارن جي خريد ڪرڻ ۽ غازين جي تيار ڪرڻ ۽ ٻين اهڙن ڪمن لاءِ خرچيو وڃي.
جيڪڏهن روپيا جهاد ۾ ضروري شئي نه هجن ها ته انهن جي طلب ايڏي تاڪيد سان ڇو ڪئي وڃي ها. ها صحيح حديث ۾ مال کي نعم المعونہ يعني چڱي امداد جو لقب ڏنو ويو آهي. حديث جا لفظ هي آهن.
ان هذا المال حضرة حلوة فمن اخذه بحقہ و وضعه في حقه فمنعم المعونتہ.
ترجمو: هي مال تازو ۽ مٺو آهي پوءِ جنهن ان کي حلال طريقي سان حاصل ڪري چڱي جاءِ خرچ ڪيو ته ڏاڍي چڱي امداد آهي.
ردالمحتار ۾ فرمائي ٿو:
و ان ضعف اهل ثغرعن مقاومتہ الکفره و خيف عليهم من العدو فعلي من ورائهم من المسلمين الاقورب فالا قرب ان ينفرو اليهم ويمد وهم بالسلاح والکراع والمال لما ذڪروا.
(ڪتاب الجهاد)
ترجمو: جيڪڏهن ڪنهن اسلامي سرحد جا مسلمان ڪافرن جي مقابلي کان هيڻان ٿي پون ۽ انهن تي دشمن جي دست درازي جو خوف هجي ته پوءِ ٻين قريب علم مسلمانن تي درجي بدرجي فرض آهي ته انهن ڏانهن وڃن ۽ هٿيار ۽ گهوڙن ۽ مال سان انهن جي مدد ڪن.
هت اعانت ۾ مال ۽ هٿيارن ۽ گهوڙن کي هڪجهڙو برابر ڳڻيو ويو آهي.
فطري جي صدقي ۾ اگرچه اناج ڏيڻ بابت صاف شرعي حڪم موجود آهي مگر فقهائن ان جي قيمت کي خيرات ڏيڻ وڌيڪ چڱو ۽ افضل لکيو آهي. ان جو سبب هن طرح بيان ڪيو ويو آهي.
لان العلتہ في افضيلتہ القيمہ ڪونها اعون علي دفع حاجتہ العقير.
(رد المحتاد)
ترجمو: يعني ته (فطري جي اناج جي) قيمت ڏيڻ هن ڪري افضل آهي جو اها محتاج جي ضرورت پوري ڪرڻ لاءِ وڌيڪ مدد ڪندڙ آهي.
علامه ابن قيم فرمائي ٿو ته:
و بهذا افتي شيخ الاسلام ابن قيميتہ بغز و نصاري المشرق لمااعانوا عدو المسلمين علي قتالهم فامدوا هم بالمال والسلاح و ان ڪانو الم يغزونا ولم يحاربونا وراهم ناقضين لعلهد ڪما نقضت قريش عهد النبي صلي الله عليه وسلم با عانتهم نبي بڪم بن وائل علي حرب حلفائه فڪيف اذا اعان اهل الذمتہ المشر ڪين علي حرب المسلمين.
(زاد المعاد ج 1 صفحه 1331)
يعني جڏهن مشرق جي معاهد نصارن مسلمانن جي دشمنن کي مال ۽ هٿيارن سان ڏني ته شيخ الاسلام ابن تميميه انهن سان غزا ڪرڻ جي فتويٰ ڏني اگرچه هنن سڌي سنئين مسلمانن سان جنگ ڪا نه ڪئي هئي پر هنن مسلمانن جي دشمنن کي مدد ڏيڻ سان معاهدو ڀڃي ڇڏيو هو جيئن ته رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم جي زماني ۾ قريشين بني بڪر وارن کي رسول الله جي طرف وارن (معاهد قريشن) سان جنگ ڪرڻ لاءِ مدد ڏني هئي. (انتهي حاصله)
هن پڌرن شرعي حڪمن مان صاف طرح معلوم ٿيو ته مال سان مدد ڪرڻ هٿيارن جي مدد جهڙي بلڪه ان کان به وڌيڪ آهي تنهنڪري حربي ڪافرن کي مالي امداد ڪرڻ بهر صورت منع آهي. فقهائن رح ته ايتري قدر به لکيو آهي ته اهڙو ڪم ئي نه ڪجي جنهن مان حربين کي ڪا تقويت پهچي.
قال في السير الڪبير ولا يحل لمسلم اڪستاب سبب تقويتهم علي قتال المسلمين.
ترجمو: يعني ته مسلمانن لاءِ اهڙو ڪم ڪرڻ به حلال نه آهي جو حربي ڪافرن جي جنگي قوت جو سبب بڻجي.
فقيهن رحمهم الله تعاليٰ جي هن قول مان ”ماقامت المعصيته بعينه يڪره و اهو السلاح والکراع والعبيد وما فلا وهو الطعام والقماش“ جي ماڻهو دليل وٺي چون ٿا ته هٿيارن جو واپار حربين سان هن لاءِ منع آهي جو هٿيارن جي جند سان جنگ ڪئي وڃي ٿي. باقي ڪپڙن ۽ اناج ۽ اهڙي طرح روپين جي جند سان جنهن حالت ۾ جنگ ڪا نه ڪئي وڃي ٿي ته انهن سان مدد ڏيڻ جي منع به نه آهي، اگرچ سندن اهو قاعدو ظهر روايت موجب حربين کي لوهه وڪڻي ڏيڻ جي عدم جواز واري حالت ۾ ڀڄي پوي ٿو تاهم اهو دليل اعتبار ڪرڻ جهڙوئي نه آهي ڇو ته ان دليل وٺڻ جي غلطيءَ ۾ هن ڪري پيا آهن جو هو روڪڙ کي وٿ تي قياس ڪري ٻنهي کي هڪ جهڙو سمجهن ٿا، حقيقت ۾ روپين کي عام سامان وانگر سمجهڻ بي سمجهائي ۽ اجائي هوڏ آهي. ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته روپيا لوهه وانگر جنگ جو اصلي مقصد آهن يعني جيئن لوهه هٿيارن جو اصل آهي تيئن سون ۽ چاندي هٿيارن جو بنياد ۽ اصل آهي ڇو ته لشڪر جي کاڌ خوراڪ ۽ سندس پگهار لاء اها ئي ڪارآمد شئي آهي پوءِ نقد کي عام سامان جي برابر سمجهڻ انهن ماڻهن جو ڪم آهي جي دنيا و مافيها کان بالڪل بي خبرآهن. جنهن شئي کي ”نعم المعونته“ جو لقب ڏنو ويو آهي، افسوس جو اسان جا ڪي همعصر علماءَ ان کي مددگاريءَ جي معاملي ۾ ڪجهه نٿا ڪري سمجهن. حالانڪه فقهائن چڱي طرح پڌرو ڪري ڇڏيو آهي ته مٿين صورت وارو فرق هٿيارن ۽ ٻئي سامان ۾ آهي نه هٿيارن ۽ ناڻي ۾ شرح سير ڪبير ۾ فرمائي ٿو ”و هذالمعني لا يوجد في سائرا الامتعته “ يعني ته حقيقي اعانت هٿيارن جيتري ٻئي سامان ۾ بالڪل ڪا نه آهي.
هاڻي جڏهن هي ثابت ٿيو ته روپيا جنگ ۾ هٿيارن کان به وڌيڪ ضروري آهن تڏهن لازم آهي ته مالي امداد کانپوءِ ڪهڙي به قسم جي هجي ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ يا ٻئي ڪنهن اهڙي شئي جي خريد ڪرڻ سان جنهن جي ضرورت به نه هجي پرهيز ڪري ۽ پنهنجي وطن جي ڪپڙن ۽ شين تي قناعت ڪرڻ گهرجي. خاص ڪري اهڙي حالت ۾ ولايتي ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ سان پنهنجي ملڪ جي ويراني ٿئي ۽ وطن جي رهاڪن کي نقصان پهچي، جيئن ته فقهائن حربين کي اناج وڪڻي ڏيڻ جي جو ازجي ان حلت ۾ فتويٰ ڏني آهي جڏهن پنهنجي ملڪ جي رهاڪن کي ڪو نقصان نه هجي پر جيڪڏهن ان مان ملڪ وارن کي نقصان پهچي يا ضرورت هجين ته فرمايو اٿن ته
لا يخفي ان هذا اذالم يکن بالمسلمين حاجته الي الطعام فلو احتا جوه لم يجز
(ردالمحتار)
ترجمو: يعني ته اناج وڪڻڻ ان حالت ۾ جائز آهي جڏهن مسلمانن کي اناج جي ضرورت نه هجي پر جيڪڏهن کين ضرورت آهي ته پوءِ حربين کي وڪڻي ڏيڻ جائز نه آهي.
اهڙيءَ طرح جيڪڏهن ڪپڙن ۽ اناج جي خريد ڪرڻ مان پنهنجي وطن کي نقصان ٿيندو هجي ته پوءِ بالضرور ممنوع آهي لاتحاد العلة.
ڪي ماڻهو ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ کي هن ڪري جائز چون ٿا ته فقهائن هٿيارن جي وڪري کي ناجائز ۽ ٻئي سامان جي وڪري کي جائز رکيو آهي ۽ هنن خريد ڪرڻ جي ته ڳالهه ئي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي ۽ هو ڏهن سڀڪنهن شئي جو اصل اباحت آهي تنهنڪري ڪپڙن جو خريد ڪرڻ ان اصل موجب جائز چئبو. مگر افسوس جو هي بي خبر هيترو به نٿا ويچار ڪن ته ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ مان هنن کي هڪ وڏي مالي اعانت حاصل ٿئي ٿي جا بالڪل منع آهي. ۽ ان کانسواءِ (1) اهو قاعدو ان وقت لاءِ جو ٻيو ڪو دليل روڪ يا منع جو موجود نه هجي. (2) ته اهو قاعدو مختلف فيه آهي (3)ته هي به قاعدو آهي ته جڏهن مباح ۽ حرام ٻنهي جو ٽڪرو ٿئي تڏهن اتي حرام کي ترجيح ڏني ويندي. ان کان وڌيڪ عجب انهن ماڻهن جو آهي جيڪي پاڻ کي محققن مان ڳڻائين ٿا اهي ولايتي ڪپڙن جي پائڻ کي آيت ”قل من حرم زينتہ الله التي اخرج لعباده الايہ“ مان ثابت ڪن ٿا (يعني ته چئو ته جيڪا الله تعاليٰ زينت پنهنجي ٻانهن لاء پيدا ڪئي آهي ان کي ڪنهن حرام ڪيو آهي) مگر اهي نفس جا مزيد تفسير دانئي کان ايتري قدر بي خبر آهن جو کين اها به سڌ ڪا نه آهي ته اها آيت جمهور علماءَ وٽ مطلق لباس جي باري ۾ آهي يعني ته اسلام کان اڳ عرب جا ڪافر ڪعبتہ الله جي طواف واري حالت ۾ لباس ڍڪڻ کي حرام ڄاڻيندا هئا ۽ اگهاڙا ٿي طواف ڪندا هئا. انهن جي ترديد ۾ الله تعاليٰ اها آيت موڪلي يعني ته اي انسانو! الله پوشاڪ اوهان جي زينت جي لاءِ پيدا ڪئي آهي پوءِ ڇو اوهان الله جي ان عطا ڪيل زينت کي حرام ڪري اگهڙ کي پسند ڪريو ٿا. آيت جو هي مطلب نه آهي ته لباس جو ڪو خاص قسم زينت ۽ زيب آهي ۽ ان کي حرام نه ڪريو. امام ابن جرير طبري رضه پنهنجي تفسير ۾ لکي ٿو ته:
قل يا محمد لهو لاءِ الجهلتہ من العرب الذين يتعرون عند طوافهم بالبيت و يحرمون علي انفسهم ماحلت لهم من طيبات الرزاق من حرم يا ايها القوم زينتہ الله التي خلقها لعباده ان يتزينو ابها ويتجملوا بلباسها.
ترجمو: اي محمد انهن عرب جي جاهلن کي جيڪي بيت الله جي طواف وقت اگهاڙا ٿين ٿا ۽ الله جي حلال ڪيل شئي کي حرام ڪن ٿا چوين ته اي قوم الله تعاليٰ جيڪا (پوشاڪ جي) زينت پنهنجي ٻانهن لاء پيدا ڪئي آهي ان سان پاڻ کي سينگاريو ۽ ڪپڙن ڍڪڻ سان تجمل ڪريو (اگهاڙا ٿي ڇو طواب ڪريو ٿا؟)
ڪپڙن جي تجمل ۽ زينت مان سنهڙو يا نفيس ڪپڙو مردا نه آهي ۽ نڪا اها مرد وٺي سگهبي ڇو ته رسول الله صلي الله عليہ وسلم ٿلها ڪپڙا پائيندا ۽ ساديءَ زندگي کي پسند ڪندا هئا امام حسن بصري فرمايو آهي ته
ڪان يجلس علي الرض ويلبس الغليظ ويرڪب الحمار ويردف عبده و ڪان يقول من رغب عن سنتي فليس مني-اهه-
ترجمو: پاڻ (رسول الله) زمين تي ويهندو ۽ ٿلها ڪپڙا ڍڪيندو ۽ گڏهه تي سوار ٿيندو هو ۽ پنهنجي نوڪر کي ٻيلهه چاڙهيندو هو ۽ فرمائيندو هو ته جيڪو منهنجي رستي کان منهن موڙيندو اهو منهنجو نه آهي.
منتخب ڪنز العمال ۾ آهي ته:
اتاما ڪتاب عمر بن الخطاب رضي الله عنہ امابعد فاتزرو وارتد وا وانتعلوا وار موابالخفاف والقوا السرا ويلات و عليڪم بلباس ابيڪم اسماعيل عليہ السلام وياڪم والتنعم وزي العجم وعليڪم بالشمس فانها حمام العرب تمعددوا واخشو شنوا واخلو لقوا اهه.
ترجمو: اسن آذربائيجان ۾ هئاسون ته اميرالمومنين عمر بن خطاب رضه جو خط آيو جنهن ۾ (لکيل) هو ته گوڏ ٻڌو ۽ چادرون ڍڪيو ۽ جتيون پايو ۽ بوٽن ۽ سٿڻن کي اڇلائي ڇڏيو ۽ پنهنجي ڏاڏي اسماعيل عليه السلام جي پوشاڪ کي لازم ڪري وٺو ۽ عجمين جي ناز نعمت ۽ رسمن کان پاڻ کي بچايو، اُس اوهان لاءِ حمام آهي ٿلها ڪپڙا ڍڪيو ۽ پراڻا ڪري لاهيو.
ان مان ظاهر آهي ته حضرت امير المومنين عمر رضي الله عنه پنهنجي آفيسرن کي تاڪيد فرمايو هو ته ٿلهو ڪپڙو ڍڪين ۽ سادي زندگي گذارين. اهڙين حالتن هوندي به افسوس جو ڪي هن وقت جا علماءَ سنهن باريڪ ڪپڙن کي زينت ۽ پنهنجي وقار جو سبب ڄاڻين ٿا ۽ ٿلهي ڪپڙي يعني کاڌي يا جوڙيءَ کي عيب سمجهن ٿا. ڪي علماءَ هن ڪري بگڙجن ٿا ته حلال کي حرام چيو وڃي ٿو پر سندن اهو خيال ۾ به سمجهيءَ ڪري آهي ڇو ته هو ايترو به نٿا ڄاڻين ته ولايتي ڪپڙن جي نه خريد ڪرڻ جو حڪم حرمت لغيره جي ڪري آهي يعني ته ولايتي ڪپڙن جي خريد ڪرڻ مان حربين کي مالي مدد ملي ٿي تنهنڪري اهو ڪپڙو نه وٺڻ گهرجي ۽ نه پائڻ گهرجي. هن ڪري ان کي حرام نٿو چيو وڃي ته هو حرام لعينه يا نجس آهي ۽ اها ڪراهيت غصب ٿيل زمين يا چورايل ڪپڙن ۾ نماز پڙهڻ وانگر- آهي لاغير.
تنبيهه- ڪن کي شڪ ٿيو آهي ته ڪپڙن جو واپار انگريز سوداگرن سان آهي نه حڪومت سان تنهنڪري ان جو نفع ان ملڪ جي سوداگرن کي پهچي ٿو نه حڪومت کي. ان جو جواب هي آهي ته فقيهن حربيءَ جي مدد کان منع فرمائي آهي پوءِ حاڪم هجي يا محڪوم. پوءِ انهن ۾ فرق ڪٿان ثابت ڪيو وڃي ٿو؟ از آن سواءِ گذشته زماني ۾ شخصي بادشاهت هوندي هئي ۽ حڪومت کي تجارت سان گهڻو تعلق ڪو نه هوندو هو. اسان جي زماني جي هڪ ٻئي حالت آهي ڇو ته حڪومت جو بنياد ئي واپار تي رکيل آهي واپارين جا پارليامينٽ ۾ عوصي آهن ۽ پارليامينٽ جنهن جي هٿ ۾ خود بادشاهه به بي وس آهي اها ئي تجارت جي سرپرست ۽ ان جو اصلي حاڪم آهي پوءِ تجارت کي امداد ڪرڻ حقيقت ۾ ڄڻ حڪومت کي امداد ڪرڻ آهن.
ريل ۽ ڊاڪخانه (ٽپال) جي اخراجات جو نفع اگرچه پنهنجي وطن ۾ خرچ ٿئي ٿو ۽ ڪجهه ٿورو حصو بچت ولايت ۾ به وڃي ٿو ان هوندي به به شڪ نه آهي ته اها به هڪ وڏي مدد ۽ منع ۾ داخل آهي، پر جنهن صورت ۾ ان جي ترڪ ڪرڻ سان پنهنجي وطن وارن جي نقصان ۽ سندن ضروري ڪمن جي خراب ٿي وًڃڻ جو سبب آهي تنهنڪري هيٺين فقهي قاعده موجب،
الضرورات تبيي المحظورات اي ان الاشياءَ الممنوعتہ تعامل کالاشياءَ المباحتہ وقت الضرورت و قاعدة الضرر الاشد يزال بالضررا لاخف.
(شرح المجلة)
ترجمو: ضرورتن ڪري منع ٿيل شيون به مباح ٿينديون آهن يعني ته ضرورت جي وقت ممنوع شين کي مباح شين وانگر استعمال ڪري سگهجي ٿو. (2) قاعدو آهي ته هلڪي نقصان سان ڳري يا سخت نقصان کي زائل ڪيو ويندو آهي.
ضرورت جي وقت ضرورت جي قدر موجب فقهي قاعدي ”الضرورات تقدر بقدرها“ نقصان جي دفع ڪرڻ لاءِ ان حڪم مان مستثني آهي ۽ ولايتي ڪپڙن کي ان حڪم حظريا حرمت واري مان ڪڍڻ جي ڪا ضرورت ڪا نه آهي. ڪمالا يخفي
هذا والعلم عند الله سبحانہ و تعاليٰ حرره المسڪين محمد صادق.
کڏه ڪراچي
29 شوال سنه 1340 هه.
تقريظات علماءَ هندو پنجاب کي بعد ملاخطه تحرير هذا تسيطر نموده اند
بسم الله الرحمٰن الرحيم
نحمده و نصلي علي رسوله الڪريم
هوالمعصوب في الواقع اعانت کفارمحاربين خاصتہ درحالت محاربه علي الخصوص بان ايشيا ڪه ڪفار را اعون برقتال مسلمين باشند- اهل اسلام و بلاد و صنائع و حرف آن ازو متضرر شوند مکروه تحريمي ست و ڊاک
وريل رابرهمون قياس بايد ڪرد الابوقت الحاجته بقدر الضرروة موافقا لاجازة صاحب الشرع صلوة الله عليہ وسلامه- ولا اعلم-
حرره الفقير محمد عنايت الله عفا الله عنه فرنگي محل لکهنو.
شنبه 5 ذي القعد سنه 40 هه.
آنچه مجيب لبيب درين تحرير تحقيق فرموده است حق وصواب است اهل اسلام را از اعانت ڪفار محاربين اسلام بهر نوعي بقدر وسعت اجتناب لازم است والله ولي التوقيق. ڪتبه الاحقر عزيز الرحمان عفي عنه.
ديوبند 3 ذي القعد سنه 40 هه مفتي دارالعلوم
الجواب صواب محمد انور عفا الله عنه.
(صدر مدرس دارالعلوم ديوبند)
الجواب صحيح فقيراصغر حسين عفا الله عنه. (ديوبند)
کفار محاربين کي ايسي اعانت ڪرنا جس سي مسلمين ڪي بربادي مين امداد پنهنچي هو اورجو ڪفار ڪي شوڪت و تسلط ڪي از دياد ڪا باعث هو ممنوع هي اور اپني استطاعت کي موافق ايسي اعانت سي احتزاز واجب هي بديشي مال خصوصا ولايتي ڪپڙا خريدنا يقينن موجوده حکومت ڪي تقويت عظيم ڪا موجب هي.
شبير احمد عثماني عفا الله عنه (مدرس دارالعلوم ديوبند)
جواب مسئلہ مستفسره شرعي دلائل پر مبني اور بالڪل صحيح اور درست هين. (مولانا مولوي) عبدالقادر صاحب صدر مجلس خلافت صوبه پنجاب لاهور.
هتي الامکان ڪفار محاربين ڪي بديشي احتزاز لازم هي لهاذا مجيب مصيب هين- فضل حق عفي عنه (رکن جمعيتہ العلما هند لاهور)
اصاب من اجاب- عبدالعزيز لاهوري (منشي فاضل- ومولوي فاضل مدرس شاهي مسجد لاهور)
لاينبغي ان پرتاب فيه
غلام مرشد کان الله لہ
خادم دارالعلوم نعمانيہ هند لاهور
جواب صحيح هين
ابو محمد احمد عفي عنه امام مسجد صوفي لاهور
الجواب صحيح- فقير عبدالهادي
مقيم دين پور رياست بهاولپور
هذا ما عندي من الجواب
اعلم والله بالصواب
احمد علي عفي عنه لاهوري
هذا هوالحق والحق احق ان يتبع
فقير ابوالنصرعبدالرزاق معلم شمس العلوم
مولويان تحصيل نوشهره (پنجاب)
تصيحات و تقريظات علماءَ صوبه سنده
بمد نظر جمعيت اسلامي و جذبه وطنيت باوجود موجودگي ثياب مصنوعه برادران اسلام و اهالي وطن خود احتزاز خريدن ثياب مصنوعي کفار حربيان اعداءَ دين لازم و متحتم است.
المصحح الفقير محمد قاسم المتوطن في ڳڙهي ياسين
هذا هوالحق وماذا بعدالحق الاالفلال
الفقير مير محمد نورنگي
الجواب صحيح والراي نجيي
عليشير ساکن لکپور تعلقه اٻاوڙه (سکهر)
الجواب صحيح والمجيب مصيب
العبد الضيف عبدالطيف عفي عنه
مدرس مدسه دار الرشاد ڳوڻه پير جهنڊا، ذوقعد سنه 1340.
هذا هوالحق والحق احق بالاتباع
عبدالوهاب کولاچي
مقيم مضافات شکارپور سنده
کذالک ينبغي
(پير سيد) ابوالفيض ضياءَ الدين راشدي عفي عنہ
(گوڻهه پير جهنڊه ضلع حيدرآباد سنده)
صحيح الجواب
اناالوفاءَ عبدالعليم عفي عنه
محافظ کتبخانه عليہ ڳوڻهه پير جهنڊه
هذا هوالحق فماذا بعدالحق الاالضلال.
عبده اسدالله الحسيني عفي عنه (قاضي حيدرآباد سنده)
نائب صدر جمعيتہ علماءَ صوبه سنده
مااجاب المجيب فهوا حق بالقبول
کتبہ احقرالزمن عبده محمد حسن الهاشمي
المجددي مقيم ڳوڻهه ميان صاحب تعلقه شڪارپور سنده
هذا صحيح-فقير محمد اسماعيل
مقيم ڳوڻهه ميان صاحب شڪارپور
هذاالجواب صحيح-فقير يار محمد
گوڻهه ميان صاحب من مضافات شکارپور
هذا هوالحق بتحقيق الحق
شيخ شفيع الدين گوڻهه ميان صاحب
صحت المسئلتہ
عبدالستار عفي عنه عمرپوري بلوچستان
هذا هوالحق حرره الفقير
عبدالڪريم الچشتي شڪارپوري
ماحرره المحقق فهو حق
فقير محمد فضل الله شکارپوري
هذا حق لاريب فيہ
حکيم عبدالکريم- جيکب آباد
المجيب مصيب
حکيم قائم الدين-حال مقيم جيکب آباد سنده
هذا الجواب صحيح
محمد رحيم بخش کورينجائي تعلقه جيکب آباد
هذالجواب صحيح لا يخالفه الا المتعصب
محمد عبدالطيف ٺل سرحد سنده
المجيب مصيب
خادم خلافت محمد صالح- شهدادڪوٽي
الفرق بين عدم جواز اشتراءَ ثياب غير الوطن و جواز رکوب المرکب الناري و جواز التريسل بذريعه البريدان في الاشتراءَ نفع عظيم و اعانتہ للحربيتہ بخلاف اجرة البريد والمرکب الناري فان في رفضها ضرر عظيم لنا و نفع قليل لهم وما هذا الا للضررة—حرره محمد اسماعيل المتوطن عودي تعلقه ٺل (جيکب آباد)
هذا هوالحق
عبدالغفار- (ڻهل)
ما قال المحققون فهو حق
احمد دين ڳڙهي حسن (ڻهل)
از اول تا آخر شنيدم همه صحيح است
خدابخش (کشمور سنده)
هذا هوالحق
در محمد ساکن ڻهل ضلع سرحد سنده
صح الجواب
فقير عبدالکريم محمد پوري جيکب آباد سنده
نعم کل ما استعان به اهل الحرب في محاريتہ اهل الاسلام فبيعہ وشرائہ
حرام انا العبدالا واه حماد الله- هاليجي پنه عاقل ضلع سکهر سنده
المجيب مصيب
العبد محمد اسماعيل- نوان کوٽ تعلقه اٻاوڙه (سکهر)
هذا حقيق عند من آمن بالله و رسولہ
فقير محمد و اصل مقيم رستم تعلقه سکهر
الجواب صحيح
ابوالمکارم محمد مبارک جنده ديره-ڳڙهي ياسين
هذا حق-عبدالغفور-آباد عليشاه (سکهر)
هذا هوالحق والحق احق ان يتبع
محمد اسماعيل پٽاوري- پنه عاقل (سکهر)
ما حرره الفاضل المحقق فهو حق
محمد صادق- پنہ عاقل
هذا ما عندي من الجواب
عبدالعزيز- ٿريچاڻي متصل روهڙي (سکهر)
ذلک کذلک و نحن علي ذلک
حافظ موسيٰ مقيم ڳڙهي ياسين (سکهر)
هذا صحيح و منکره مردود
عبدالکريم متوطن کنڌهر
من مضافات ڳڙهي ياسين
هذا هوالحق
سيد غلام رسول شاهه چڪائي متصل (سکهر)
الجواب صحيح
مولوي صاحبڏنہ قرني ڳڙهي ياسين
صحت الجواب
پير (سيد) عبدالفتاح شاهه (نئون ديره) ضلع لاڙکانه
صحيح پير (سيد) حفظ الله شاهه
ساکن نئون ديرو
صحيح پير (سيد) محمد مقيم شاهه (نئون ديرو)
صحيح پير سيد محمد منير شاهه (نوان ديره)
صحيح پير غياث الدين راشدي (نوان ديره)
اعانت المحربي معصيتہ
صحيح مولوي عبدالله بنگلديرائي (ضلع لاڙکانه)
هذا هوالحق المبين
انا الحقير محمد قاسم ٺلاهي (لب درياه-لاڙکانہ)
صحيح مولوي محمد صديق- حمل تونيه (لب دريا)
قداصان فيما اجان شهاب الدين- شهر فاضل ڪلهوڙه (لب دريا)
مان اجاب الفاضل فهو صحيح-فقير محمد قاسم عفا الله عنه مقام ڦلپوٽا (تعلقه رتوديره) لاڙکانه.
هذا هوالحق المبين-فقير شفيع محمد ملوي (لب دريا)
التحقيق حق- فقير غلام حسين- ڳوٺ گل محمد تونيه (لب دريا)
هذا الجواب صحيح-فقير شفيع محمد تونيه-ڳوٺ سجاول (لب دريا) فقير عبدالواحد- ڇڄڙا (قمبر)
هي تحرير صحيح آهي- خادم العلماءَ (حڪيم محمد عثمان ڳوٺ ٻٺڙا تعلقه ڪڪڙ لاڙڪاڻه)
المسئلہ صحيحتہ، الفقير خاوند ڏنه مدرسه ٻٺڙا سندهي الجواب حق لاريب فيہ، عبدالقادر عفي عنه، علائقه ڪڪڙ هذا الجواب هوالحق، فداءِ محمد باغائي، تعلقه ميهڙ صح الجواب، فقير رسول بخش، شهر گل ٻرڙه تعلقه واره هذا ما عندي من الجواب، عبدالرحمان، ٿرڙي هاجران واره قد اصاب فيما اجاب، فقير نواب الدين، من مقام بني (قمبر) الجواب صحيح، فقير عبدالوهاب، ڳوٺ گاهي مهيسر تعلقه ميهڙ، نثار احمد، مرزان پور جاگير غيبي خان تعلقه نصير آباد الجواب صحيح لاريب فيه، محمد وارث ڀاڻائي (ميهڙ) الجواب حق، خادم خلافت عبدالکريم ساکن کبر نئو تعلقه ميروخان، ختمت علي ختم العلماءَ لانهم ورثتہ النبياءَ، المسکين محمد سليمان الراجي الي رحمتہ ربه الرحمان ٿرڙي محبت (ميهڙ).
جاءِ الحق و زهق الباطل، معين الدين کنياري عفي عنه-دادو.
الجواب صحيح والمجيب نجيح، حکيم فضل محمد نوشهره فيروز، صحيح پير سيد محمد عطا شاهه راشدي-ڳوٺ ٻٽ سرائي (ميهڙ) ماحققہ المولوي المحقق فهو حق حقمق بالمقبول لا يعرض عنه الاالجهول انا الفقير عبدالڪريم حنفي (قمبر)
صحيح پير سيد محبوب شاهه راشدي
سيد پير معين مهدي شاهه ڳوٺ پير جهنڊه
صحيح پير سيد محمود شاهه راشدي مقيم ماتلي
صحيح پير سيد خيرالله شاهه راشدي ماتلي
الجواب صحيح محمد صالح ميرپورخاص
الجواب صحيح عبدالله احمد بديڻ
هذا المسئلتہ صحيحتہ العبد غلام علي بديڻ
هذا حق حقيق والمخالف عنه فهيق العبد محمد سعيد بديڻ.
الجواب صحيح محمد حسين ميرپور بٺورو (ضلع ڪراچي)
الجواب صحيح محمد عمر جتوئي ميرپوربٺورو
الجواب صحيح احمد علي ڊينگاڻ ڀرڳڙي
الجواب صحيح محڪم الدين (ندري) جيمس آبادي
الجواب حق والمجيب حق محمد امين (فدائي) ڊينگاڻ
هذا هوالحق فقير حبيب الله (ميهڙ)
الجواب صحيح فقير محمد عبدالخالق مورائي مقيم ڪراچي
الجواب صحيح محمد صديق مدرسه مظهرالعلوم محله کڏه ڪراچي
اعانتہ الحربي معصيتہ باي وجه کان فقير عبدالرحمان متعلوي
المجيب مصيب فقير الهه بخش عنه ڳوٺ لشاري پوسٽ ٽلٽي.
تقريظ از عالم رباني فاضل لاثاني
مولانا پير محمد حسين جان صاحب
سرهندي (سامارو)
هوالمصوب-آنچہ مولوي محمد صادق درمنع اشتراءِ ثياب از ڪافر محارب نوشتہ صحيح و مقبول است و آنچه مخالفين درجو از آن دلائل مي آرند قبپي و مروددرين خصوص اينقدر نوشته ميشود کہ در اشتراءِ ثياب از کفار نفع کفارو نقصان مسلمانان ظلهر وباهر است کہ موافق و مخالف بران متفق اندراين مخالف اغراض شرع شريف است و ممکن نيست کہ شرع شريف تجويز امري کند کہ موجب نفع کفار و نقصان مسلمانان مي باشد وهرکہ خلاف آن ميگويد شرع را موجب فساد ميداند نه صلاح- و قباحت اين ظاهر است، و آنچ بعش کسان ميگويند کہ اصل در ايشيا حل اوباحت است و مسئله شراءِ ثياب از لعل حرب براصل خود است باطل و مردود است کسيکہ قرآن شريف خوانده باشد چنين نميگويد زير آنکہ بيع و شراءِ باکفارعين موالات آنها است وبرائي منع موالات آنقدر تاکيد شديد کہ در قرآن شريف آمده بعد از شرک براءِ هيچ کبيره نيامده و حديث ثمام بن اثال مصلحتہ صرف فروختن بعض اشياءِ ازکليہ منع متشني ميکند نه خريدن آنها و خريدن رابہ تحکم در استثناءِ فروختن داخل کردن چنانچہ است کہ کسي لات و عزارا ذر استثناءِ لاالہ الا الله داخل کند- و آنچ بقياس جو ازبيع ثپان برآنها جو از اشتراءِ ثياب از انها کرده نيز باطل و مردود است نمي بيني کہ فروختن اسلحہ بر کفار محاربين حرام و خردن اسلحہ ازانٻان حلال پس ازينجان بضراحت معلوم شدکہ بيع و اشتراءِ مخالف يکديگراست نه مطابق پس قياس خريدن برفروخت کردن غلط فاحش است-ديگر انکہ جون اسلحہ بران حرام شد و خريدن اسلحہ بنا بر مسلمات ايشان حلال لازم آمد کہ درصورت ثياب فروختن آنها بر کفار محاربين حلال گردد خريدن از ايشيا خرام گردد- لان البيع والشراءِ متضادان حڪما کما هو ثايت في مسئلہ الا سلحة وقاعده الامر بالشيءَ نهي عن ضده فاحفظ فانہ نافع جدا- تدفع بہ جميع مڪائدهم.
شعر
فقل للدهر انت اصبت فالبس- بزعيک دوننا ثوب الحداد
اذاقدمت خاتمتہ الزرايا- فقد عرضت سوقک للکساد
کتبہ ڪثير الذين والشين
محمد حسين عفي صنه في الدارين
تقريظ از جناب مولانا صاحبزاده
پير محمد اسماعيل جان صاحب سرهندي
آنچه جناب الحاج مولوي محمد صادق صاحب نوشتہ است لائق قبول موافق کتاب الله و کتاب الرسول است.
ردت بلاغتها دهوي معا رضها
رد الغبوريدالجاني عن الحرام
درين شک نيست کہ آنچ بعض مخالفين بخلاف ”ولا تکونن ظهيرا للکافرين“ باميد صلہ ايمان فروشي بکمال سرجوشي پشتيباني ديوار شرارت مخالفان اسلام آخر زپاءِ افگند قصر دين متين سيد الانام کوشيده و از شوق مذکوره متاع دين و ايمان راحتي المقدو بالائي طلق نهادة.
خانه دين خراب ست کہ ارباب صلاح
در عمارت گري قبہ دستار خود اند
پايد دانست کہ از مخالفت آنها نتيجہ ديگر محسوس نمي شود الا انکہ رونق بازار تجارف اعداءَ مضاعف و دوبالا گردد وبلباس ملکي آينده کسي نه پردازد فلهذا مخالفين اسلام اگربقدر سرموءِ شعرو آدميت ارند واز لباس انسانيت بکلي عاري نيستند بايد کہ دلائل خود بنوع اشتهار بر فرق باب ولايت به آب زر بنگارند و فرزندان هندرا بعشوه شاهد هفوات خود مائل و متوجه خويش گردانند- اما قابل افسوس و حسرت غربت و بيکسي اسلام و مسلمانان ست کہ درين آوان مصيبت اقتران هرکس و ناکس بمخالفت آنان مستعد و طيارو از موافقت ايشان هر کهه و مهه کما قال الله تعاليٰ ”ڪانهم يساقون الي الموت وهم ينظرون“ بري و بيزار.
لمثل هذا يذوب القلب من ڪمد
ان ڪان في القلب ايمان و اسلام.
اللهم اهد الصراط المستقيم والسلام علي اهل الرضا والتسليم العبد الضئيل محمد اسماعيل مجددي ڪان الله لہ.
آنچه جناب مولانا محمد صادق تحرير فرموده است حق است و مطابق حکم کتاب سنت و کتب شرع هست.
انا العبد محمد عاقل العاقلي عفا الله عنه.
المسلئتہ صحيحتہ
ابوالمحامد فتح محمد السيوستاني عفي عنه
الجواب صحيح حاجي عبدالقادر مدرس مدرسه دائودي (ميهڙ)
خادم خلافت مسکين محمد ابراهيم تعلقه ميهڙ ڳوٺ جتوئي
ماهذا الاالحق العبد فتح علي مدرس دارالفيض هاشميه سجاول
استعمال سوديشي کي لئي نهمني اپني رساله سوديشي مين (جو جمعيتہ العلماءِ سنده منعقده حيدرآباد سنده مين پيش ڪيا تها) صاف کرديا هين علاوه اسوه آنحضرت صلي الله عليہ وسلم وسلف صالحين کي اوامر صحيح آنحضرت ڪي نقل گئي هين. جن سي صاف ثابت هوتا هين ڪہ کهدر پهننا اور ديسي اشيا ڪا استعمال ڪرنا نه صرف اوليٰ هين بلکہ مامور من الشارع هين.
ابو تراب محمد نورالحق- صدرالمدرسين درگاه صاحب العلم
هذا المسئلہ صحيحتہ- ابوالفيض غلام عمر عفا عنه رب البشر سونہ جتوئي-لاڙڪاڻه.
اعانتہ الحربي مصيتہ-احقر محمد فاضل متعلوي
هذه المسئلہ صحيحتہ- در محمد حملي (لب دريا)
قد اصاب فيما اجاب- غلام محمد ساکن سونو جتوئي لاڙڪاڻه
هذا هوالحق لاريب فيہ- فقير عبدالرحمان- ميهڙ
هذا هوالحق الصريح-دوست محمد-پتولي ضلع کامل پور حال مقيم سکهر پيش امام مسجد گام حاطہ
الجواب صحيح-معين الدين صديقي سيوستاني
ذلک الفضل من الله-نصيرالدين صديقي سيوستاني
باسم سبحانہ- يا ايهاالدين آمنو خذو زينتکم عند ڪل مسجد-
ولا يخفي ان لازينتہ الابمالہ العزفي القوم وما اجازه الله و رسولہ والمومنون فباي حديث بعده يومنون- و قال جدي رحمتہ الله تعاليٰ
تاج تقوي برسرم ازخشن پوشي عارنيست
خادم القوم والوطن ناصر الدين محمد حسن الصديقي سيوستاني
حرمتہ اعانتہ المحارب منصوص عليہ فلا يتاب في هذا الکتاب محمد سليمان ازپنه ميرپوربٺوره
اصاب من اجاب- عبده ضعيف محمد حنيف الهاشمي ميرڻهي حال مقيم کراچي
ذلک کذلک- تاج محمد نصرپوري
الجواب صحيح- محمد عثمان بلوچ مدرسه ريکسر لائين کراچي
هذا هوالحق-عبدالڪريم الدرس ڪراچي
شک نيست کہ مباشرت احباب تقويت کفار برمجاربه مسلمين حرام ست ودرين زمانه تجارت کفار يورپ از اعظم اسباب قوت ايشان ست پس در اجراءِ معاملات تجارت تقوير ايشان و در مقاطعئه مصنوعات کفار محاربين تضعيف ايشان يقيني ست پس برهر مسلم کہ اعلاءِ کلمتہ الله و توهين اساس کفر مطمي نظر اوست حکم بمقاطعه تجارت محاربين ضرورتي ست- و تحرير مولانا محمد صادق صاحب حق و صواب ست والله اعلم.
محمد کفايت الله غفرلہ
مدرسہ امينيہ دهلي
مافيها ڪلہ صحيح خادم العماءَ دين محمد وفائي
ناظم جميتہ علماءِ صوبه سنده
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“Al-Wahid” Electric Printing Press, 429, Mc Leod Road Karachi.
And Published by:
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NO-Confidence Motion against Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh, Premiere, Sindh (1939)
No–confidence Motion against K.B. ALLAH BAKHS SOOMRO was initiated by G.M. Sayed and he in his books, has given reasons and other details about the motion so as to justify his political action. Lot of material is available in Governmental Records to give another story about this political development that took place before and after the moving of this no–confidence motion. The then government of Sindh in his confidential reports send to Viceroy of India has given his comments about the motion. His report are reproduced here:
0n 4th January, 1939, he writes “I have this afternoon had a message to say that in the Sind Legislative Assembly, the new Session of which began to-day, a member of the Muslim Opposition has handed in a notice for moving a motion of “NonConfidence” against my Ministry as a whole. The grounds stated in the Motion are a disapprove of the general policy of the Ministry, though we may assume, I think, that the introduction of the revised rates for the Ministry, though we may assume, I think, that the introduction of the revised rates for the Barrage areas will be the main point of attack. The object of broadening the base of the attack is, I presume, to draw in a few outside votes.
2. My Chief Minister was expecting this Motion, and up to a few days ago he was confident that he would survive provided that the Congress members remained neutral. Since then, however, there has been some display of dissatisfaction among the non-congress Hindus, and now he is not a non confident.
3. Meanwhile negotiation are going on to bring my Chief Minister and the late Chief Minister into agreement, one of the term of which would be that the late Chief Minister Sir Ghulam Hussain, should be admitted to the Ministry while my present Chief Minister should retain his position. I do not know that this is likely to come to anything, and I feel that such an agreement, if reached, would not be likely to be of a lasting nature.
4. My Chief Minister told me that he would ask the Speaker to fix a date a week from now for the discussion of the “No Confidence” Motion, but I now hear that Monday, January 9th, has been fixed. I will give any further information of what happens during the next few days as soon as I have anything reliable to report. My chief Minister has reiterated in me that he has not the least intention of giving may on the question of the barrage rates.” ( L. Graham No. 2 of 1939, Government House Karachi).
On 9th January, in his another Report he writes to Sd. Linlithgow, Viceroy of India, “This is in direct continuation of my letter No.2 dated January 4th. In the last paragraph of that letter I told you that the date fixed for the ‘No Confidence” motion was January 9th. That has now been altered and the debate is to be taken tomorrow, January 10th.
2. Meanwhile the negotiation for a central combination, leaving out the Muslim Leaguers on the the right and the Congress on the left, have been continued and now appear to have reached a stage at which an agreement can be concluded. I have at the suggestion of my Chief Minister had a long talk with Sir Ghulam Hussain, my late Chief Minister had a long talk with Sir Ghulam Hussain, my late Chief Minister; from him I understand that he is so dissatisfied with the attitude of the Muslim League that he is ready to joim my Ministry, bringing with him these of his followers who are not fanatically devoted to the Muslim League. The Consideration for this access of strength to my Ministry is to be an increase in the number of Ministries either to five or six.
3. I think that I have mentioned in previous letters by opinion that an increase in the number of Minister would be desireable in order to broaden the base of the Ministry as a whole and to give my Ministers personally a sense of security which would allow them leisure to formulate and execute a progressive policy instead of leaving them in their present position of tight-rope walkers solely concerned with the problem of remaining in office. I cannot, of course, he sure that the resumption of friendly relations between Allah Bakhsh and Ghulam Hussain will be permanent; but having now had two successive Ministries neither of which was in a position anything effective because of its feeling of insecurity. I think I am justified in making some kind of experiment.
4. Both Allah Bakhsh and Ghulam Hussain assure me that I shall have no further trouble over the assessment. The motion of ‘No Confidence’ is not in the name of Sir Ghulam Hussain, but in that of one of the advanced Muslim Leaguers; and Sir Ghulam Hussain tells me that it is his intention to resign with four or five members from the Opposition Party in the Course of the day or before the motion comes up tomorrow. If that is done, I do not think it will prevent the moving of the motion, but it will ensure its defeat. The present intention of Ghulam Hussain and Allah Bakhsh is that the new Coalition and the increase in the number of the Ministers should not be a short adjournment of the Assembly before taking up consideration of the Budget. The enlarged Ministry will then face the Assembly on the Budget.
5. The minor question whether the enlarged Ministry should consist of five or six Ministers is likely to give some trouble because, if I have a Ministry of four Muslims and two Hindus, as Ghulam Hussain prefers, I maintain the present proportion between the communities; while if I have a Ministry of Five three muslims and two Hindus, the Hindus will have obtained an advance in status. In some ways I should like to get in one Minister from another community, but I cannot say definitely what will happen in this matter. Ghulam Hussain has said that he will happen in this matter. Ghulam Hussain has said that he will very reluctantly agree to a Ministry of five if I cannot see my way to one of six on the other hand, my Hindu Minister says that he is not sure whether he can carry the Hindus with him in support of a Ministry of six. In looking for a compromise, the difficulty is that none of the European would care to be considered for a Ministership as all of them are otherwise engaged; and I have only one other member, a Parsi, who is not either a Muslim or a Hindu.” ( L. Graham No. 10 of 1939, Government House,Karachi).
On 13th January, in his another Report he writes to Sd. Linlithgow, Viceroy of India,” In continuation of my letter No.10 of January 9th I have not much to aid which you will not already have seen in the newspaper regarding the ‘No Confidence’ motion. In a House of sixty members only thirty-nine took part in the division. The Congress Party earned considerable ridicule by remaining neutral, as they were in fact bound to do since the Chief Minister informed them that he was not prepared to postpone giving effect to the revised rates in the Barrage areas.
2. Although the attack on the Ministry may be said to have fizzled out, the debate was not without its value because it produced constructive speeches from the late Chief Minister, Sir Ghulam Hussain, and Mr. Jamshed Mehta, the once famous Mayer of Karachi. Both these speakers urged the necessity for regrouping of the parties in the Assembly in order to achieve a Ministry with a reasonable amount of stability. There is actually no chance attaining that stability without increasing the number of Ministers. Even so, when this is done and whether the Ministry is constituted at five or six and at present my chief Minister favors having the larger number , the Sind Parliament will always be loth, so long as it is mainly composed of reminders, to increase the burden of taxation on their close.” ( L. Graham No. 17 of 1939, Government House,Karachi).
In receipt of the above sited report, on 16th January, Lord linlithgow, Viceroy of India replied L. Graham, the governor of Sindh as under:
“Many thanks for your letters of the 4th and 9th January, Not 2 and 10, about your ministerial situation. I did not answer for there seemed to me to be nothing to be done at the moment save to await developments. I congratulate you most heartily on the development which have, as I gather from the Press, since taken place; for I gather that your Assembly has thrown out, by 32 votes to 7, Mr. Syed’s Motion of want of confidence in the Premiere.
2. I am not quite clear from the press report read with your letters as to what Ghulam Hussain’s position in all this matter is. He abstained, I gather, from the voting, and it is to the good, of course, that he did not go into opposition against your Chief Minister; and presumably he thought the safer course from his own point of view was to abstain from voting at all. At the same time, given the critical character of this division, one cannot but feel that abstention from support ( even if identical with abstention from opposition) is not a very good preliminary to joining the Ministry whose fate was in issue.
3. I look forward with great interest to the development as regards the increase in the strength of your Ministry, and I trust sincerely that Allah Bakhsh and Ghulam Hussain are right in thinking that we shall have no further trouble on the vital question of re-assessment, on which we both regards it as so important to stand firm”.(Karapur 16th January,1939 Lord Linlithgow, Viceroy of India.)
The motion was move in the Sindh legislative Assembly and proceedings of the same are reproduced as under:
Proceedings of the Sindh legislative Assembly:
(Date: 10th January 1939)
Mr. G.M SAYED: Sir, I beg to move: –
“That this Assembly expresses is want of confidence in the policy of The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH Muhammad Umer, Chief Minister, and Government of Sind.”
THE HONORABLE SPEAKER: The motion before the House is: –
“That this Assembly expresses it’s wanted of confidence in the policy of The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH Muhammad Umer, Chief Minister, and Government of Sind.”
Now, I would like to make a few observations before I permit the honorable the mover to proceed with this speech on this motion. I am sure honorable members of this House will agree with me that motions of this kind give rise to an extraordinary position in a Parliamentary House where feelings and emotions are likely to play a greater part than the discussion. Therefore I would earnestly appeal to them that while making their speeches-keeping of course the object in view-they must keep the debate on a very high level, consistent with the decorum and dignity of a Parliamentary House which they are occupying, and the sentiments and feelings, whatever they may be, should not carry them away to extremes. I think everybody will agree with me that the success of such motions does not depend upon any rhetorical ability, but depends on quite other circumstances which might have even transpired before we have met within four walls of this House, so that it does not depend upon the volume or the quantity but upon the quality of the speeches that are made to convince the other side. Therefore, I would earnestly request honorable members kindly be very discreet in their expressions and avoid being personal or even defamatory.
Now, so far as the time limit of speeches is concerned, I would like to know how many honorable members desire to speak on this motion, so that I might allot the time to each member and I would request them to kindly rise in their seats. First I would like to know how many from the side of the honorable the mover of the resolution likes to speak.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, before you ask the members to stand up and fix the time-limit, I want to know whether you are fixing a time-limit and whether you are fixing one day for this motion.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Yes
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I submit…….
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: I find some visitors going out. If anybody wants to go out, he must clear out at once. I will give those 2 minutes to vacate if they want. I don’t want any disturbance.
(Translated the above in the Sindhi)
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I want to submit that on a motion of this nature which is practically an impeachment of the ministry, no time-limit has been fixed in any Parliamentary House. I will give several examples of the House of Commons.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Do please quote from the House of Commons.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I have not come prepared with examples from the House of Commons debate, but I will quote from other Assemblies.
Sir, a confidence motion was moved in Bengal Assembly on 10th August 1938, and there the debate went on 3 days without any time-limit being imposed on the speeches.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: From 7th to 10th. I am quoting what is printed in the debates of 10th August. There THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER has remarked:-
“I would just advise that after three long days, if members are still inclined to protract the proceedings should come to an end to-day, then I would appeal to both sides of the House to allow the speech to be finished. This is the last speech, after this I will ask the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose, to speak and then the Honorable the Chief Minister and the Honorable Mr. Suhrawardy will reply to the debate. I hope the effect of this will not be lost.”
It is very clear that there is no precedent where speeches were limited. Even in an ordinary Court of justice, when Advocates have to appear before one single individual, they are allowed sufficient time to prove their case. Here we are on the floor of this House, advocating for the whole of the Province, and if any limitation is placed on our speeches, it will be great injustice to the Province itself. We will never be able to prove any point properly here. Therefore, I would submit that before you give any ruling, you should kindly consider that there is no precedent anywhere in the Legislatures.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Will the honorable member pass on that book to me for a few minutes?
(After looking through the book) The debate has been carried on for 3 days- 8th, 9th and 10th– in Calcutta.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: But no limitation was placed. If the members did not talk, that is a different thing.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Sir, I want to point out another thing before the honorable members are allowed to speak. Sir, I would refer you to the ruling given by your predecessor on this point when there was a motion of adjournment on the question of bifurcation of the two posts in Dado District Local Boards, i.e., Mr. Tahilramani’s affair. The honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain, who was then the Chief Minister, took objection to the speech of honorable member Mr. G.M. Sayed himself, saying that he was making vague allegations and was defaming the officers. Then the ruling of your predecessor was under the heading: “Speaker’s ruling on defaming anybody on the floor of the Assembly.”
“THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : THE HONORABLE the Chief Minister must remember that absolute power is given to honorable members within this House to say what they like, even to defame anyone if they wish, No. action can be taken for defaming anyone on the floor of the House. But if an honorable member liable for defamation. It is entirely for him to say what he wants to say.”
But if an honorable member defames anybody outside, he is liable for prosecution. Now statements made in this House cannot make an honorable member liable for defamation. It is for him to say what he wants to say. That is the ruling at page 36 of the proceedings of 16th August 1937.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: By whom?
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: By the honorable the late Diwan Bhojsingh.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Now the honorable the Leader of the House.
The honorable Leader of the House is on his legs. Does the honorable member (referring to Dr. Popatlal who shot up) want any information?
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR: Sir, on motion like this, there should not be fixed any time-limit. Sir I am quoting the ruling given by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoola.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Does it require further explanation from the honorable member?
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR: If the Honorable the Leader of the House’s is not the last word on the subject, I will resume my seat.
I was drawing your attention to the ruling given by Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoola. It is at page 159. “On a vote of censure closure cannot be accepted.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Unfortunately my honorable friend has not been able to realize what a closure is and what time-limit is.
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR: You must hear me and I shall explain, Sir. My grievance is that you do not allow me to complete my sentence.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Will the honorable member please sit down? He is wrong in his argument ab initio for he is quoting a ruling which refers to closure. When anybody wants to stop a debate, then this ruling applies. This ruling is irrelevant here, if he wants to apply it to any speech. This is not the point at issue.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: I agree with my honorable friend Mr. Gazdar. You will pardon me, Sir, you have no right to curtail our speeches provided they are relevant, and you cannot say. . . . . .
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : That I cannot put a time-limit, you mean?
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH : You have no authority under the Act to do so if our speeches are relevant and we are within our rights as long as we make out a case. We are not going to be treated like school boys, that you may say “Speak for 5 minutes, or 10 minutes”. Under the Act , we have the right of speech. Provided we are not irrelevant , nobody can curtail our speeches. (Hear, hear.)
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : The honorable member has exceeded the privileges of an ordinary member, and I am sure he was inclined to be disrespectful to the Chair. I never said that he was a school boy. I have always stood for the greatest respect of the honorable members and I am here to maintain the dignity of the House and the good traditions of this House. The honorable member must realize his own limitations. I shall quote him my powers. Nothing has been provided by these rules with regard to the procedure for these motions. I have not given my ruling yet for the honorable members to pass these remarks. I have got every power within me, and the Speaker is the sole authority to define any procedure that has to be adopted in any matter where no specific provision has been provided. I find nothing has been stated in the standing orders. I am not going to apply the procedure applicable to motions I am fully empowered to lay down a time-limit. Standing Order XXI, page 39 says: The Speaker shall have power to conduct the business of the Assembly in all matters not provided under the Act, rules or Standing orders. The honorable member has not pointed out any rule or Standing Order or . . . . . .
1. (There was commotion in the House.) Order, Order, the Chair is on its legs.
. . . . . . . . any procedure in the House of Commons in accordance with which he can say that the Chair has no power to lay down a time-limit.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : Not in a no-confidence motion.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: But I have not given my ruling. You are going to judge before I have finished. I wish the Honorable House to convince me of the time-limit to be put. I have not given my ruling yet, and why should I be prejudged?
Now, the Honorable the Leader of the House.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, in fact when my honorable friend Mr.Gazdar quoted the Bengal ruling I did not really know what the rules were. But in the normal course of circumstances rule 5 at page 36 would apply. “Except with the permission of the Speaker no speech on a resolution shall exceed 15 minutes in duration.” Nothing has been laid down about the resolution before the House. Whether a resolution pertains to a No-Confidence motion or whether it is another resolution, the resolution must be treated as such, But, Sir, I do not wish to be obstructive in any way. The Chair has full power to exceed the limit of 15 minutes, whereas ordinarily the time-limit of 15 minutes will apply.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: It is not a motion. I will go further for the benefit of the honorable members and refer to them Standing Order V which lays down the general procedure applicable to motions. At the bottom of page 25 is quoted thus: “This Speaker may, if he thinks fit, prescribe a time-limit for speeches.” This is the general procedure, so that the Chair has complete power to lay down the time-limit-of course reasonable, and therefore I am just consulting the opinion of the honorable members as to what time will be required, so that I will be in a position to regulate the debate and give time and opportunity to every honorable member who wishes to speak. I realize the importance of the motion, and I am not going to be a hindrance, but shall allow good opportunity to every honorable member. Otherwise everybody will get up at the far end and will repeat the same arguments. I am in your hands absolutely.
MIR BANDEHALI KHAN TALPUR: Sir, this motion is very important and the Chair will give as much latitude as possible to all honorable members.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Of course legal latitude. I do not agree with the Honorable Leader of the House. He wants me to adopt the procedure laid down for resolutions. The resolution is a sort of recommendation to Government. This is a sort of extraordinary motions, for which no specific procedure has been laid down by rules. I have search from the beginning to the end of the rules. I thought first the procedure laid down for motions might be applicable, but this is not definite and therefore, I have to use my discretion. The Honorable Member must look to the volume of the speeches that will be made and the number of members desirous of participating in this debate. Precisely with that object I request the honorable members from different groups to rise in their seats so that I can estimate in how much time, in how many days or hours, the debate is likely to be finished.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : During the debate certain things might crop up, and certain members who have made up their minds not to speak, might change their minds and might desire to speak You might bear that in mind when deciding how many members are likely to speak.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Will the honorable members rise in their seats; I mean those who desire to speak from the Muslim League group? (5 members stood up) All right 5 now from the congress group.
Mr. GHANSHYAM JETHANAND: Nobody is desirous of speaking from these benches.
Mr. A. BECHAR: There are others desirous of speaking.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Yes, Mr. Naraindas and Mr. Jamshed desire to speak. Yes, Sir Ghulam Hussain and the Deputy Speaker also.
Now from the Hindu Independent party.
Mr. DIALMAL DOULATRAM: We do not propose to say anything unless it becomes necessary to do so.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRIANI : I will speak.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The other honorable member who wish to speak form the Government benches are the Honorable Revenue Minister, Mr. Fraser, Mr. Pirzada, Khan Bahadur Ghulam Nabi Shah, K. S. Burdi and Mr. M. U Soomro.
Now, the honorable the mover of the motion.
Mr. G. M. SAYED : (In Sindhi) Sir, in rising to move this motion of no-confidence against the Honorable move this motion of no-confidence against the Honorable the Chief Minister I would like, at very outset, to explain a few points by way of preliminary observations. I think I do owe an explanation to this Honorable House and to all my colleagues on these benches, including of course my leader, as to why I should have been entrusted with the duty to move this motion. Sir, those who know the history of how this Cabinet came into this existence will not, I believe, feel it difficult to understand the implication of it. As the House is aware, I was to a very large extent held responsible for the overthrow of the previous Ministry and for the coming into existence of the present one. I had then given certain undertakings and assurances on behalf of the Honorable the Premier and his followers as to the course of conduct that they would follow as Ministers of this realm. And now that they failed to satisfy my expectations as well as those of the country and the community, it becomes my unthinkable duty to raise my voice against the continuance of the existing arrangement to whose creation I was unfortunately a party. Let me make it very clear, Sir, that I owe no enmity to the Honorable the Premier, personally. He has all along been my friend in his individual capacity, and I have always appreciated some of the qualities with which he is endowed. But he will not naturally expect me to hoodwink the people for his sake, just at a time when he has set the whole country aflame by his obstinacy, his defiant attitude, and his irresponsible conduct. The duty no doubt is a painful one, but all the same I am satisfied that my feelings for a particular individual have not deterred me from echoing the feelings of the people whose representative I happen to be in his Honorable House.
I may also be asked as to why of all the three Ministers I have chosen the Honorable the Premier for this motion of no-confidence. The Honorable the Chief Minister , be it said to his credit, is the moving spirit of the entire Cabinet and as such, the largest amount of responsibility about the actions of the Cabinet naturally falls upon his shoulders. The other two Ministers owe mere loyalty to him as their Chief, and I am prepared to concede that they owe greater loyalty to him as their Chief than even to their own conscience or to their own county. It should therefore not be a matter of any wonder if I have selected the Honorable the Chief Minister for his motion of mine.
In order to see the actions of the Honorable the Chief Minister which have merited this motion, in their proper setting, it is essential to go into very history of his elevation to the Premiership. The fateful day of 17th March 1938 must not have been effaced form the memories of the honorable members on either side. What were the grounds to justify the fall of the previous Ministry and the coming into being of present one? The six main charges against the previous Cabinet were-
(a) That is was extravagant and had no idea of lightening the burden under which the tax-prayer in Sind was groaning.
(b) That it had brought about no change in the outlook of the officials whose arbitrary proceedings and tyrannical and corrupt ways in the moffusil had made the lot of the people there really difficult.
(c) That its affairs were moving at a very slow pace.
(d) That it had failed to render any relief to the masses, whether by way of legislation or through executive measures.
(e) That it had been autocratic in its outlook all through its career and did not bend sufficiently before the public opinion.
At the time the present Cabinet came into existence, lots of hopes were aroused not only in those who helped it to come into existence but in the hearts of even those that were outside the Legislature. The Honorable the Chief Minister in his statement of policy before this House told us on the 30th of March 1938 that “the electorate may judge him by his actions after six months.” Be it said to his credit or discredit that at the end of those six months of trial he did not give us any opportunity to judge him here, for he prevented the very calling of any session of the Legislature. But, after all, we have met here to-day to judge him by his actions through it is at the end of nearly say, and the whole country is behind me when I say, that he has completely frustrated. My voice is the voice of the disillusioned millions outside the portals of this Honorable House, as well as of many members of this House whom various extraneous considerations have not prevented from looking at the things from a right angle of vision, when I say that he present Chief Minister has betrayed not only his friends, not only members of his party, but his whole community as well as the country in general. I will presently prove this to you. Let me at this stage admit that the previous Cabinet, howsoever unsatisfactory, was much better and more democratic in its outlook than the present one.
Let us see the extravagance of the previous Cabinet and the parsimony of our friend the Honorable the present Premier.
It is an open scandal that the recommendations of the Reorganization Committee appointed by the previous Cabinet have not been enforced as yet to the satisfaction of the country and of this Honorable House. The Honorable Chief Minister knew full well that the expenditure on administration per head in this province was the highest as compared with that in the other Provinces of India. The Re-organization Committee has recommended the pruning of various extravagant items and the total savings which would thus occur comes to about 30 lacs of rupees. But the honorable the Chief Minister who was always so solicitous of the relief of the masses before his becoming a Premier, as was revealed by his speeches here during that period, has shelved the whole report, if not altogether ignored those possibilities of lightening the burden of the tax-payer. The Honorable the Public Works Department Minster has to some extent no doubt shown small mercies to the people by restricting the areas of the garden which were raised in the Inspection Bungalows for the benefit of the touring Public Works Department officials. But the honorable the Chief Minister has, instead even seeking the sanction of this Honorable House. I may give few such instances which have come to my notice. He has created these new appointments-
1) An I.C.S Deputy Secretary in the Revenue Department.
2) A Mukhtiar as P. A to the Revenue Minister.
3) A Deputy Secretary for the Finance Department.
4) An I.C.S Secretary for special duty.
5) A personal Assistant for the I.G.P.
It is believed that he is shortly going to add yet another feather to his cap by appointing an officer of Collector’s grade on special duty to hold an inquiry into the relationship between Jagirdars and Haris. But as the Honorable the Chief Minister wanted to give a little longer lease of life to the present Collector of Sukkur, – who is perhaps more amenable to his influences- being a provincial service officer, the officer of Collector’s grade who had to succeed him is being kept out of his way on this pretext.
The cost that the country has been compelled to bear for maintaining these officials must necessarily be prohibitive and that goes directly against the commitments of the Chief Minister at the time he became Premier. It may be said that the expenditure on those officials must not be beyond some thousands, but I will remind the Honorable the Premier of his speech of 28th April 1937, on the floor of this Honorable House wherein he has said, “The 8, 9 or 10 thousand rupees or whatever it may be, is indeed of very great consequence to us.” That is what he has said when Sir Ghulam Hussain was the Premier and now that he becomes one; those have lost all their previous value to him. Indeed, he himself may be richer to-day, but the country is poorer by his becoming Chief Minister.
Not only has the Chief Minister been the cause of this extravagance, but he has allowed his colleagues, chiefly the Revenue Minister, to undertake long and unnecessary touring by motorcar which has cost the country at the rate of six annals per mile. Thousands of rupees have been charged by his colleagues in addition to their salaries, and yet the Honorable the Chief Minister has not been able to prevent them from so doing. What was the use of their touring, I ask? .People were unnecessarily impelled to submit lacs of petitions to them, on whose preparation alone all the applicants combined may have spent over a lakh of rupees, and all that money has been able to do anything for those unfortunate applicants, thanks to the peculiar attitude of the Honorable the Chief Minister. Again, God alone knows how many thousands of rupees it must have cost the hosts of the Ministers to entertain the latter during the course of their touring. I am told that in Jacobabad the zamindars vied with each other in entertaining them and the caters went from Karachi.
The treatment which the Honorable the Chief Minister has accorded to the agriculturist tax-payer is the most outstanding scandalous feature of his regime. The story of assessment proposals is, as this Honorable House knows, very poignant one. In order to gauge the magnitude of the injustice done to the people I would draw the attention of this House to Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh’s own statement in the old Bombay Legislative Council on 27th March 1935 wherein he has stated thus, pointed out, in the event of separation of Sind, the agriculturist of Sind will not be able to bear the burden of the present assessment. The Government of India should therefore be informed of this hardship, so that they may either increase the subsidy for Sind or take such other steps as they may deem necessary. I should particularly like to urge on the honorable members representing the Presidency that on that consideration alone they should support us.”
Then again speaking on the 9th August 1937 in this Honorable House on the reports of the settlement officers, he has observed thus: “By adding a little bit here and subtracting a little bit there, the conclusions which the settlement officers have arrived at cannot but be wrong and very dangerous.” Compare both these statements of his with the present ones that he himself has made to the agriculturists during his own regime.
Now, if , Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister believed in what he then said, was it proper on his part to have imposed the increased rates of assessment on any pretext or under any cloak? But, Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister seems to have lost all his previous feelings for the overtaxed agriculturists of this province after he has come to wear the mantle of the Chief Minister of this Province. He has iniquitously enhanced the burden of the agriculturists instead of reducing it, as was expected of him. Not only that, but he has done it in defiance of the party to whom he owes his very rise to the present status. I will remind this Honorable House of the resolution of the Sind United Party, which was passed in the presence of and with the concurrence of the Honorable the Chief Minister on 13th of July, 1938.
“In view of the fact that the principle of sliding scale of land revenue taxation is new to this province, requiring examination of the details, the party, while accepting that there is need for revision of settlement, resolve that the present rates of taxation should continue for 12 min, during which period following details should be attended to by the Government:-
1 Survey of classification of soils to enable to discriminate taxation according to yield, suitability and other conditions of soil.
2 Examination of various data to fix details of the sliding scale.
3 Effecting of various proposals of retrenchment and exploring possibilities of other sources of revenue.
The Party, while appreciating the anxiety of Government to arrive at an early decision, feel that in view of seriousness of the problem and especially when there is no prospect of any immediate additional revenue from this source due to present low market prices, Government should not find it difficult to accept and act up to the above decision of the party.”
Now Sir, it is very significant to note that the Honorable the Chief Minister was present in that meeting and he had agreed to carry out the resolution, the very drafting was done in consultation and agreement with him. But, Sir, he kept us in hopes only right up to the 15th of July, when he came to know through other sources that he had actually passed orders and that they had gone to the Government Press for printing. We then called upon him to explain, whereupon he resigned from the membership of the United Party. After two days again he called a meeting of a few members at his Bungalow and it was given the name of the United Party meeting. On the third day he again backed out from his resignation and made his colleague the Revenue Minister state on his behalf that he had never resigned. The world does not know as to what party the Honorable the Chief Minister belongs. All the other parties in the legislature have condemned the assessment orders. Twice there have been anti-ministry days observed by the whole of the Province demanding the resignation of the Chief Minister. The Congress party had passed a resolution on the 16th of July which runs thus:
“The Congress stands for principles of responsible Government. Where a new system of taxation affecting every Khatedar in Sind and one-fourth of its population was going to be introduced, it was impossible for the Congress in Sind to sit quiet and allow a responsible ministry to pass its orders without giving proper opportunity to the people’s representatives and the Assembly parties to understand the proposals and give their views. That would have been to betray the interest of the people and stultify itself.
But it appeared that the Ministry was determined to pass orders and introduce the new system. Even the ministerial parties themselves were not called to meet and the tentative proposals of the Ministerial crisis. The elected representatives rushed to Karachi learning of the imminence of the passing of orders by Government on the new system.
Their appeals that the Government should not pass orders but postpone them for the 12months also failed. It is the attitude of the Ministers, wholly in violation of the principle of the self Government, which has precipitated the situation. In the circumstances, the Congress party is constrained to resume its complete freedom of action in the matter of its attitude towards the ministry.”
Even the verdict of the Congress High Command has been that the attitude and action of the Ministry in this respect has been highly objectionable. I am referring to Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Moulana Abul Kalam’s joint statement of September 1938.
The attitude of the Hindu Independent party has also been almost the same and I am confident that no Hindu member, representing at least the forty per cent. Hindu agriculturists, will have the courage to come forward and say that the Chief Minister has not done injustice to the agriculturists.
The point I would like to make out here is that the Honorable the Chief Minister has taxed the people iniquitously, and secondly that the method that he has adopted has been most anti-democratic. If the Honorable the Chief Minister with these antecedence of his is allowed to remain in office I can only say that God help the agriculturists, the parliamentary parties, the public opinion and the canons of constitutional propriety and public morality.
As everyone knows, the assessment orders possess three features:-
1 Sliding scale,
2 Re-grouping
3 Assessment on the miscellaneous crop.
All the three features are evils of a very high order and they have been sufficiently criticized and condemned in the past. The sliding scale is an innovation and has been introduced without adequate preliminaries having been gone through It is not a sliding scale but a soaring scale, which can mount up if the prices of cotton rise, but it cannot climb down their existing level if the rates go down. The figures of yield are inaccurate and the land classification has been entirely lost sight of.
The re-grouping is equally obnoxious and so are the new rates of assessment on miscellaneous crop. They had been recommended by the Settlement Officer and rejected by this Honorable House in August 1937. Even the Honorable the Chief Minister himself had condemned them in his speech on the 9th August 1937, which I have quoted above. He said “by adding a little bit here and subtracting a little bit there the conclusions which the Settlement Officers have arrived at cannot but be wrong and very dangerous,” and yet it is one the basis of those very wrong and dangerous conclusions that he has chosen to tax the people in such wild manner.
I want the honorable members to realize that to vote for the Chief Minister on this motion would mean voting in favor of the assessment orders. The country may not be able to take such members shall have to render an account for all that they do now in respect of this situation.
The official outlook has not changed in the slightest degree and for that a separate reference shall have to be made.
The third point against the Honorable Chief Minister is that he has not taken a progressive view of things and that the country continues to be in the same unhappy plight in which it was in the pre-autonomy days. It requires no further elucidation sharing to this point home to the honorable members, for every one of them knows what kind of atmosphere prevails in the country. Does the honorable Chief Minister remember contents of his own letters of resignation to Sir Ghulam Hussain in March 1938?
The fourth thing is that they are moving at a very slow space. There can be no two opinion about it no session were held for till 9 months and thousand of questions, 100 of resolutions and over 100 Bills are pending on the agenda. Even the ordinary matter are replied to after months. Letter addressed on 21st December 1937 has been replied to on 4th January 1939. The Land alienation Bills and the Debt Conciliation Bills are not allowed to be thorough. After 9 months, the Honorable Chief Minister has circulated a few draft bills which are wholly useless. It is the case of the Mountain in labor which brings fourth only a little house. I will at this stage remind the Honorable Chief Minister the wording his pledge to the United Party. Let him know that was the program which he had promised to follow. That promised he has given on the floor of this House on 30th March 1938 and is printed on page 68 of the Debates for 30th March 1938. In the same page he has said that he should be judged at the end six months. These promises he had made after he became the Chief Minister. Now what is the United Parties program which the Honorable the Chief Minister had thus undertaken to execute?
Run thus:-
a) To support through the Party’s representatives in the Federal Legislature any scheme of All-India utility and concern especially with regard to the attainment of Dominion Status, economizing at the centre, problems affecting the Indians overseas, modification of laws and bringing them in conformity with the public option in collaboration with an All India Organization as the Party from time to time may decide.
b) To strive for the achievement of the fullest measure of Provincial Autonomy.
c) To achieve communal harmony on an economic basis. ( The lines of economy for achieving communal harmony are, Sir, patently absent from the program of the Honorable the Leader of the House.)
d) To enable all sections of the population to enjoy all facilities and advantages on a equitable basis with regard to matters such as services, education, commerce, franchise, etc.
e) To promote the interest of agriculturists and laborers.
f) To strive for village developments, promoting cottage industries and providing villagers with all amenities of modern life as far as may be possible to do from time to time.
g) To save the small land-holders from the evil of usury and usurpation of land by non-agriculturists and big landlords.
h) To ensure recognition of legitimate privileges and rights of all Haris and Landlords without causing any unjustified injury to any other class of people.
i) To provide for relief of agricultural indebtedness.
j) To study and promote commercial and industrial interests to the Province.
k) To improve Public Health.
l) To overhaul the educational systems in all its branches so as to bring about literacy among the workers and toilers and to inculcate love of manual labor and vocations amongst the educated people.
m) To provide for gradual introduction of compulsory education.
n) To improve methods of marketing, including the reforms of objectionable market usages and practices.
o) To secure the purity of administration with special emphasis on eradication of the evils of Rasai, Lapo, Chher and bribery.
p) To distribute fairly and equitably the burden of taxation.
q) To eliminate all excess in the cost of administration with a view to give relief in taxation.
r) To promote religious and cultural integrity of each community as the best basis of lasting national unity.
s) In case of conflict between the communities, to settle disputes by conciliation and/ or arbitration.
Now, Sir the promised period of six months is over, and on the contrary it is the tenth month going, and we are now entitled to hear as to what the Honorable the Chief Minister has done to implement that promise of his. In order to show more clearly to this Honorable House the progressive bent of mind of the Honorable the Chief Minister, I would like to read out to this Honorable House the contents of a recent letter of the Government, bearing No. O.- 542-H/37, dated 4th January 1939. It is a reply to my letter of 8th December 1938, in which I had made a grievance of three things: firstly, that the Law about the criminal tribes was most oppressive; secondly, that the Badmashi section was being abused; thirdly, that the District Superintendent of Police of Thar Parkar possessed lands in that very district and that therefore it was undesirable to keep him in that very district.
Now I will read out to you the Government reply. It runs thus:-
“It is possible that attending rolls calls causes inconvenience to registered criminal tribesmen but, considering their criminal bent of mind, Government have no alternative but to impose certain restrictions upon them. Government will see, however, that inconvenience caused to them is the minimum and that their time is not wasted in attending rolls calls.
Government are not aware that rolls calls result in free labor and bribery, and if any specific instances of these are mentioned, they will not fail to bring the culprits to book. But they do not consider that they would be justified in setting up a special enquiry without being in possession of concrete proof of the existence of the circumstances stated by you.
2. As regards your second point, I am to say that proceedings under section 110 of the criminal Procedure Code are judicial Proceedings, the outcome of which cannot be manipulated by the Police. However, if it can be proved that any subordinate of the Police Department receives money in the manner stated by you, he will be dealt with in an exemplary manner.
3. As regards your third point, I am to say that Government regrets they cannot move in the matter as suggested by you unless some specific proof of the existence of the conditions mentioned by you is forthcoming.”
Now, Sir, compare the Government reply with the following message in the Honorable the Chief Minister’s own statement of policy which he made on the floor of this House on the 29th of March 1938 and which appears on page 35 of Debate for 29th of March. This is what he has said:-
“Owing to the absence of village police system in Sind, considerable inconvenience is being caused to persons who are called upon by the police to give roll call at a police station. Government considers it desirable to institute immediately an enquiry into the procedure now followed throughout Sind, so as to prevent harassment or unnecessary hardship to those persons.”
The comparison of the two passages will show what a great volume of water has flowed down the bridge between the two periods.
With regard to the question of giving relief to the masses, I don’t think even the Honorable the Chief Minister can say that he has done anything in that direction.
With regard to his autocratic ways, I think, the less said the better. With these remarks I resume my seat.
After recess.
(The Honorable the Deputy Speaker occupied the Chair)
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Sir, I want to speak, may I proceed?
The Honorable The Deputy Speaker: I thought honorable member Mr. Gazdar wanted to speak first.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : But I am on my legs Sir.
The Honorable The Deputy Speaker: Well, proceed.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Sir, I rise to support the motion moved by my honorable friend Mr. G . M. Sayed to-day. First of all, I wish to apologize if I am not able to pitch my voice high enough to make myself audible throughout the Hall, because I am suffering from temporary disabilities through an unkind nature I am suffering at the moment from sore throat, and therefore unfortunately my voice is not very clear. However, I shall make my best efforts to explain the position as clearly as possible.
Sir, first of all, I wish to explain briefly the constitutional position of this motion. It is not a matter of any uncommon occurrence that in any Parliamentary House a Government is taken to task for doing anything which is unconstitutional and which is wrong and which is not considered as acceptable to the people and to the country. At the present Ministry has been in the office. I refer particularly to the period beginning from the middle of July right up to to-day, when there has been considerable criticism in the press against the Ministry; there have been public meetings of protest and there have been various other objections raised as to the manner in which the present Ministry has conducted the affairs of this Province. The First and the foremost thing which is to-day absorbing our attention is the question of land revenue policy of the present Government. This question, Sir, should not be very lightly treated, as very of I have been finding criticism that it is unfair on the part of agriculturists to protest if any reasonable taxation is proposed. It is only natural, when their pockets are touched, that they will raise objection and say that they are too poor to bear this burden. That is a very objection from the landed class towards any taxation. But, Sir, it is the primarily duty this Honorable House to see whether those objections as the fresh taxation are reasonable or they are un-reasonable.
Now, Sir, before I enter into the question of the Land Revenue proposals, before I discuss the point whether they are right or wrong and before I explain how I have come to the conclusion that these proposals are unfair and untenable, I must first of all explain the constitutional position that has been adopted by the present Honorable Ministers. Most of the people have short memories and particularly it happens to be so in politics. They easily forget what the past history was and how these honorable gentlemen have come to occupy these benches and what promises they gave to the country and how far they have fulfilled those promises. I am very glad that a motion has been moved by my honorable friend Mr. Sayed, who, on his own admission, has said that he was the chief instrument in bringing the present ministry power. That statement is absolutely correct and cannot be denied. The self-same gentleman has come forward to-day to move this motion of no confidence and I fully agree with him that he was the only proper person who should have brought this motion in this Honorable House. He has in a cool and logical manner, without any word implying malice or ill-will, given his arguments in support of his motion and I give him credit for having explained his case so ably and well.
Sir, these honorable gentlemen, after taking over the reins of their office, made statements in this Honorable House and outside in the public, that they will do this and do that for the country, and that we must judge them not by their words but by their deeds. These are the words the Honorable the Chief Minister Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh uttered in his very first statement which he made in this House on the memorable occasion of the 30th March last. “You should judge us by our deeds and not by our words.” I am very glad that I have been afforded an opportunity on this occasion to do so.
Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh happened to be the Leader of the Opposition in August 1937 when the late Ministry of the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain brought forward the proposals of the Land Revenue Settlement to be discussed in this Honorable House and there was a full dress debate for two dats over that motion. The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH was one of those members who most vehemently condemned the proposals. I need not waste the time of this Honorable House by repeating quotations as some of them have already have been paraded forth. But I shall content myself with saying that after having made that speech and after again taking over the responsible position of the Chief Minister of the Province, he has sponsored those very proposals. I go further and say that he is the author of these proposals and I make this position very clear. You will pardon me, Sir, that I do not agree with you that this is a special responsibility of His Excellency the Governor, because I maintain that these proposals have emanated from the Ministry and this advice was tendered by the Ministry itself to His Excellency the Governor and therefore the responsibility primarily falls on the shoulders of the Ministry.
You know, Sir, and I make an appeal to my honorable friends of the European Group sitting her in this House who belong to a free nation and come from a free country which has had Parliamentary Institutions for hundreds of years.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: For 7 centuries.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Yes, from time immemorial.
They know very well what the principles of democracy are and what the duties of a democratic Government are. They know perfectly well that when there is an important question agitating the country, it is the primary duty of the Prime Minister of England to see that that question is discussed on the floor of the Parliament. In this way the country’s verdict is obtained by the resignation of the Ministry and the ordering of a general election so that the country may in an unequivocal voice express its real opinion on a particular issue of an important nature. Now, let us see what this Honorable friend Mr. Gazdar, who has done by. In July last my honorable friend a Mr. Gazdar, who happened to be the Secretary of the United Party, and these Honorable Ministers- at least two of them belonged to the United Party- called a meeting of the Party on 12th July. I remember the date because I then happened to be in Karachi. I am telling you this because I wish to make a grievance of the fact that they never cared to ask the Leader of the Opposition, who, at that time, was the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain, as to what they were going to do with an important question of this nature. They secretly and surreptitiously went on preparing certain proposals and sprang a surprise on their own party when they told them that these proposals were coming up and were going to be adopted. The proposals were discussed for 2 or 3 days, and what was the result? My honorable friend.
Mr. G. M. SAYED has very clearly pointed out to ypou that after a full discussion in the United Party; a resolution, in very clear words was passed that we are not agreeable to these proposals and wanted that for 12 months they should be postponed and the question of classification of soil, etc, should be fully gone into. On the one side these proposals were being discussed in the house of the honorable member Mr. G. M . Sayed, and on the other they were being printed in the Government Press as final orders of the Government of the Province . This is very honorable way in which these honorable gentlemen have treated their own party. You will see, Sir, that on the 12th of July these proposals were being discussed by the Ministers with their parties an on the 15th the people received final orders. They were printed and published as proposals which had been finally adopted by the Government of the Province.
Now, Sir, what was the attitude adopted by the Congress towards these proposals? It is not unknown to the public of the Province and the honorable members of this House. In their statement they in very clear terms condemned the proposals and they condemned them in their resolution passed on 16th July 1938. May I ask, Sir, in those circumstances what should have been the constitutional position of the Honorable Ministers after that? Their party gave them a clear mandate that these proposals must not be the given effect to for 12 months. The Congress on whose support they partly came into office,- and that fact cannot be denied because they had no majority and it was on the sufferance of the Congress that they came into power,- also gave them a clear mandate that these proposals were to be postponed. The party of the Honorable Mr.Nihchaldas, known as the Hindu Independent Party, also, I understand unanimously decided that these proposals must not be given effect to. However, I am subject to correction so far as that statement goes. But, at any rate, that was the position as it stood at that time. Did they resign their seats in deference to the demand put forth by their parties? No. What would any Government have done in those circumstances in any free country? Under similar circumstances the Prime Minister of England would have resigned if the verdict of the Party had gone against him.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: For the matter of that, would any constitutional Government in any province in India have done that?
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Sir, we have been given reforms on the broad lines of the constitutional Government of England. However inadequate these reforms may be, is another question, but in a miniature form the reforms and powers given to us are on the lines of the constitutional Government in England. These people were elected, and they were called upon to form the Ministry for the simple reason that they belonged to a particular party. The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH was called upon to form the Cabinet not because he was a Khan Bahadur of Shikarpur, but the because he was the Leader of the United Party of this Honorable House. But when he has crossed the river he has burnt the boats. He has kicked at the United Party as if he owed no responsibility to it. He has instead begun corrupting its members in order to spread chaos in the rank and file of that party.
I might inform the Honorable House that he and his colleagues tendered their resignation from their party instead of tendering their resignation from the Cabinet. It should have been a matter of clear indifference to them whether any party in the House was Government in the Province. Their constitutional position was to tell the United Party, “ Our friend here is our resignation if you don’t support our proposals. We have consciously done what is right, but because our party forms a Ministry, we will oppose them. We will sit on the Opposition Benches and see that they are driven out of office, if they come and occupy office under these conditions.” They failed to do that, and, therefore, I say that they have kicked at the principles of democracy. They have set up a very bad example for this unfortunate young Province of Bombay with high hopes attached to it. I was one of those who took a prominent part in the question of the separation of Sind. It pains me to find that after separation we are getting at the helm of affairs gentlemen who do not know how to work them. Sir, I wish The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH were recognized the dictator of Europe to-day, he will find that he has arrogated to himself practically all the powers of a dictator, forgetting, of course, the responsibilities of a dictator. Even the dictator is responsible to the country. He must have read very often in the papers that whenever Signor Mussolini or Herr Hitler wants to bring in some proposals, they come before the country. They address lakhs and lakhs of people and tell them “This is our desire” and they always carry the masses with themselves. Here in our province our dictators do not carry even the masses with themselves. I am sorry to say the Honorable the Chief Minister has never come forward to seek the verdict of this House or of the country. But his two colleagues only have gone on his behalf making speeches at random. At most of the places they dared not speak anything of the land revenue proposals. At certain places they might have had the courage to speak something about the proposals, but my information is that at those places also they were hooted in spite of the fact that officials were told to collect masses. Meetings were organized by the Collectors of the Districts, Executive Engineers and other Government Officials. All these officers were responsible for collecting people to receive the Ministers. But even that one sided audience, which was collected by the officials, did not support them on the land revenue proposals.
Now, Sir, I am very sorry that people talk so much about corruption- I mean of corruption among officials. I say that even this Ministry is corrupt. It has gone even further than that. It is both corrupt, because it has corrupted members, and anti-democratic in its outlook, because it has disregarded public opinion and ignored the honest views of the honorable members of this House. They have corrupted members by offering them all sorts of temptations to resign from their parties and support the Honorable Chief Minister’s proposals about assessment which have been thrust upon the country. It should not be the concern of the Honorable the Chief Ministers, to seduce members, persuade them by various offers individually, and tell them “We will do this thing for you, we will do that thing for you”, and then to barter for themselves.
The Ministers have resigned from the United Party in July 1938. Eight months have passed since their resignation went fourth to the United Party. After that, the right course for them to adopt was to form another party. But I have never heard any party having been formed by the Honorable the Chief Minister. What I some time back heard was that one of the Ministers went round on his tour advertising that possibly he will start a National Party. But upto this day I have never known what the rules and principles of that National Party are and under what conditions people will join that National Party. Some people believed that the tom-tomming of the advantages of the creation of a National Party was designed to pull the leg of the Congress and secure its assistance. But that was not possible. For the Congressmen the proper place is Opposition. They might not do that temporarily, for certain circumstances to which I am coming later on, but the constitutional position for the congress to sit in the Opposition. By doing that they are not committing any crime, but they are doing their duty towards the constituencies that have returned them to this Honorable House. I am also equally responsible to my constituency when I give expression to the views and speak as an advocate of the constituency that has returned me to his House.
Sir, it cannot be denied that I am one of the Senior members of this House and am a senior legislator. I have 12 years remained in the Bombay Legislative Council during the Dyarchy period. Even in those days we did not see things being done as they are being done to-day under the present Ministry. Sir, you were also, for some time, our colleague in the Bombay Legislative Council. You will also bear me out that we never saw things like these done in Bombay. Now what has happened here? I am coming to that later on when I will show you how a responsible Government is being conducted in this Province. It is matter of shame for us really to give expression to these views. It is really unfortunate. Under the circumstances we are working, I am afraid the things will go from bad to worse unless all the honorable members of this House realize that very great responsibility lies on their shoulders to see that Ministry goes aright and that Government is conducted on right lines to set an example for our successors who will follow us, so that they will never go astray. But what do we find here? Even those members who sit in Opposition, are backing up such a ministry. It is most regrettable that extraneous circumstances should be brought in to justify their supporting the ministry.
I quoted just now that I didn’t find a parallel of this kind even in diarchy period under the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms from the year 1923 to 1935 when I was associated with the Bombay Presidency as a member of the Bombay Legislative Council. Sir, if you remember, whenever Government wanted to create any appointment, they came to the Honorable House. What used to be practice under those reforms? I am again doing so to refresh the memory of some of my honorable friends who were my colleagues there and some of whom are now sitting on the Government benches. Whenever Government wanted to have any post created they would come before the House with a supplementary grant, before actually the post was created. If they were not able to estimate the expenditure of that appointment, they used to come to the sanction of the House; the House was committed to that policy very clearly. If, for example, a post of Deputy Secretary to Government was created, which is a very responsible post, then naturally the House must be taken into confidence.
(At this stage THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER came and occupied the Chair)
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Honorable Sir, You were in the Bombay Council ever since 1928, and you will not forget that the practice under Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms was that whenever the Government created any appointment or whenever they wanted to incur any expenditure, they came before the House with a demand for a supplementary grant estimating approximately the expenditure that will be incurred on that post. But when they were not in position to estimated correctly or approximately the expenditure they used to come forward with a token grant of Rs 10 so that the Legislature is committed to that policy of Government. If they sanctioned, the post was created; and if they refused, the post was never created. I will remind the honorable members of one instance. I see my honorable friend Dr. Popatlal is not here. When a brief sessions of 15 days was granted to us eight months ago, during the discussion in a debate, my honorable friend put a question to the Honorable the Chief Minister whether it was not a fact that the post of deputy Secretary, Revenue Department, had been created. In fact the orders creating the post were passed long before, but the Honorable the Chief Minister never got up from his seat and he kept absolutely mum. It was the last day on which the House sat, and eight months have passed since then. Immediately afterwards the post of Deputy Secretary was created and the Deputy Secretary was given charge of the post and he remained there all these 8 months. We have never sanctioned that appointment, and without the sanction of the Assembly the post has been created and even now the supplementary grant has not been placed in our hands.
Now, Sir, will you compare this Ministry favorably which the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms Ministry? Sir, it is a matter of disgrace for this Honorable House to tolerate this sort of treatment that it is given to it. Sir, a responsible post of Deputy Secretary, to which we members of the Reorganization and Retrenchment Committee have said “ NO “, has been created in a most arbitrary fashion without the sanction of the Assembly being secured. My honorable friend Professor Ghanshyam who was my colleague in that Committee , will bear me out that we were making every possible effort to see that every pie of this poor Province was saved, and yet this is how the post of Deputy Secretary, Revenue Department, has been created.
Then, Sir, what has happened after that? Mr. Gholap I.C.S., a fairly senior officer who was at the time the Registrar of Co-operative Societies is pulled down form that post, and put up as additional Secretary, Finance Department, for 8 months, to learn the work of the Finance Department, in order to succeed Mr. Clee. I have never heard of such a thing happening even in a rich Province like Bombay wherein a senior I.C .S officer may have been appointed to learn work to become ultimately a Secretary.
Then, Sir, there is a very recent instance, about which my honorable friends are not aware. They have created a new special post for one senior confirmed Collector who is drawing at present Rs. 1800 only as pay and then, in addition to that, is entitled to many allowances, staff and other paraphernalia. He will draw first class travelling allowance also. That gentleman has been called to be on special duty for revising Bills.
Sir, I have never heard of such a thing, and I will be very glad if any honorable member corrects me, and I will even request Sir Ghulam Hussain to correct me- he was for 15 years a member of the Bombay Government. Sir, I have never heard of people being called to write Bills. It is the function of the Legal Department What for have these people been created I mean the Deputy Secretary of the Legal Department for which post this Assembly gave his sanction in May last? What work has been found for that gentleman? I hear Mr. Gholap has been complaining that he is being asked to draft all the Bills. They have Mr. Gholap, and also Mr. Taunton, an officer drawing Rs. 3000 to prepare these Bills. Now, Sir, what are the motives of the Ministry behind all this? Sir, we members of the Assembly are being treated as mere hewers of wood and drawers of water. I do not know whether Professor Ghanshayam is told privately by the Honorable the Chief Minister as to what he is doing, but publicly we have never been told anything at all. Boosted headlines appear in the press that this is being done, which is all incorrect information, and we legislators are asked by the press men to believe all that bunkum. The Position is that no one has ever been taken into confidence by the Honorable Chief Minister. I have never been, but what about his own friends? He does not trust his friends either.
Then Sir, these Honorable gentlemen created the posts of Personal Assistants.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : Please say the Honorable Ministers.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Sir “ Gentlemen” is not a bad word. It is a respectable word.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : You may the treasury benches, the Honorable Ministers, the Cabinet or something like that.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Now, Sir, the honorable Minister have been created the posts of Personal Assistants and drafted to them persons of the grade of Mukhtiarkars and Deputy Collectors to assists the Muslim Ministers Why should they not open a school whereat the Ministers can learn the work of Muktiarkars and Deputy Collectors? Sir, Sir Ghulam Hussain was appointed in1921 as Minister to the Government of Bombay. He went 800 miles from here, and he was not given a Mukhtiarkar to do his work. He was given personal clerk only. Sir, the biggest officer in the Bombay Government, Sir Robert Bell or Sir Earnest Hotson, the Executive Councilors, had only personal clerks, ordinary clerks to work with them. It never happened that because their position was greater, therefore they should be given men of higher position to do the work personal clerks for them.
Sir, I particularly object to this matter, that for the last 8 months so much expense has been incurred and no statement has been placed in our hands. We have been treated very shabbily.
Then, Sir, I cannot understand this particular anxiety on the part of present Ministry to have as far as possible acting Collectors in the districts. All the senior Collectors are drafted to the Secretariat for all sorts of jobs which we can never imagine, and then in all the districts acting Collectors are posted for extra administrative purposes. Some one calls himself the Collectors of Sukkur, another the Collector of Thar Parkar, and so on. Sir, within these few months so many vacancies have occurred and they have all been absorbed by these temporary officials. I know the object behind this move. The Government want the support, and they think by appointing acting Collectors they will have them at their beck and call, and these collectors will shake in their shoes when the Minister sends a wait that the Collector must comply with what he wants, because he must see that his job is safe.
May I ask my honorable friend Mr. Sidhwa- he was greatly indignant with Sir Ghulam Hussain, and when I was Secretary, I gave him my reply- has he brought any charge against the present Ministers, as he did before? He should consult his conscience and say whether Sir Ghulam was a better Chief Minister or the present gentleman. Sir, there can be no comparison. It may be said about me that I had closer association with then Government, but Sir, even making allowance for that, as man to man, I will tell my honorable friends in Opposition, that any day as an independent member of this Honorable House, if I were to pass a judgment I will say, Sir Ghulam Hussain was a hundred times better. This has not come from my lips. It has fallen from the lips of a gentleman who was the moving spirit of his party and who has now made no secret of the fact that he was responsible for bringing these Honorable Ministers into the present position.
Now, Sir, we were told that when these Honorable Ministers came into office they would go at airplane speed, that they would turn his this unfortunate earth into a veritable Heaven and that they would do all sort of things. Sir, in spite of the speeches they have delivered in public, they talk big and do nothing else. Nothing short of it. They have done nothing by way of legislation. They have framed no policy or measure for which they can take credit from the public. For the 8 months they have remained in office there has been no session. Sir, they are greater sinners in that respect than Sir Ghulam Husssain. As compared with the eight Provinces in India, this Province continues to be a still born child. This Province has done nothing People coming from other ‘Provinces are laughing at us. They say: “ You in Sind are in the same old wretched condition, no reforms for you and no legislation for the Province of Sind. You are still ruled in the same autocratic manner.” Sir, the present Ministry depends upon the Staff of permanent officials who have nothing to do with politics and have no feelings for the people outside.
Then, Sir, I am reminded of one very important charge leveled against honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain by my honorable friend Mr. Sidhwa that questions were never answered for months and months. I have got a greater grievance on this point against the present Ministry. Many months ago I sent a question asking the Honorable he Chief Minister- and you will see how important a question it was-whether it was not a fact that the Collector of Larkana was wired by him through the Home Secretary to send a certain member to Karachi to appear before Sardar Vallahbhai Patel and say that he was the supporter and follower of the Honorable the Chief Minister. A reply to that question could have been given within 8 days. But no reply has been given up to now although Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel left the limits of this Province some months back. Now can I not under the circumstances accuse the Ministry of having exploited officials for its own political purposes? Why did they make that hallo ballo when Sir Ghulam Hussain was the Chief Minister that he was the gentleman who had been supported by the officials, and that they were canvassing support for him? That was done either to demoralize Sir Ghulam Hussain or his supporters or the officials or God knows what. But now worse things are being done, and I can prove to this Honorable House to the very letter all the charges that I am leveling.
Then, Sir, my honorable friend Mr. G. M. SAYED has quoted six points, and they are very important points. They should not be taken lightly. Off course he spoke about them in a cool, calm and cold manner. But they are very important points. One of them is about the reorganization and retrenchment in the Province. What he said was quite right, because we are groaning under a heavy debt. We are crippled. And Government comes forward and tells us that they have no funds to spend for primary education, public Health, medical reforms, this, that and God knows what. The Congress Party and the Muslim League Party have been crying themselves hoarse over the question of more money being spent on nation-building departments. But there is only one reply from the Khan Bahadur “ No. Unfortunately we have no funds.” We pay Rs. 125000 as debt interest every year.
Mr. GHANSHYAM JETHANAND : No it is Rs 125,00,000.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Yes, that is right We pay Rs. 125 lakhs as debt interest alone very year. I found the Honorable the Chief Minister one day in a very happy mood. He met in the street and said “ You people talk about retrenchment. It is all Bukum. I will go to the Government of India and get all his debt scheme modified , and the Government of India will come forward to our rescue in their mercy and say ‘We write off his debt or a portion of it’. “ Of course I heard the remark, but I was absolutely laughing in my sleeves. The House can be fooled for some time, but not for all the time. Even after eight months of working of the present Ministry we are in the same position as before. My information is- and I speak subject to correction- that these Honorable Minister have been told “ No”, by the Government of India. In spite of that, no step has been taken to curtail the expenditure which is most extravagantly incurred in the Province. No responsible Government has been doing, sanctioning new appointments without consulting this Honorable House, in spite of the fact that we have been groaning under a heavy debt. I know that that the Khan Bahadur will never forgive Sir Ghulam Hussain for having appointed this unfortunate Retrenchment Committee. He disliked that immensely. His attitude was “ You fellows have been talking of retrenchment. What sort of report is the Retrenchment Committee going to produce?” It does not matter Bahadur Allah Bakhsh. My honorable colleagues on the Committee will bear me out in that respect. When the Interim Report was submitted to Government. SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH was at the helm of affairs of this Province. I should have been most loyal to him. But in my loyalty to my leader and to my superior, the Chief Minister, of whom I was the Parliamentary Secretary, I would never betray the trust reposed in me and make proposals which I would conscientiously find were wrong. No, certainly not. I have endorsed every word of that Interim report. Therefore I cannot be accused that I have subsequently signed the Report and made certain proposals which I did not find reasonable. The biggest cut which was proposed was in P.W.D for Rs, 25 lakhs I am speaking from memory. That was proposed when Sir Ghulam Hussain was the Chief Minister. Therefore I cannot be accused that I am in any way bringing any extraneous considerations on the present Ministry done in regard to the recommendation of the Retrenchment Committee for a saving of about Rs 40 lakhs? They have not saved even one-forth of this. I remember Mr. G. M. SAYED said that they should have curtailed the expenditure by at least Rs 15 lakhs. What has been the postion? Government cannot say that we have not given them enough material. We gave it to them months ago. We have done the most responsible work as members of Reorganization Committee with least cost. The whole cost of that Committee has been Rs 15000 in spite of the fact we had a paid Secretary drawing about Rs 800 pay and also there was the office expense. We as members have claimed the lowest allowances and we have put in hard labor. But what is the position? Government have either thrown the report into the waste paper basket or with their present frame of mind they will very rightly be encourage to do that. What will be the position of posterity, the future alone will tell. If the Government is carried on in this way, things will go from bad to worse and posterity will curse us. They will say that the Minister were absolutely unfit to occupy their seats even for a single day.
Then, Sir, the talk of the attitude of officials, improvements and reforms various other things appeared very seductive when they fell from the lips of my honorable friend Mr. G. M. SAYED, but the House has been completely disillusioned on all those points. The Government had no intention of doing anything so long as they merrily sit in those comfortable seats and find a decent number of about 35 members supporting them. Why should they bother at all, when they have a comfortable majority? So far as they are concerned, their attitude appears to be that the devil may take care of the future! (Laughter). Progress is zero. As I have pointed out, for 8 months there has been no progress, and I can assure the Honorable House that there will never be any progress. If the members sit in the company of the Ministers will be very happy, they will never be any progress. If the members sit in the company of the Minister for the next three years, the Minister will be very happy, they will thank them for that, but they will never do anything for the good of the Province. I was very glad when my honorable friend Mr. G. M. SAYED admitted that Sir Ghulam Hussain was less autocratic. He was perfectly right in saying that. I also feel the same thing and I wish to express my feeling. Only I shall not say it so boldly, which will not produce much effect. What I can say is that the present Chief Minister can well be compared with a dictator. What more autocratic gentleman can there be in Sind? He knows the human psychology, and he knows the people of Sind. He is a born Sindhi, and he has taken full advantage of the position. When he finds he can get many traitors in this country, and when he knows and fully realizes what happened at the battle of Miani 90 years ago, how the rulers of Sind were betrayed,- why will he not allow the history to repeat itself? When there are various traitors who do not care for their constituents. . . . . .
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : The honorable member should avoid such remarks.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: I am using the word in a general sense, Sir, I am not making any personal attack on any individuals.
Now Sir, one thing for which at any rate the Honorable the Chief Minister and his colleagues claimed credit when they took over office was the amendment of the Ministers’ Salaries Act. My honorable friends on the right were very jubilant They said “ Here are the gentleman who are following the Congress principles. They are selfless, they are getting their Salaries Act modified. The salaries given to the previous Ministers were very heavy and these people are quite content with Rs. 800 only. “Well, Sir, Perhaps they may have as well said that they were following Mahatma Gandhi. In order to analyze that position I have sent questions, but unfortunately they have Government so desired, in two days. I sent them months ago.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : So have I.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Compare, Sir, the expense incurred by only one Minister of the present Ministry with the expense incurred by the previous Ministers. I had stated to the honorable member Mr. Ghanshyam, the Leader of the Congress group, at the time when that Amending Bill was brought before this House, and I am again telling him to-day, that these Honorable Ministers are spending in the neighborhood of Rs 1500, if not more. Of course, I am not in possession of the exact facts, because though I have attempted to get the figures through them, they have not yet been good enough to supply me with them. When those question that the travelling allowance alone amounts to no less than Rs 1000 per mensem. Let the public, who had listened very attentively at the time when I was opposing the Bill and moving my amendment, see whether they are right or I was right. I challenge them on the floor of this House and say that their Bill comes to no less than Rs. 1500.
The Honorable House knows that the Honorable the Chief Minister is occupying a palatial bungalow at the expense of Government. All the expense is incurred by Government ; every-thing is found by Government electricity. . . . . . . . . .
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: No, Sir.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Water rate, mali charges, garden expenses, laying out expenses, furniture, breakage etc. You know, Sir, what is not required for such a big bungalow. Is that real economy, I ask? In addition to that, each one of these Honorable Ministers is given Rs. 150 a month for the car and they are at perfect liberty to purchase any costly car which may be worth 4 thousands or 5 thousands of rupees. They are using the car mercilessly, because it is somebody else’s property, the tax payer’s property. They travel about in that luxious car merrily with their flag flying high at the expense of the poor tax payer. I was told by one honorable gentleman outside- I need not mention his name- that the Honorable the Revenue Minister did 250 miles in a day ! ! ! He had then gone to see cotton crop. Now, Sir, imagine an Honorable Minister doing 250 miles in a day, what would he first of all see of that crop? What time will he able to spend seeing that crop? Then calculate how much it would cost in the shape of travelling allowance. It would be nearly Rs. 100 per day. This is the way in which the poor tax payer’s money is being frittered away by the Honorable Ministers.
Sir, I was very amused when I read in the Sind Government Gazette the tour program of the Honorable Minister. He went on a brief visit to see and inspect the cotton crop as if he is an expert on Agriculture and Revenue matters, (laughter) and as if he knows it perfectly well knows it more than the Deputy Collector or the Collectors do. I am sure, Sir, they can teach him. He went from Karachi to Matiari: one jump. The second jump was to Sakrand. When I went the other day there, I had an opportunity of meeting Makhdum Sahib and he told me that the Pir Sahib had merely passed from that side. Then from Sakrand he goes to Moro and from there to Sukkur. That is to say he travelled from North Pole to South Pole.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: I never went to Sukkur.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Your tour program was published in the Sind Government Gazette.
Then from Sukkur he motored through the whole length and breadth of the Larkana district to Dadu and at Dadu he spent a night at his house.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: Be sure about that.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Then he goes from Machhur to Dadu Sub-division and Kotri Sub-division to give consolation to my honorable friend sitting here(laughter).
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Order, order.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Sir, this is the tour of the great Honorable Minister which must have cost the tax payer nearly Rs. 5000. I wish those 5 thousands of rupees should have been given to the poor people of this Province, who would have got some relief. It is the poor tax payer, Sir , who bears the burden of this Rs. 5000 and the money goes on jingling in the Pocket of the Honorable Minister and people get no relief.
I am sorry, Sir, yesterday the mover of the adjournment motion withdrew it in an unceremonious manner. I wish it had been discussed and we would have had an opportunity of expressing our views.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH : Sir, on a point of explanation. I withdrew it because, as soon as I came, my honorable friends, Mr. Sayed and Mr. Gazdar told me to withdraw it, and it was therefore that I withdrew it.
Mr. G. M. SAYED : Sir, I never told him to withdraw.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Mr. Gazdar told me so.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO : Sir, I do not want to quarrel with Sir Ghulam Hussain or anybody else. I am not concerned with anybody. I represent that Right Bank of the Indus and I am glad that it did not receive the visit of the Honorable Minister- at least it received one visit less. We are here responsible to the Province as a whole and such we shall be doing the greatest service to the people of the Province if we do our duty in a most responsible manner and all that we act and do is for the good of the people. What is the good of passing resolutions in Thul Conference, the Naushahro Conference and the various other conferences? I was told the other day, and also read in Newspapers, that recently my Congress friends had a big conference at Thul where the Honorable the Chief Minister had the honor to be present. There a resolution was passed, possibly unanimously, that 50 per cent. Rebate should be given. I speak this from memory. These honorable gentleman from the Congress have sworn to-day not to open their mouths whereas they should have opened their mouths very wide. These honorable gentleman who are responsible to the country do not know how long they can fool the people. After passing the resolution asking Government to do this for the country, for the poor agriculturists, they remain chup (quiet) when a question comes up which may affect the present Ministry. At least we expect from the Congress Benches, which are occupied by responsible men who belong to a party that has fought hard for 20 years for the freedom of the country, that they should follow a better code of consistency.
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: No, 50 years.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: I am calculating it from the time when Mahatma Gandhi had a tour of Sind somewhere about 1920. They have fought bravely for the country and what a poor specimen of its representatives we find in this Assembly ! In 8 provinces they are ruling and they are doing their utmost for the good of the people. They have passed measures for relief of agriculturists and the poor. They gave all sort of promises to the country and to the people. I say this in a most friendly spirit. I have no quarrel with them; I merely remind them of their duty. These gentlemen are the most responsible , the most disciplined party and I give them credit for it. This is the largest disciplined party and certainly a much more disciplined party than even our own party; and being a disciplined party, they can exercise a healthy influence on the Government of the Province. I wish they were every time reminded of their duty. They should never forget their duty. They should keep their duty above every consideration and if they do their duty properly, I challenge Government, we would succeed. This is the way in which we are being let down. I say, Sir, I have proved who would change their creed just as I change my coat every morning like my honorable friend Miss Jethibai who changes her dress every morning.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Don’t be personal.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Sir, considering the present position of this Honorable House, I can’t refrain from expressing my views so very clearly. Now, Sir, the Ministers have not done anything for the masses. May I also remind them what they have not done and what they should have done? As my friends I will tell them that I am always proud to be reminded of the fact that however much-maligned the Ministry of Sir Ghulam Hussain may be, it was any day much better than the present Ministry of Honorable Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh.
Sir, I will now come to compulsory primary education which is the dire necessity of the Province. We have written a Chapter in the Reorganization Report about it and I will also refer where the most miserable condition of the Province of Sind is depicted. What percentage of literate people have we got in Sind? At least in my place only 3 per cent. Of the educated people are available. Sir Ghulam Hussain during his regime sanctioned Rs 55000 for compulsory education, but what has this Honorable House seen? With all the boasting that the Minister was going on at Air Mail’s speed or airplane’s speed, they have slept over even those 55000 rupees. The scheme for Sukkur District Local Board comes as late as in October 1938, whereas Sir Ghulam Hussain got the budget sanctioned in March 1938. After 7 months they have sanctioned a scheme for one little taluka of Dadu has now been sanctioned and it will be given effect to in February or March next. I told the Honorable the Chief Minister some time back- I hope he will remember my talk- “ You have got surplus funds, even if you are not able to save anything out of Rs 55000. Particularly you may get something from the Government of India by way of Petrol tax.” Therefore you can easily save one lakh of rupees for compulsory education this year and this amount will be quite sufficient at least for introducing compulsory education in 6 talukas and you can very conveniently give satisfaction to one taluka in each district with one stroke of the pen”. But what has he done? Even out of Rs. 55000 sanctioned by Sir Ghulam Hussain, I will not be surprised if most of the money is surrendered at the end of the year because these schemes have only just been sanctioned. They will come into effect in February or March, by which time these 55000 will have to be surrendered to Government. They have care to do anything for the masses. The masses have been neglected absolutely. It is the duty of every Government to make people literate. Why has the crime rate increased In our Province? The fundamental cause why the crime has increased is that there is illiteracy in the Province. People do not know the value of morality. They do not know what their duties are towards the Society. We must teach them what are the rules of morality. It is the primary duty of Government to do so. They must teach them and out forth every effort to make them literate. There is the example of Bombay Government with which we were intimately connected till lately. There are the examples of Madras Government and the U.P Government where there are Congress Ministries. I remember the other day I read in the papers that U.P. Government are trying everything possible even to have adult education. They have invited people to come forward and offer their services to do something towards adult education. Our Honorable Chief Minister never thinks for a moment even to have adult education. He might treat it with contempt if any such proposal is made before him. But apart from that, he has not been able to do anything even for company primary education.
Sir, the Larkana District Local Board sent a proposal about 6 months back for compulsory education, but the Honorable the Chief Minister will not place it even on his table because in that district there will be more than two talukas under compulsory education. Sir, I say to my friend: The Reorganization Committee has very clearly given you to understand, and very clearly recommended unanimously, that each year you should have compulsory education at least in 8 talukas-one taluka in each district where compulsory education can be introduced. This way during the course of 8 years you will have full fledged compulsory education throughout the Province. But here what is the condition? The Ministry has no intention of spending where expenditure is most desirable and necessary.
Sir, then I come to the other Department of Public Health Medical and Sanitation. My Honorable friend the Public Works Department Minister is in-charge of this Department. He does not care a bit if Rs. 85000 are spent away on the erection of a building. He does not care if the Government house is built at a cost of Rs. 8 lakhs, which will be a sheer waste of money which this Province can ill-afford. He will never come forward with a substantial amount to be spent on the nation-building departments. He is a very clever lawyer. I give him so much credit for his ability. He can put his case very well. But I am sorry to remark that he has always attempted to-what term should I use?- hoodwink particularly the honorable members of this House. I hope, Sir, it is not un parliamentary to use that word. I will remind him. He made a statement in this Honorable House, when he brought a supplementary demand to this House in May session, that he was going to have one dispensary in each district. As a member of the District Local Board, we had to analyze what that offer with thanks. Now they have given Rs. 1000 for opening a dispensary-as if a very great favor has been conferred on the district. My honorable friend Dr. Popatlal will bear me out that one thousand rupees is hardly sufficient for the salary of one Medical Officer, he is not going to cost us anything less than one thousand rupees per year. Then what about medicines and the rent of the building and what about the cost of the instruments to be used? Who is going them to pay for them? After giving us one thousand rupees the Government will come down upon the District Local Boards saying “ Here you are. We have done a very great favor to you by giving you one thousand rupees and you are not working properly”. But, Sir, we have rejected their offer. We have already got 12 hospitals of our own in our district which are managed by us. We have got 24 maternity homes running to-day on our district.”
I Challenge anybody in the House to show me any other District Local Board which is doing as much as for public health as our district. I challenge even the Honorable The Chief Minister or the Government to show us if they have done so much for Larkana has done. It is on the record. A question was answered here on the floor of this House and the Honorable the Minister for Public Health can refer to the questions and see and compare the work that he would appear in big headlines of “Sind Observer” next day: “Here is the minister for the masses who has done a very great thing for the Province.”
Now at least, everybody knows after analysis of the whole question what is that great favor conferred upon the country. It is how I have just analyzed.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: How long will the honorable member take?
KHAN BAHADUR M.A. KHUHRO: Just a few minutes more, Sir. I might carry on upto 7 o’clock if you permit me.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: No, that is not fair.
KHAN BAHADUR M.A. KHUHRO: Now, Sir, I am coming to Law and Order. But before I come to the actual question of Law and Order, I must, in passing, refer to the most miserable condition of the masses who are agriculturist in our Province. My honorable friend there always says and gives us to understand that his heart is burning over questions affecting the masses- I am referring to my honorable friend Mr. Muhammad Amin Khoso. I wish he would open his mouth to-day and say something for the masses. Now these masses are drowned in debts. I will refer my honorable friend the Chief Minister to the report of the Banking Enquiry Committee appointed by the Government of Bombay. I will also refer him to the report on the Land Mortgage Banks issued by Mr. K. L. Punjabi, the Registrar, Co-operative Societies. If he reads it,he will be immensely surprised to find what is the amount of debts under which people of this Province are groaning. NO Legislative measures have been brought forward in this Honorable House for the redress of the grievances of the masses. I give credit to the Government of Madras for what they have done for the masses in their Province. I give credit to the Congress Ministries because they have their utmost for the masses. But here in our Province we hear only empty speeches. I get disgusted when I read columns and columns full of propaganda for the Ministry. Spurious propaganda is being carried on thorough the papers. On one side we have got the congress friend who address big meetings telling people “ We will do this thing for you, we will do that thing for you. This thing will be done and that thing will be done.” But if we look to their actions, they have never attempted even to exercise their healthy influence on the Ministry in order to see if they have done those things. They have at any rate failed to do anything for the masses. So far as the Honorable Minister are concerned, I was very much amused when one of the Honorable Ministers, the Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas, the Minister for the Public Works Department, was telling me at Larkana “ Oh, Here is the Dekkan Agriculturists Relief Act, which is God’s mercy to the Province of Sind.” Now, Sir, I have heard the same story as a legislator, when I was in the Bombay Council. When this measure was brought up, Sir Earnest Hotson was the Home Member- you must also be remembering
Sir,-Sir, Hotson brought a measure to cancel the application of the Dekkan Agriculturist Relief Act to the Province of Sind. Sir, what abuses were not hurled at the Act? Did he not state that the Act was absolutely useless for Sind? Every member of the Council then got up one after another and was saying that the Act was absolutely a dead letter in the Province. We expected much out of it, but it has done little. We quite agree with you, but this thing which in your mercy you gave us,- don’t take this little thing till you have done something better”; and the good old man was moved and he withdrew the amendment. Sir, first of all the Government should consider what they are going to do for the agriculturists to see that whatever little we have is not taken away. So the Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas has pursued that very good policy. Sir, he is a very capable gentleman and he can draft measures. It is nothing impossible for him to do so and to get an enactment through this Assembly. I say “ Do something better and come out with it.” He is one of the ablest men in this Assembly and possibly the ablest man on the Government benches. Why does he not draft some Bill and say “ Here is my Act which I have produced for the agriculturists, and please be satisfied with it? It is much better than the other thing.” Sir, before he has done anything of the Kind he is arguing that the present Bill is a matter of good fortune to the Province. Sir, they are hoodwinking the masses. We know what the agriculturists want. I am a born agriculturist. I may tell him, and he must believe my word, that I am an agriculturist and he is not. I can tell him with authority what the position of the agriculturist is.
Then, Sir, I come to the question of law and order. There is one cursed measure known as the Sind Frontier Regulations. I am surprised at my honorable friend who is smiling and who represents the Jacobabad district here. He is an educated man. He does not rise in revolt saying that you must withdraw this measure.
Mr. M. A. KHOSO : It is going to die.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: It is not going to die, I can assure the honorable member. The Honorable chief Minister, you must be remembering, Sir, was our colleague since 1926 in the Bombay Council, and he was never tried of sending question after questions against this measure. He always used to send complaints and speak in hostels, in the opne house and outside, against this measure. Now, Sir, my friend moved a resolution that this Regulation should be withdrawn. What does he say now ? He says “ I cannot do that now, I am in a responsible position now. I will consider- I am going to give you a Committee.” What sort of Committee is he pleased to appoint , Sir? A Committee under the chairmanship of one who was dead against the withdrawal of the Regulation. My honorable friend Mr. G. M. SAYED has sent his resignation immediately after that, saying that he was not prepared to serve there. Now, Sir, that measure, the Sind Frontier Regulations, which he hated most, and which he can with one stroke of the pen withdraw, is still on Statute and when we gave him an opportunity for removing it, he never availed himself of it. By sheer force of numbers he wanted to hoodwink the House and actually got the resolution turned down by the promise of appointing a Committee. I remember Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh, when he was in Opposition, accusing Sir Ghulam Hussain wanted to get rid of having appointed these committees. Sir Ghulam Hussain will bear me out. He said in clear terms “Whenever Sir Ghulam Hussain wanted to ge rid of a thing he would appoint a committee.” He has now proved himself worse in the respect. I am going to come to that. He accused his predecessor that whenever he wanted to get over a difficulty he appointed a committee. Now on this most important thing he himself has appointed a committee. We urged that the measure should be withdrawn immediately. On the top of it, my honorable friend or some other gentleman moved a resolution that the Criminal Tribes Act should be removed. Then, Sir, he by the overwhelming strength of numbers objected to the resolution and he consoled the honorable members by saying these words “ You must be satisfied with this assurance. I will call off this measure within one month. I shall call my officials and samjhau them. In the meantime I am telling them to be careful and to be considerate and not to use this measure harshly. I will then discuss with you and tell you how this measure should be further dealt with.” That one month is long past, and I do not think my honorable friend ever cared to invite the members or to take their views. Sir, that measure is a standing disgrace to the Province of Sind, and those people, called Haris, are the worse off for it. The man find himself in an unfortunate position. If he is not subservient, if he is not docile towards the local petty Police Officials, the Inspectors or the Sub-Inspectors, the next day you will find his name in the Gazette. The Honorable Chief Minister will sign whatever is put before him, and the notification will appear saying that the man involved was the member of a notorious Criminal Tribe. The poor wretch will then be compelled to pay his salaams to the police daily, wash their utensils, graze their cattle, and even shampoo them and their guests. That is the Government of the Honorable Chief Minister. Sir, those Government officers and Sub-Inspectors rule the Province. Can there be a greater corruption than this?
Now, Sir, what measures has he adopted to do away with such an evil in the Province-for remedying such a state of affairs? Nothing whatever. In every Gazette you will find some people being gazette every now and then as Criminal Tribes men. I know it is a Government of India Act, but he has the power at any rate to stop these notifications. He has power to stop these publications in the Gazette and prevent any people from being classed as Criminal Tribes men if he has really the heart. Let me briefly explain the object underlying this measure. The object underlying this measure was that people should be improved. That being so, for improvement this is to establish Criminal Tribes, may learn to read and write and learn other industries and agriculture. What has he done in that direction? Nothing, Sir.
Now, Sir, this is what he has done with regard to law and order, and this is the gift which he has given to the people. I do not know what he will say in his defense, but if there were an impartial tribunal, I know I have proved my case against him.
Now, Sir, I am coming to the question of corruption, Now, my honorable friend, our Leader, Sir Ghulam Hussain, when he was the Chief Minister, had appointed a Committee- a conference for corruption, in order to suggest ways and means by which corruption could be put down. Let me tell him that during the regime of Sir Ghulam HUssain at any rate two committees have functioned and they were working under the Chairmanship of Mir Bandeh Ali Khan and the Honorable Dr. Hemandas, the Public Works Department Minister. The Public Works Department Committee has completed its work and also the Revenue Committee has completed its work and also the Revenue Committee. But after all these 10 months, the Honorable Chief Minister was suddenly reminded on the 5th of January that there was such a thing as a miserable committee appointed some months ago, and that he has to face the question in the Assembly. Suddenly remembering that and thinking they might put question in the Assembly and take him to task for it on the 5th of January, I was invited by him to discuss. . . . . . .
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : On the 5th December.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: At that time we were with honorable member Mr. Sidhwa and he was the attitude of the Honorable the Chief Minister, and that must have given satisfaction to him that they have no intention to stop corruption in the country. On the contrary, whatever recommendations were made by the Committee, they were moderate, and be it said to the credit of my honorable friend Dr. Hemandas Wadhwani he was bold enough to endorse those recommendation. He was then a responsible officer of Government. He signed those recommendations. My other honorable friend Mir Bandeh Ali Khan also did likewise. Soon after that, unfortunately they went out of office. And to-day their successors think those are very bad and nasty reports, and that they are very rotten. And in the manner the Public Works Department Minister started, these reports will not be taken up till Doomsday. We made those recommendations to Government for their consideration. We were not wasting the valuable time either of ourselves or of Government. Let them satisfy themselves on that point.
Then I come to the tour of two of the Honorable Ministers. The Honorable the Revenue Minister has been the foremost in collecting petitions. His chief hobby after he entered office was to make all sorts of irresponsible public statements,- statements which he would never be able to fulfill-and to encourage the people to make petitions when he went on tour. When those poor devils found after some time that no action was taken on their petitions, they came to Karachi for the redress of their grievances, but the pattewallas turned them back and they went home. Of course the Government of India earned some money on account of the rail journey of these people. But the Sind Government should have given them some money on account of the Rail journey of these people, But the Sind Government should have given them some amount for their travelling expenses and their hotel expenses in Karachi. They went back home, sad and disappointed. This is how the people are being fooled. Unfortunately in Sind the Public opinion does not rise equal to the occasions. If all the members in this Assembly realize that we are responsible member of the society and are responsible representatives of the people, those gentlemen (pointing to ministerial benches) would not be in their seats to-day. Is there any redeeming feature in their administration? I want to ask my honorable colleagues on the Congress benches, and I want to ask my honorable colleagues on the Congress benches, and I want to ask my honorable friend Mr. Jamshed who is the foremost in supporting the present Ministry,- God knows for what reasons,- whether they think that they have justified their position. It is a false cry to call Sir Ghulam Hussain’s Ministry a communal Ministry, and this Ministry an anti-communal Ministry.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER : The honorable member Mr. Jamshed has not yet indicated his intention.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: I have seen press reports, Sir.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Until he has said that, the honorable member need not criticize it.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Now, Sir, I will only curiously read the main points. I have already discussed fully most of the points. I will only curiously read the main points on which Sir Ghulam Hussain incurred the wrath of my honorable friend Mr. Sidhwa and his party.
First is the delay in calling the session for five months But this Government did not call one for nearly 8 months. Who is the greater culprit?
The second point is based on the grievance on the score of delay in constructing an Assembly Hall. You will find, Sir, that another 12 months have passed. Nothing has been done For want of accommodation people sitting in the Gallery are cramped and many are kept out. I was very glad to read a statement in the Press the other day in which the writer has been at pains to show what the present Ministry has done. I believe the author is the Honorable Minister for Public Works Department, through I am not quite sure. All I can say is “ Better late than never”.
The third point is delay in replying to questions. I find the present Ministers are worse criminals in that respect.
The fouth point is extravagance in expenditure. I say the present Ministers are most extravagant. Knowing and realizing that we have nothing, that we are beggars In a very poverty stricken province where the masses are groaning under old conditions, with the zulum of the low paid officials, corruption, and at the same time without any sanitary conditions, with no provision for public health, or education, the Government go on creating fat appointments, creating more secretaries and are going ahead merrily. The Secretaries will bring everything cut and dried before the Ministers who will accept them, but do nothing for the good of the Province.
Then, Sir, my honorable friend Mr. Sidhwa wanted to cut down 10 per cent in the contingencies. Have they curtailed even 2 percent. Even after 12 months? I am very glad when all departments. But nowhere has the expenditure been reduced and instead it has increased.
Finally about the separation of the judiciary from the executive. What is he position? The Ministers feel that they have done a great thing by appointing 5 sub-judges, for which the people should be thankful. They have appointed 5 sub-judges, of course favoritism apart. They might take shelter behind the Public Service Commission. I know what it is. Men who had real qualifications, men who had had enough of experience have not been selected. But those who are “ bachas” practicing for 12 months or happen to be very old men, have been appointed. This is a great courtesy and consideration shown to the people. The Minister seem to think that this is the be-all and end-all of the question and that we should be contented with that. I maintain, Sir, that this sort of separation of the executive from the Judiciary is all talk.
Then, Sir, whatever words I may use will not be adequate to give due importance to the recommendations of Reorganization Committee. They are very valuable recommendations, and it is a very useful Report. But so far we have not heard of any action being taken by Government. When it appeared in the papers that the Honorable Minister for Public Works Department had retrenched Rs. 6 to Rs. 7 lakhs in his department, I laughed. I know I am not giving out a secret and my honorable friend Mr. Ghanshyam will bear me out when I say that Mr. Gordon, Chief Engineer, Public Works Department, made a statement in the Reorganization Committee, but the Public Works Department budget is usually over-budgeted. I challenge the Honorable Minister to say whether he has taken action on the various recommendations made by the Committee. The Public Works Department is a pet child of the Government and as much money is being spent by it now as in the past, if not more. Anyone who is not a keen observer will think that the so-called retrenchment of Rs 6 to 7 lakhs is great achievement. But that is not so in reality; it was only extra heavy budgeting.
Then, Sir, on the top of it, when the Reorganization Committee was sitting a specific question was put to us in regard to the Department of Agriculture whether we were in favor of 5 appointments of class 1. We replied “ No.” We said that at the most our specific recommendation would be that there should be only 2 men of class 1. And yet all the appointments are created in class 1, thus throwing our recommendation into the waste paper basket! Sir, I ask, what was the need in this small province of creating call 1 appointments? You can get the same people with the qualifications of class 2. They have got that Scotchman who spend 85 lakhs of rupees, nearly 65 percent of the revenue of this Province on the Public Works Department. Perhaps according to them the only nation building department is the Public Works Department and Sind is Public Works Department. The present Government is no better than it was before. If this is the state of affairs, I think, Sir, His Excellency the Governor in his mercy may tell us to go back home, dissolve this Assembly, andput Khan Bahadur Allah Baksh as his only Adviser. Then there will be less expense.
There will then be no such huge travelling expense and monthly salaries. At any rate there will be no difference except changing the masters. These masters are no better than those masters. Those masters were better because they spent less. At present the Secretaries and Heads of Departments are for all practical purposes the Government of this country.
The Joint Election Bills has not yet seen the light of the day. The discretionary grant of the Governor is the same as before. The grievance about officers are the same as before. The have not changed their mentality. If any honorable member wishes to satisfy himself, let him ask the Congress men who have been going to the villages from time no time and holding meetings. Although I have not had the honor of attending these meetings myself, at any rate I have read in newspapers and got the second-hand information which I think is absolutely correct. What is the condition of the masses? I challenge any of these 10 members of the Congress to get up and say that the condition of the masses has changed after the ministry has come into the office. Now under those conditions, may I ask this Honorable House in all seriousness whether this Ministry can stay for which the Muslim League appointed a committee to investigate, but unfortunately we have not had time. If I were to go into it, it will take me the whole of to-day and tomorrow as well and the Honorable the Chief Minister will get up every now and then from his seat and question it. I shall mention all the points and will challenge him to prosecute me I shall be ready to repeat the same statement in the Khalikdina Hall and ask him if he has the courage to prosecute me.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: Do please.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: I am not saying this out of personal zid or personal malice. He has been my friend since 1926 and we have been colleagues toghther. But I am here as a representative, as an advocate, of my constituency and In all seriousness I say that what I have said is the truth, nothing else bty truth.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The House will now rise till 2-00 p.m. to-morrow.
(Date: 10th January 1939)
THE HONORABLE Mr. Nihchaldas C. Vazirani: Sir oppose this no-confidence motion. Before I enter into the merits of the case, I would also like to make a few observations. Sir, you know that before I was elected to this post of service, I was an advocate. As an advocate, I am accustomed to find the best friends of mine on the opposition, and so it does not cause me any surprise in any way. In fact, Sir, in many of the cause I have seen the advocates on the opposite side put up such a strong fight that the clients on spectators come to the conclusion that the advocates would be enemies forever. But they are surprised to find that immediately the advocates leave the court, they are as good friends, if not better than before. So I assure the honorable member Mr. G.M. Sayed and honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro that for all that they have said, I continue to be their friend and shall continue to be their friend hereafter. In fact, I have known the honorable member Mr. G. M Sayed for the last 13 or 14 years, and in spite of his weakness I love him and treat him as a friend. As far as honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro is concerned, from the very first day I saw him in this Assembly, I have admired him for his cleverness and grasp of facts, and my admiration for him has increased after hearing his yesterday’s speech. I know that he had no case. He was advocating a very bad case, so much so that the honorable the mover of the motion created no impression whatsoever. But the honorable member Khan Bahadur out the case in such choice language and put it so ably that it seemed that it was considered to be a plausible speech. But, Sir, I am accustomed to this. I have many times found, after the Public Prosecutor had closed his address to the gentleman of the jury seemed to form the opinion that the accustomed was guilty. But as soon as the fallacies in the arguments of the Public Prosecutor were exposed, I always succeeded in getting for my client not only a verdict of not guilty but an honorable acquittal.
I, as was pointed out by the honorable member Khan Bahadur, depend on my deeds and nothing else. The strength of my case alone will vindicate our honor. In a sense I am very glad that this no-confidence motion has been brought, because it affords us an opportunity not only to acquaint the honorable members of this House, but the public not only of Sind but of the whole of India, with what we have done and to find out whether we merit to retain our office of service or we must quit.
Now, before I go into the merits , I would like to make one other observation, and that is this. This no-confidence motion is certainly premature. The main complaint that is made is about the assessments proposals. They have still to come before this House. The only pint that has been selected is the sliding scale, which is an innovation and a new system in this province. Objections have been and it will be only then that Government will come to their final decision. To condemn us before we actually pass irrevocable orders in the case is certainly, according to me, not very constitutional. But, Sir, that is apart.
Even as regards our other work, Sir, it must be remembered that we in this year are spending the money provided in the budget for previous year. That budget was not of our making. For any nation-building work we must first of all come before this House for money, and certainly if the honorable members had patience for only about a month, they would have found that we have made adequate provision-at least we propose to make adequate provision for all nation-building departments.
Sir, leaving that where it is, I now come to the merits of the case. Firstly to a personal reference to the Minister. It is said that the Minister said that they would be drawing Rs. 800 a month, but that they have been drawing much more than their predecessors. Sir, that is not correct. I assure the honorable speakers as well as this Honorable House that I have drawn not a pie more than Rs. 800 a month. There is the question of Travelling Allowance. Now Travelling allowance is drawn by these Ministers only. Travelling Allowance is drawn under the rules, and our predecessors in the office used to draw the same Travelling Allowance.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : Same?
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Yes, same.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Kindly give figures.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Yes , I will give figures. Please have patience. I never speak without figures.
Now, I find I am supported by the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro. As a member of the Re-organization Committee, he very rightly suggested that the Ministers should do extensive touring. They certainly cannot do touring at their own cost out of the Rs. 500 paltry sum. It is not possible. Sir, I need not to take a long time of this House because this was a point not worth being raised in the House. All the same, because it has been raised, I have to answer it. I, Sir, did tour for 50 days touring at the rate of Rs. 320 on petrol and Mobil oil. Rs. 176 was railway fare. That leaves Rs. 496 in all. Then Sir, I have to make arrangements for my private kit and for everything else, and the total amount that I have drawn is only 1700 during all these ten months.
Mr. G. M. SAYED : For 50 days.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : 50 days travelling at different times.
Now, Sir, I must bring to the notice of the honorable members who may not be knowing, that when I move out on tour. I work from 14 to 16 hours a day.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: What work? (Laughter).
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : I make my Personal Assistant and peons work for all that long period and give them meals myself. The Ministers have also to take with themselves extra servants, whose expense they have also to bear. I request the House to accept my statement when I say that on return from tour I find myself poorer than when I start on it.
This amount is hardly enough to make both ends meet.
Sir, a reference was made that when Honorable Ministers move on tour, they accept dinners, and so forth. It certainly is unimaginable that when an elected Minister moves on tour,
He should break off all social connections. At Hyderabad, Nawab Shah and various other places, I invited various friends and gentry to lunch and dinner. Certainly social connections have to be kept up and the expense on such functions has to be incurred by the Minister. I make bold to say that never in my whole tour did I ever accept anything from any public officer or nay public servant. The only social functions that were held were elected Presidents of Municipalities and district local Boards or some of my friends, and one of them is the honorable member Mr. G. M. SAYED. I know it that as a hospitable gentleman, he ordered my servants not to even kindle fire, and he compelled them to do so. Now, that cannot be called Rasai or corruption. He is still my friend and here we dine together and there also we dined together.
Coming to the comparatives figures, as I have already said, I drew only Rs. 1700 for my tour during 10 months, and I have toured throughout the whole Province; while my predecessor in office drew Rs. 1232 in the 3 or 4 months that he was in office as travelling allowance.
A reference was also made about the bungalows. Certainly, I do not occupy any Government bungalow. The Honorable the Chief Minister does occupy a Government bungalow. The Honorable House knows, I think that leader of the Opposition, when he was a Minister, also occupied a Government bungalow, for which he used to pay only Rs. 150 as rent, and that same amount Is being paid by the Honorable the Chief Minister. In fact, if the honorable members remember, in the last budget the previous Cabinet had made a provision of nearly half a lakh of rupees for building a new bungalow for the Minister. We did not spend that amount, so that it cannot be said that the present Ministry has incurred expenditure in excess of that incurred by the previous Ministry. Of course, in addition to Rs. 800, we have got a Government car. I have gone in for a Ford car which as you know, is the best and the cheapest and which, I claim, is still in the same good order in which I took it, because I take pretty good care to keep it in fine order.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: Is a radio there?
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Everything is mine at my expense except the Government car.
A reference was made about the tour and it was asked what good the tour does. Even the Re-organization Committee has recommended that Ministers should have an extensive tour. But the fact is so obvious that I need not narrate any facts. However, I will give one or two instances to show what good the tour does to the public. It was my tour in Kashmore that revealed to me that there was one lakh of acres of land which was undeveloped. I immediately ordered that an immediate survey should take place.
My visit to Sukkur District in company of the honorable member Mr. Pamnani revealed to me the fact that the people in that area were hard pressed and had, for want of cultivation in that tract, to migrate to other places such as Bahawalpur and Baluchistan. I took care to see that works of Rs 160000 were started before I actually left the District. I did it by wire and got the money, and actually ordered the Executive and superintending Engineers to start works; those works have started and, when completed in the very next Kharif season, are foing to bring an additional area of 30000 acres under cultivation in Kharif alone, leave alone the Rabi. The first time that I toured the Karachi District, I came to know of several difficulties of those people. Of course the honorable member Mr. Gazdar had supplied us with enough material not only for session but for all previous sessions as well, as he used to take pretty good care to see the grievances of all the poor residents of the Karachi District were brought to the notice of Government. Thus I Had enough material when I went there to investigate these complaints. I talked over the matters with the Executive Engineers, heard the people, knew their grievance, and invited their suggestions. As a result of all this, I immediately appointed a Project Officer who has actually prepared schemes which are now under consideration, and I do hope that the income in the Karachi District, so far as the Government is concerned, will be double that of the previous year.
If, Sir, this-and in this the honorable member Mr. Valecha will bear me out- when I went and visited Sukkur, I found that that Municipality were not discharging their duty in connection with public health and sanitation in their own Municipal areas.
There was a disgraceful spot in the heart of the Sukkur Town itself and I took very keen interest in that matter and passed orders and got that nuisance to a very large extent reduced. That was the result of my personal inspection. Although it was not a duty which should have fallen to the lot of a Minister, still I did it.
Similarly whenever I have been on tour, I have received deputations at every place and they gave me complaints of various natures and I personally looked into them.
When I went om tour and encamped at NawabShah for 3 or 4 days, I received several petitions. The Superintending Engineer and the Executive Engineers were there. I made it a rule that those petitions should be disposed of on the very next day.
When I go on tour, I actually see the applications because I have got regulars registers maintained about application for peech badals. I knew there was an inordinate delay in the disposal of those applications for various reasons. In some cases there was a delay of as much as two years. I have issued orders that they should be disposed of within three months, and I have had actually lists prepared and if there is any inordinate delay, I personally take notice of it and see that the applications are disposed of.
I entirely agree with the suggestion of the Re-organization Committee that Ministers should do more extensive touring, come in contact with the masses, know their grievances and wants, and take steps to remedy them.
Mention was made about the delay in the disposal of applications. I assure the honorable members that almost all the applications which I have received have been disposed of by me in a day, some may have taken 2 or 3 days. Certainly there would be some applications which require an elaborate inquiry. I have therefore to forward such applications to my Department to deal with and ultimately the report will have to be submitted to me.
Sir, it cannot possibly be said that this party sum of Rs 1700 that I Have spent on tour has not been well spent. The permanent service people in the shape of permanent travelling allowance draw that is no pleasure to the Ministers to tour. It is really a hard job for them. In some places, visitors continue to see me even upto 12 midnight and would not allow me to sleep. On tour I have to leave my family and others.
Now, the second item with which I am concerned is the construction of the Assembly Hall. Sir, I assure the honorable members that nobody is more anxious than Myself to see that Assembly Hall is constructed immediately. Mr. Anderson was appointed as an architect. Honorable member Mr.Sidhwa knows that I sent for him personally. I had a personal talk with the architect in the presence of honorable member Mr. Sidhwa himself when he promised to give me all work in about 2-3 months time. It was on the strength of that statement made before me in the presence of honorable member Mr. Sidhwa, that I made the statement even on the floor of this House. But, Sir, some delay does take place. I do not say that the architect is not to be blamed at all, but I must also admit accommodation was concerned. Sir, there are several things which have to be looked into, and I am glad to inform the House that I have received a reply from Mr. Anderson that he will send plans and quantities within a few days. He has also intimated that he is trying to have a partner Mr. Asarpota who was an architect here. He belongs to Sind. He has also intimated to us that he wants to open an office in Sind so that he may be in close touch with the work when the construction proceeds. I hope in few days everything will be complete and tenders will be invited. As far as my part in the affair is concerned, the honorable member Mr. Sidhwa is himself aware that I have spared no pains to myself. That is what I could do. Several things do happen which cause delay. It is natural.
Now, leaving these things there, I think the best thing for me is to prove the positive rather than do to indulge in the negative and the positive I am giving chapter by chapter. I am showing the work done by this Ministry. Comparisons are always invidious, and I don’t want to enter into any comparison.
I admit that we have not been able to do as much as we were anxious to do and the main reason has been that there is, if I may be excused to say so, unhealthy opposition. I welcome healthy opposition, because it stimulates and the pleasure would be lost from politics if there were no opposition. But unhealthy opposition does create impediments in the progress of work which one would certainly not cherish.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I rise on a point of information. I want to know from the Honorable Minister to give us the points where he has been obstructed in doing good work.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Sir, I choose to pass on
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: If the Honorable Minister did not want to yield, he should not have stopped.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Sir, I don’t care for the interruptions.
Now I submit that all will agree with me that for doing more rapid and progressive work it is very necessary that there should be absolute and assured majority to the Cabinet; otherwise if the Cabinet goes on answering the Propaganda that is carried on against the Ministry, wasting its time in answering this propaganda, certainly some of its energies get wasted. But I still claim that, in spite of this handicap and in spite of the budget that was already before us- we could not alter it very much,-this Cabinet has done the work which no other Ministry under the circumstances in which we were placed, could have done.
Now, Sir, I will mention 6 points. First of all I come to the national outlook, which is point No 1. I want to show what we have done, and that the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro cannot put forth any claim saying that we have not done anything.
The first point is abolition of nominations in the Municipalities and Local Boards. Now we have got abolition of nomination in the Sanitary Committees as well.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH : Don’t take credit for that.
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Sir, I am prepared to give him credit in so far that these documents were prepared in the days of the previous Government and that these were the intentions of the Previous Government. I don’t deny that. But the fact remains that even the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro, on the floor of this House, resisted this wholesome measure. They were not prepared for giving effect to abolish the nominations immediately. ( Hear! Hear!) Sir, conceiving of an intention is one thing, but the execution thereof is quite another thing. I think it is not the intention that is to be taken into account. I have a dozen of intentions, but as long I do not execute them, they are of no good to the country.
KHAN BAHADUR A.K. GABOL: That is breach of contract. (Laugher).
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Sir, we abolish Special Magistrates and Honorary Magistrates.
As far as the release of political prisoners is concerned there was one Mr. Hansraj Wireless, a political prisoner. On this point I can safely make a statement without the risk of being contradicted that the previous Ministry had definitely refused to release him. We had the courage, in spite of his previous history, to release him; not only to release him but to refrain him but to retain in Sind. He is now in Sind doing useful work.
Mr. R. K. SIDHWA : What about Fateh Raj?
The Honorable Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Sir, I have no objection if we are reduced to this position, i.e., that we have only executed their intentions. I will be satisfied. I at once make a statement that this was the intention of the whole world including the ex-Ministry, but we have executed it. For the execution we are entitled to due credit.
Now I come to Moulvi Ubedullah. Whatever credit may go to the previous Ministry, this happy incident took place in our days.
Then, Sir, we have restored fortified pensions,- I mean pensions which had been fortified on political considerations and we have restored confiscated properties.
Sir, the most important thing we have done is that we have actually made a start and a very definite start in the direction of separating the executive from the judiciary. The humble start is there. We have appointed 5 special Magistrates. But I might inform the Honorable House that our scheme is very definite to have as much of separation of executive from the judiciary as possible. In fact it is only the preparation of the scheme that has retarded our passing orders but we have made up our minds that at least Resident Magistrates’ appointments should be separated from the executive and transferred to the judiciary.
Then, Sir, we have given every possible means of encouragement to Swadeshi and have also issued orders regarding khaddar and also about depressed classes that they should not be restrained from fetching water. So in this national outlook we have not lagged behind any other Ministry.
Sir, coming to the constructive side, in the Province of Sind the whole populace, the masses, depend on agriculture. As I just now indicated in this House, we have very keenly taken to the expansion of cultivation, and I might inform the Honorable House that in this Rabi season there will be cultivation of nearly 150000 acres more than that of previous Rabi. Sir, for the future Kharif, we are actually having, as already mentioned, in the Rohri Division and Sukkur Division, better cultivation, 30,000 acres more, in the Jacobabad District at least 50,000 acres, in the Karachi Division also at least 50,000 acres. This increase of 1,50,000 acres of more cultivation of paddy means an addition to the the wealth of the Province, which cannot possibly be ignored.
Then, Sir, coming to the next branch of nation-buliding departments, the Public Health Department, let us see what has been done by this Ministry. Shortly after I assume charge, in the short session that was held, I moved for a token grant for two travelling dispensaries and 8 Government aided dispensaries. The point was then made by the Honorable….
Dr. HEMANDAS R. WADHWANI: It was done by me.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: Yes, that idea was conceived by the previous Ministry.
Dr. HEMANDAS R. WADHWANI: I had ordered.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Provision had made. The Honorable Minister might be. . . . .
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: If the provision had been made, there would have been no occasion for a taken grant. I am prepared to give credit. I make no comparisons. I am only saying that you might conceive so many things, but we come as persons to execute your intentions. You may take that view , but I am only concerned with the fact that we have performed what you had intended.
Now honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro said that the District Local Boards have not taken advantage of that offer of Government. I may inform him that all other District Local Boards have taken advantage and there has been at least 3 more District Local Boards who want to take advantage of this spare grant, which was granted for Larkana District. Not only that, but I have actually addressed the District Local Boards to select 8 more dispensaries in addition to the 8 which are already there.
Now, Sir, in the Health Department, I shall first deal with the Civil Hospital at Karachi. In Civil Hospital at Karachi. I ordered the removal of all poor women patient to the European wards on the First Floor.
Dr. HEMANDAS R. WADHWANI: That was my move.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: I say there was nothing of the sort. I am very definite, but I do not want to say all these things. In any case that is a different matter. Yes, it was his move, but the order was mine. Let him be content with that. His intention and my execution. In all these matters let him take credit for intentions. I am prepared to concede that.
Sir, in the Civil Hospital, Karachi, I took steps to see that the necessary alterations were made in the buildings, not by official correspondence which would have taken some years, but by personally calling the Executive Engineers and seeing to it personally and supervising everything. I paid visits to the Civil Hospital frequently, and I found the lady patients were inconvenienced. I immediately ordered the appointment of one Lady Doctor; she took charge, and the result has been that instead of 30 women patients who were attending the Civil Hospital formerly, now the attendance has mounted up to 300 a day. I have increased the other in-door patient’s beds also. I have visited the Lady Dufferin Hospital, and I have found there also the outdoor patients were inconvenienced. I immediately took action and communicated with them. An additional compounder was appointed and some other arrangements were made. So this is as far the Civil Hospital is concerned.
Sir, I went on tour. This is another item that I notice because I saw that in door patient were put up in Katcha Landhies, and dust was falling down on the poor patients. I immediately came here and ordered two new buildings to be rented for the accommodation of the indoor patients, and I am coming before the House next month for a grant for building a dispensary at Dadu- a new building.
An Honorable Member: Hospital?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: I am also coming before the House for the appointment of at least 5 Sub Assistant Surgeon to enable the Civil Surgeons in charge of these Hospitals to perform operations, for they have not got the facilities at present which they ought to have not got the facilities at for the appointment of three lady doctors in the Civil Hospitals, in every place where they have not a separate women dispensary. In my tour, Sir, I went and inspected the Mental Hospital at Gidu Bandar and found the condition indescribable.
He was a blot on the Administration. Sir, I am coming before the House again for handsome grant for building a good building for the accommodation of the unfortunate beings belonging to respectable families who get insane. Not only that, but I am providing a sufficient amount for the rendering all the grounds inside the compound of Gidu Bandar Mental Hospital into beautiful gardens.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Your intention may be executed by others.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: Then also I promise that honorable member shall not be told by me that I had those intentions; I will have the courtesy not to say that.
Then, Sir, further, I issued orders exempting the poor patients from any patients from any payment in the case of out-door treatment. All those who got an income less than Rs. 2000 a year are exempted from payment. Not only does the order apply to Government hospitals and dispensaries, but, also to Government aided dispensaries. In the case of indoor patients also, those whose income is less than Rs. 40 per month, and their departments have to be treated free. In fact my information is that the number of patients that are now being treated in the Provision of Sind in the Government Hospital and Government dispensaries is double that treated in the previous year.
Sir, the honorable members will also remember that immediately after I took charge of office, I took interest in developing the spas in Sind. There is one of those spas at Laki. I got the waters chemically analyzed, and the chemical analysis has given definite indication that the water contains minerals which will cure almost all complaints due to Uric Acid; immediately a dispensary was started at Laki and it is functioning there.
Than, Sir, coming to the Health Officer’s appointments, this House itself has passed the measure for the appointments of Health Officers of District Local Boards compulsorily. I have further important measures, which I shall be describing later in 15 or 20 days. Therefore I am only mentioning the broad points.
For quinine also we are giving more grant than was given in previous years. Not only that, but we have appealed and persuaded all District Local Boards to give more Money for the purchase of quinine, and the District Local Boards have actually intimated that they have ear-marked certain amounts for the purchase of quinine, and that special medical officers have been appointed.
Then the next item of nation-building departments is communications. Last year only assume of Rs.3.5 Lakhs was spent on communications, i.e., on roads. This year more than Rs. 10 lakhs will have been spent before the end of March. And the schemes are ready for execution of works costing more than Rs. 15 lakhs next year.
Then as regards railways, although some these schemes must have started several years ago, the final orders have now been passed as immediate urgency was pressed on the attention of the Railway Board for having the two lines, one at Khadro-NawabShah and the other at Larkana-Shahdakot.
Then, Sir, in the branch of electricity. As soon as I assumed office, some correspondences came to me where I found that they were pending for several months and sometimes years. I immediately passed orders that all those correspondence must receive very prompt attention, and as many as 8 fresh licenses have been given out in my time. And I am proceeding along further. Also for the development of Tando Mastikhan power as well an Oderolal power, I have taken steps, but they have not yet reached the final stages.
Then as regards industries, in a few months, after assuming office, we wrote to the Government of India for a geological survey of certain tracts in Sind, and we expect that next year the Government of India party will come to Sind for the purpose. We have also recently given a prospecting license to the Burmah Oil Co. By charging them a sum of nearly Rs 3, 34000 for prospecting for two years.
Then, Sir, a point was made with regard to retrenchment A grievance was made that nothing has been done in direction of retrenchment, that the Government have either not passed orders or they have done nothing to pass any orders on the Report of the Re-organization Committee. I might inform the House that this Government has taken every serious has taken every serious notice of the Re-organization Committee Report and has been considering it Para. The Government have passed orders which have already resulted in a saving.- most of the saving will be appreciable in the next year- of nearly Rs. 3 lakhs.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Under what head?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: I will tell you. Have patience. Out of those Rs. 3 lakhs nearly Rs. 59000 will be on account of retrenchment in the Police Department establishment. I have also abolished one dispensary in the Sukkur Barrage Town. Then, Sir, there have been cuts in the tent age allowance, Sind allowance, compensatory allowance, conveyance allowance, local allowance and ordinary travelling allowance. So far as special pays are concerned……
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Have you accepted those recommendations?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: Yes not wholly, but we have gone as far as we could go. The retrenchment in the Revenue Officer’s office comes to Rs. 11000. All the suggestions that were made about special pay in the Medical Department were given effect to long ago. There was also a saving of Rs. 16700 on this head.
Then, Sir, as regards the Public Works Department, these figures don’t include any saving. As far as the Public Works Department is concerned, I might inform the House that the Engineer for Roads, who is a superintending Engineer, has been lent to us by Bombay. We have written to them to take him back, so that we may have a saving on this item. The Bombay Government have recently written back to us that they are very seriously considering the matter, and that it is only a question of an opportunity occurring when he would be absorbed by them. As soon as an opportunity occurs, he will be sent back to Bombay. We have also come to the conclusion that one irrigational circle should be done away with. That is a special responsibility of His Excellency the Governor. The final orders are to be passed by His Excellency the Governor, but I have no doubts that he will accept the advice of his Ministers.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Are they prepared to give him any advice?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: Advice has already been given.
As far as Divisions are concerned, it has been decided finally to abolish one Division for the present. With regard to sub-divisions, immediately I took over, I abolished 2sub-division and 2 more are abolished and the scheme is being considered as to how far further retrenchment can be effected. There is only one difficulty, however. I have to admit that the cannals and channels are not still in their perfect order. We have still got the silt trouble. There are a number of complaints as regards particular water courses or particular minors. Therefore it will not do to have revolutionary schemes carried out in the Public Works Department. My would certainly be easier –I mean the task of anybody in my place a year or two hence –but still I assure the House that we been carrying out the retrenchment to the maximum limit to which we could go.
MR. M. H. GAZDAR : That means zero!
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI As re –regards maintenance and repairs, I might inform the House that the Barrage started in the year 1933 -34. But in the 1934-35 there was an expenditure of Rs. 41.1/4 lakhs on the establishment in the public Works Department. It is cut down to Rs. 39 lakhs . As far as maintenance and repairs are concerned, the expenditure in 1934-35 was Rs. 53.68 lakhs. Now it is less than Rs. 40 lakhs. I was glad when I read the Reorganization Committee Report. They themselves say that they are satisfied with this sort of retrenchment . The figures were given at a late meeting by the Chief Engineer and the Committee says “We have reason to be satisfied.”
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : Why don’t you read further?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: I have read the whole of it But in future some more retrenchment is to be carried out, that is their view. I entirely agree with it. There would have been greater retrenchment, Sir. But this year there was the mishap of the Sind Canal. That canal had to be closed and certain regulators had to be constructed. That cost Rs. 2.5 lakhs, which goes from the maintenance. I may also inform the House that maintenance and repairs include construction of new bunds and repairs to bunds. The construction of certain bunds has been found to be very necessary.
Then, Sir, in the Revenue Department it has been decided although orders on the whole Reorganization Committee Report have not yet been passed, to remove the appointment of Head Clerks from the Mukhtiarkar’s cadre, and some more steps for retrenchment are in progress. All that I am saying to the House is that this Cabinet has not been sitting quiet. They have been exploring all avenues for economy. I might also inform the House that a few days ago I stated that only in the case of gardens I have passed orders which will result in a saving of Rs 33000 a year. Some clerks have also been removed from the Canal Assistants. In various spheres, wherever it is possible to make any economy, it is being affected.
Then ,Sir, so far as rasai is concerned, I have gathered information. There can be no two honest opinions that in this cold season there is very substantial decrease in rasai.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : Has it disappeared?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: I have never said that it has disappeared. It will take some time to disappear altogether. Even from Larkana, a place which is very vocal, I read it in a paper like Hindu that the residents of Larkana are definitely saying that at the camps of the Chief Engineer and the Revenue Commissioner there was absolutely no rasai. . . . . .
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : The chief Engineer never took rasai But what about the Superintending and Executive Engineer?
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: The Executive Engineers nowadays travel in cars and come back to their bungalows. I can assure the House that there has been a change of mentality. It will certainly take time to root out corruption which is existing from Adam’s day. This Government passed very definite order that honesty should be taken to be the best factor for promotion, not only honesty on their part their capacity to put down corruption in their own charge.
A lot of work has been done towards the rural reconstruction. District Sudan Committees have been formed. In every village, within those limits, about 50 Village Committees have also been formed.
Coming to the educational sphere, 5 night schools for adults have been started in each of the districts of Dadu, Larkana, Upper Sind, Nawabshah and Sukkur.
Coming now to the Forest Department, there were serious complaints about Chher. I may inform the House that definite orders have been passed for the stoppage of Chher. Orders have also been passed for giving free gazing or grazing at very concessional rates to the maldars of the hilly tract when they come down to Sind for want of rain.
KHAN BAHADUR A.K. GABOL: You refuse to give any concession in Karachi taluka.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: No interruption, The honorable Minister may proceed.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: In that Department also further order, according to the suggestions made by the Rasai Committee, are under consideration. Orders in most matters have been passed, and the remaining orders will be passed soon.
Sir, I have not touched some of the points that have been referred to by the honorable members as they will be dealt with by the Honorable the Chief Minister. All that have to say is this. I would invite the attention of the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro to the Speech that he made while he was defending the previous Cabinet form the no-confidence motion.
SIR GHULAM HIDAYATULLAH: There was no no–confidence motion, otherwise you would never have found your place there.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: He had not mentioned even one-forth of the items that have been mentioned by me in the sphere of education and nation-building departments. After all, it does take time to do all these things.
So far as legislation is concerned, several Bills have been brought forward and the remaining Bills have been brought forward and the remaining Bills are ready which will be investigated by the party and then brought before the House. The Bill for the Primary Education will be brought up immediately and so also for the registration of Vaids and Hakims. With the co-operation coming from the honorable members, much more progress can be made in the nation-building departments and in all departments of the Province, and I feel no doubt about that.
Now, Sir, analyzing all that the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro told us, it boils down to this Ministry is responsible for these assessment proposals and has made two more appointments and has not respected the wishes of their party.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: I said many more things.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NICHALDAS C. VAZRANI: The remaining thing that he said was that we had done no work. He also made a reference to the Rasai Committee Report. The Honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro knows very well that several orders have actually passed and that I brought the report in the full Committee, but the discussion took place only over one item whether the Chief Engineer should take three peons or four peons on tour. Nearly half an hour was wasted on that item alone, and then it was the option of the Government are considering passing final orders and issuing a statement showing the recommendations of the Committee and the orders. The Government is considering passing final orders passed by the Government. That Press Note can certainly be discussed and any further resolution passed for the guidance of the Ministry.
In conclusion I say that there is absolutely no ground made out for the support of this no –confidence motion, and feel confident that this Honorable House will reject it with and overwhelming majority.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Honorable, Sir, whenever such an important motion or resolution is brought before the House there are three issues which every honorable member should bear in mind.
The first issue to be considered by every thinking person is: If this motion is carried, what will happen next, Certainly, it is a very reasonable question to be asked from everybody as to what will happen after this motion is carried.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Deluge!
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: The second issue is, -and it is always a recognized principle, -that before we condemn anybody, we should try to look into the mirror ourselves as to how far we are responsible for the actions for which is very necessary to look him.
The third issue is whether the action of throwing out the Ministry can be avoided and, if it can be avoided, how that can be done.
These are the three issue which every sane person must bear in mind when such a motion is brought before the House.
Sir, the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro yesterday expressed a surprise as to why I am so keenly supporting the present Ministry, and he gave reasons, which were, of course, imaginary and probable, that in my opinion Sir Ghulam Hussain’s Ministry was communal and this Ministry was non-communal. Sir, I assure my friend Khan Bahadur KHuhro and his honorable House that neither the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain is in my picture nor is The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH in my picture : in my picture and vision I have got somebody very much higher and far above them, One who has designed and planned to send me to this House to do my duty towards this Province. I am not keeping any person or any Ministry in my picture, except the One Whom I adore.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: That is saintly vision.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I am not, Sir, by temperament a Ministry breaker or a Ministry maker. During my 35 years of public service I have not once in my life become either a king maker or a king-dethroner. Therefore, Sir, when Ministers take seats on the other side, -whether he is the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain or The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH –my job is not to dethrone them but make them for the good of the Province. That is my job and I want to make this very clear. I am quite certain that my honorable friend Khan Bahadur Khuhro and the Honorable Minister knows very well that I support them not because I am their admirer or their friend, but because they are Ministers and by some decree of Providence they are made to sit there, it is my duty to see that they work healthily for the good of the Province. Sir, I am not trying to enter into complications of any kind or intrigues of any kind. My duty is very plain. As a simple –minded person, as a plain, simple and practical man, my duty is first to think what is coming next after this Ministry is thrown out of after this no –confidence motion is passed. That was exactly the reason in my mind when Sir Ghulam Hussain was attacked a few months bore, and that was exactly the reason why I voted against the One Rupee cut motion because I did not like leaping into the Dark and I don’t like to leap in the dark to-day. I am a plain business man to-day. If somebody comes and shows me a false rupee, I don’t want to lose a half anna which is my hands for that rupee. If I am confident that there is rupee before me and that rupee I can earn honestly without intrigue and without any kind of complication, I am prepared to earn that rupee. Unless I see very clearly that rupee which I can earn honestly, I am not going to leave half an anna in my hand. This is a plain business policy. It is a very common and simple policy.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : You are not a speculator.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: NO, I am not a speculator.
If I know to-day that the whole Assembly is prepared without any idea of communalism, without any idea of parties, sections and sub-sections, e.g. Mir’s Party, Sayed Party, Baluch Party, Hindu Party, Congress Party, Muslim League Party and other parties.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: What party do you belong to?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Without any such idea if they all . . . . .
Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: Political parties are essential.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: IF without thinking of the parties, the whole Assembly united, for the good of the Province of Sind, are prepared to elect any other three Ministers, I think I am quite certain my honorable friend Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh and other Ministers will be prepared to vacate their seats, and I will be prepared to support them in that instance.
Now, Sir, let us see what happened in the past when the two Advisers were sent away, when this Assembly came into existence, when Sir Ghulam Hussain was offered Chief Minister ship and when my honorable friend Mir Bandeh Ali Khan and Mukhi Gobindram were the Ministers ; let us see what were their lives.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: They were merry.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I don’t think they were merry. I know very well.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: All the three were members of Karachi Club.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Sir, they went to the Karachi Club to get out of their sorrows. All throughout their period, there were constant pulls, constant pushes not fulfilled, and for all sorts of things for which they were not able to carry out. That was their position. My honorable friends will agree with me here. I have got no doubt in my mind about that.
Then, Sir, when they were thrown out for certain reasons, we expected the other Ministers to take up their places and do something better. Notwithstanding what the Honorable Public Works Department Minister said and I agree they have done something, I have absolutely no illusion in my mind and I know for certain that the sum total falls for short of the estimate which I had made up in my mind. In my mind there are greater things to be done for the common good of the Province of Sind, not here and there some reform. The general masses are yet burdened with many things. I would certainly wish to have so many things done for the relief of masses in Sind.
Sir, honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro yesterday was mourning because the other provinces have made certain progress. I will come to that a little later. But if Khan Bahadur Khuhro and his colleagues and friends really desire to have similar progress here as in the provinces where Congress Ministers are working to-day, may I tell him that we can do that within one week? If he has got that idea, if he has made that ideal, if he really wishes, if he really desires and if he really intends to see Sind making progress, it is in his own hands and it is in our hands.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: How?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I hope you will come out with suggestions.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: At least I will follow him if I find it good.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Sir, as the Honorable Mr. Nichaldas said, let the Ministers, whoever they are, feel that their Ministry is stable, that they are unhampered and that demands on them are not such which they cannot fulfill. If they are assured of the co-operation, if they are assured that they will be fully helped and supported, I am quite certain of this progress being made.
Now, Sir, as I said in the beginning, my second issue is this: Let us look ourselves into the mirror and see for ourselves, before we condemn others, as to what we have done to help them and to co-operate with them. Let us try to understand that. I have been a daily visitor to the Secretariat, perhaps with the exception of Sundays.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR : Your are the biggest nuisance!
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Sir, I can assure the Honorable House that I have never gone to Minister for a personal demand or in connection with personal gain. I have gone to the Ministers for my constituents who have elected me to relieve them of the burden and get their grievance redressed.
Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: I have had sad experience.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Sir, every day I found that the time of the Ministers had been taken up for objects which are petty, which are small, and which sometimes can safely be referred to the Commissioner or Collectors or even to their Head Clerks. Day after day I have come out of the Secretariat with real regret and sorrow, seeing that the Ministers are made to work on something which is of very much smaller or a lower type. They are not given time to think of bigger problems for the improvements of so many things. They are not given time to make schemes. They are not given time to Draft Bills.
Sir, I am not here offering an apology for the Ministers. I am not here advocating their cause. But, Sir, truth must be said and the facts must be faced.
Sir, coming down the main crime this Ministry is charged with is Assessment.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: On a point of information: May I know if the honorable member is supporting or opposing the Ministry?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: The honorable member Khan Bahadur Gabol is not so simple-minded as all that, Sir. Then, Sir, within four days after this Ministry came into existence, naturally, they thought very clearly that without proper finances no improvement in the Province could be made. After all no improvement can also be made when we have not got finances, -rupees, annas and pies. They knew well that the burden of our debt and the burden of interest were very great. Four ot 8 days after they took charge, they sent two representatives, important officers of our province, to Dehli to request the Government of India as to what could be done for relieving us of the burden of such heavy debt and heavy interest. Sir, that was the right step to take. I cannot say and I do not know what happened at Dehli. My honorable friend Khan Bahadur Khuhro yesterday suggested that the reply was in the negative, that the Government of India gave a very disappointing answer and the result was zero. Sir, if it is so not the fault of the Ministers, but it is the fault of this Assembly. Sir, in this House, I know there are, some influential persons who have influence with the Government of India. In this House there are persons who are deep thinkers. But they have taken no steps.
They have not taken any measures, any action . . . . . . . .
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: How can they? It is for the Government to take action.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: They have taken no action by which this Assembly as a whole might put the case before the Government of India and tell them very clearly that we are groaning under the burden of heavy debts and heavy interests. The Ministers have done their best.
Mr. GHANSHYAM JETHANAND: We said “Repudiate.”
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: No Interruption, please.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I shall finish soon, Sir within time.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: You were being interrupted.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Sir, it is this factor which practically suggested itself to the Honorable Minister that we should show to the Government of India that we were doing our best with all bona fides to get as much as we could reasonably do from the Province as income. Then we would be able to convince the Government of India later on to get relief from our debts.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: On a point of information, Sir. This Assembly was not aware that two officers were sent to Dehli on behalf of the Government of Sind for financial adjustments or anything of that nature. Was he taken into confidence?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: It was stated on the floor of the House by the Honorable the Chief Minister.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The honorable member should listen to the information.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: It was but natural that the Honorable Ministers should think in that way, that we should do our best before we could appeal or argue with the Government of India. Now, Sir, therefore the scheme of increasing assessment was already there. In the days of the former Ministers the revision of assessment was thought of. Objections had been invited. The Assembly had given their views. It was postponed for about 12 months for further reconsideration. That time had arrived and naturally the new Ministers took up the thread, but they went further. They modified the suggestions of the Settlement Officers. They did not accept in both cases –in the revised assessment suggested by the Settlement Officers, and also in the regrouping. They modified their views and they brought new schemes of sliding scale. What was the Scheme, Sir, of the sliding scale? It was that until prices reached a particular level, the assessment would not be increased. The fact is there that even upto now the prices have not reached that level and therefore this assessment will not automatically come into existence.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: What about the rest of all the groupings?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I am just coming to that. So far they stand absolutely proved. The proof is there. They have proved that they were in the right and that the burden would not be so heavy on the agriculturists, because the prices have not reached that level. The second point is regrouping.
Now, in the regrouping I have read volumes and files on the subject. For the last 10 years various suggestions of regrouping had been made. Mr. Green made some suggestions; Mr. Baker made some suggestions, Different Committees made different suggestions. All these
had as their object the raising of the villages from the 3rd class to 1st class, because they were getting a perennial supply of water. Instead of taking up that suggestion, the Honorable Minister modified the scheme, that the 3rd class should be raised to the 2nd, the 2nd to the 1st. Groupings were modified in certain sections and not all throughout. Then what happened? The Honorable Ministers invited objections. The Assembly has to be consulted. We do not know what will be the result. As such, final orders have not been passed. We have not seen the objections ourselves. The Assembly has not considered the proposals. I quite agree with my honorable friend Mr. Nihchaldas that to bring a vote of no–confidence on that plank as the main point, is not only premature but unjustified.
Now, Sir, I am coming to the other points, which the honorable member Khan Bahadur KHuhro has suggested. He said that such an important subject, if it was left in the hands of Mr. Neville Chamberlain in the Parliament, would have been brought in the Parliament. I think the Khan Bahadur is a Student of Parliamentary debates, I have also some knowledge of it. At no time in my life in any constitution in any place in the world have I seen land-tax, agriculture tax, being discussed.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: Question.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I make myself bold to say what I am saying. I can point to the Government of New Zealand where there is only one tax, and one tax only, viz., of Land Revenue.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: I know it is in Australia?
An Honorable Member: Who told you that? (Laughter)
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The honorable member’s time is getting up.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I shall finish my speech soon. Then, Sir, we have been given a list of other omissions. I have already stated that I am aware of various questions, viz., and relief to tenants, relief from the money lenders to those who are groaning under hardships of money lenders, relief to the agriculturists in various ways, the method of agriculture, education in agriculture, marketing facilities and so on. All these reforms have not been brought into existence. Sir, there are several Bills which are Bills would be taken up rapidly, and that our friends would follow the progress which is being made in other provinces. But, Sir, let us see the other omissions also. The Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas has explained what has been done with regards to the Re-organization Committee Report. There is no doubt that the Government are doing best to carry out retrenchment. Sir , the Educational Committee’s Report has been given in their hands only a few weeks ago. The Report has also been given to them a few weeks ago. The Report of the Prohibition Committee, which is one of the main reforms which I hope to see carried out before I pass away form this Assembly has been given to them only a few days ago.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: I shall see that it is carried out within 12 months. (Laugher)
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Thank you, Sir. The Report of the Frontier Regulation Committee has not yet seen the light of the day and I do not know when It will come up.
Then, Sir, about the criminal tribes and sections 107, 108 ad 109 of the Criminal Procedure Code, already the Bills are there on the desk of the Ministers.
I will now come to the third question. I have already said, Sir, that if I look into my own mirror before I condemn the Ministers, I come to the conclusion that I have myself not co-operated with them. I have not helped them as I should have I have allowed their time to be wasted. But the remedy is there. Instead of bringing this motion of no –confidence, I ask, is there no other remedy? The remedy is very simple. I again repeat that if the whole House is united and if we are prepared to give up the pulling down and pushing up ambitions, we 35 or 40 or more members, if we can get ourselves united, sit down in a prayerful mood, act in a prayerful mood (Laughter). Please laugh as much as you can but you will come to this conclusion some day. If we can dedicate ourselves to the Province of Sind, take up all the Bills and Resolutions, take up all the schemes, study what has happened in other Provinces, bring all the files and books together, sit down quietly in a room. . . . . .
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: The Karachi Club will be all right for that, ( Laughter)
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Please do not interrupt me. If we sit down , if we are not dragged by Muslim or Hindu idea, if we can give up the idea of Muslim or Hindu or what Mr. Shamdas Gidwani says or what “Alwahid” says, if we can drop all those consideration and if we can say to the Ministers “ We have selected these Bills, we have selected these resolutions, bring them in the Assembly” and if we take a vow to speak nothing on the first and second and third reading of a bill, if we can then all pass with your ayes have it –Ayes have it –very soon. . . .
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOPATKAR: Why not pass it by circulation? (Laughter)
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Don’t Laugh. Allow me, Sir, to go on. I am suggesting a scheme Sir. If we have decided outside to unite and co-operate and to carry out the measures fully, there will be no need of any kind of further speech in this Assembly. Sir, 30 or 40 Bill can be carried within 10 days.
And then, Sir, If we are honestly co-operate to increase the finance of this Province, If we are united, we can force the Ministers; they will have no other way; they will be forced to accept our schemes.
AN HONORABLE MEMBER: Why not 60 members instead of 30 or 40?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Thank you for suggesting the number. Excluding THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER, it is 59. If we are all united, it can be done. This is very simple and plain thing. It only requires a decision. It only requires a dedication. It only requires a decision. It only requires a prayerful mood and the reforms can be soon carried out. But Sir I again repeat : “ Break this Ministry if you like” and we are in a vicious circle. The Opposition wants to break the Ministry, and the Ministry wants to be there. If one Ministry is broken, another Ministry will come. Then again efforts will be made to break that Ministry. Thus the vicious circle will go on. These Ministers have to think constantly whether somebody has gone off from their party, or whether someone has come in.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Why should they, is another matter. But that is fact. On the other side there is the constant pull to see that their numbers increase so that the Ministry might break as early as possible. If one Ministry breaks, another will take its place. Then again attempts will be made to break that Ministry. There will thus be no progress. There will be a vote of no –confidence immediately another Ministry comes in. Again the same attacks will be made and the same shortcomings will be pointed out ; and Sind will remain as it is. The very simple and plain thing is, as I have suggested, let us leave aside condemnation. Let us stand united to work. Let us be united. Let us be dedicated. And I am certain in my mind that whether it is this Ministry or any other Ministry, it can be forced to accept our decisions and Sind will be prosperous. If this condemnation goes on and if this vicious circle goes on . . . .
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Are you going to bless evil?
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: I am not blessing evil. There is no time : two solid years have gone by. There are only 3 years more. I belong not to the city of Karachi where there are several amenities of life, but I belong to the district. I know what people are suffering. I know what people are going through. It is not merely the rasai and corruption which are really heavy burdens on them, but there are many other things. Their lot should be bettered. Sir, it is a matter of sorrow, it is a matter of regret, that we have wasted two solid years in this wrangling and vicious circle. I would again, in the end, repeat, whether my friends laugh at me or scorn at me : let us put ourselves in a prayerful mood, in a mood of dedication, and serve God and serve the Province of Sind. (Hear. Hear)
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: As it is now nearly 4-30, the House will rise for tea till 5’oclock.
After Recess.
(The Honorable the Deputy Speaker occupied the Chair.)
KHAN BAHADUR HAJI GHULAM NABI SHAH: (In Sindhi) Sir, I intend to express my humble opinion on this most important matter. The manner in which honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed expressed himself was an excellent one. I do admit that I appreciated his ideas very much, but at the same time I was wonder struck to see him expressing his treason with the ex-chief Minister. He also expressed in the open House that he has got one thousand and one complaints against the present Chief Minister. I was feeling ashamed of such a declaration of his before the elected member of this Honorable House.
THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) The Honorable member should address the Chair instead of galleries as he is doing present.
KHAN BAHADUR HAJI GHULAM NABI SHAH: (In Sindhi) The Honorable member has proposed this no –confidence motion without thinking the pros and cons of the matter. I wish to bring out the most important points, which I want to deal with. Honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed, while expressing his opinions has shown that the Honorable Ministers are experts at least in one thing, -in accepting the invitations to the Honorable Ministers originated from Sann, the native place of honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed?
I was in the Bombay Legislative Council with the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro; we remained there for full 14 years and I am definite there was mutual love and respect between ourselves. If honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed is true to his expression of opinion that he intends to throw new light in the country, I will be the first man to extend my help to him. But when he is I will be the first man to extend my help to him. But when he is firm on his dictum that the downfall of the Ministry should be brought about, I will advise him to remember what honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain said, that is very difficult to carry on Government smoothly in that way. I find that honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed is taking notes of what I say, and I think he will reply to all these in the end, but I am certain that he will never give a reply to the points. Honorable member had written letters to me against the ex-Chief Minister. I would have produced the same, but I don’t believe in preserving such letter.
Now I come to the question of assessment. This is the most important question which needs through consideration. This Assembly is not prepared to bear the burden. The Honorable the Chief Minister and his colleagues must think of Public opinion : whether the public is happy about the proposal or not. I am very sorry that the Honorable the Chief Minister has not been successful in changing the mentality of the heads of officials, and no effect of his policy has yet been produced on them. I would advise the honorable member Mr. G. M Sayed to remember the need of this Province, which is that we should have a stable Ministry, that we should all work together. It does not look beneficial for the country to drive out a Ministry after every 8 months. Honorable member Shiakh Abdul Majid has also worked with me in the Bombay Legislatve Council.
When honorable member Mr. Gazdar met me at Mirpurkhas, he told me about the rifg in the Muslim League Party. It was only on his advise that I had become a member of the Muslim League. I felt grieved when I heard about this rift, I would never have become a member of the Muslim League Party, but I love democratic Government. I love discipline. We find discipline in the Congress Party, and that is why they are so liberal, and that is why they want to remain neutral. What can a neutral party do? They should work sincerely. They must vote for the party which is in their view right. I remained neutral at the time of the downfall of the Ministry of Sir Ghulam Hussain. You will question such behavior of mine. Well, Iw as definite that the Ministry of Sir Ghulam Hussain would continue. If I had found the Government responsible, I would have voted for Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh. My view is that we should not act hypocrites. We should open our hearts to each other that the shadows of the misunderstanding may be removed. The majority of members sit silent like congress brethren. I like the advice of honorable member MR. Jamshed very much. He says “ Always bring about compromises so that the fraternal ties may get strengthened.” It is only then that an awakening can be brought about in a country. I would advice honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed to copy Mahatma Gandhi. The Skeleton declares that he will end his life by observing a fast unto death if his sincere object is not achieved. I would suggest an excellent solution for the betterment of this country to honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed. He must observe a fast unto death and if he dies, peace will prevail throughout the country. (Laughter). I would appeal to honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed to watch the various parties in this declared their neutrality ; on the other hand our Hindu brethren have not yet made up their minds. I take this opportunity to appeal to the Honorable the minister to clear their position. They are responsible to the Public and they must explain what good they have done for the betterment of this country. I would request honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed to copy the example of our Quaid-e-Azam Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah in the the Central Legislative Assembly. It is for the betterment of Muslims of Sind. What does our political leader do there? He supports the Congress is right, while he helps is our duty to give sufficient time and opportunity to the Ministers ; if we find that they are failures, then the right steps to be taken will be to oppose them. I am not prepared to criticize the Minister at this stage as honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro and Mr. Sayed have done. I am not I favor of showering abuses as the honorable members of the Opposition do.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: (In Sindhi) When have these abuses been used?
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honorable member will proceed.
KHAN BAHADUR HAJI GHULAM NABI SHAH: (In Sindhi) I will request honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro to remember the day when he had come to MirpurKhas along with honorable member Mr. M. H. Gazdar, Pir Ghulam Mujadad and Moulvi Hakani. They used abusive language against us, and after that , articles were printed in the “Sind Zamindar” which, I think represented the opinions of honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro. Those articles grieved me very much, and that is why I have given vent to such words. I will request the Honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed and other by declaring that he is prepared for the co-operation and that his party is founded on sound basis. He must also say that he makes no distinction between various parties. The personal attacks that the Revenue Minister is wrong, that the Public Works Department Minister is wrong, will create a rift.
There remains the question of Land Revenue assessment. Every one knows that this is not a demand of the Congress only, but It is demand of each and every one in Sind. I corroborate honorable members Mr. Jamshed and Sir Ghulam HUssain in their opinion re: grouping system or assessment policy. I will advise the Minster to be careful on this important question. They must go away with their conservative ideas. For How many days will the struggle continue? My opinion is that this Ministry should work in the Program which is prevailing in the 8 congress Province. I am prepared to help the Government if the beautiful ideas from the Province of Punjab or Bengal are taken up and Government intend to act thereon. I am definite that there will be no difficulty in this. Honorable members will be pleased with that, and the Honorable the Chief Minister will get a chance of working for the betterment of the country. The ex-chief Minister Sir Ghulam Hussain has shown a desire to co-operate. I am very happy to hear this from the oldest amongst the veterans of this House. We do good for the poor if there is co-operation. My desire from the very beginning has been that both sides should co-operate and work together . It would be better if the Honorable the Chief Minister does according to what he said in his speech yesterday, so needs of the Opposition are satisfied. I am against frequent information and destruction of Ministries.
In the end I would advise honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed oppose in a better way if at all he has love opposition. The world will laugh at us if we bring about frequent changes in the Ministries. I remember the days when honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed used to negotiate with the Congress party, the decision of which has not yet been arrived at.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I rise to support this vote of no –confidence in Honorable Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh and consequently his Ministry. Sir, Sind is a very backward Province educationally and politically. I think I will be voicing the feelings of almost all intelligent Muslims of this Province when I say that we regret the day when we asked for separation of Sind before we had politically educated our electorate. Sir, we had very great hopes that we would be able to render service to the oppressed and depressed masses of this Province, but we have not done so and by asking for separation before educating our electorates we have invited for us a very unhappy position in this Province.
Sir, By the separation we are deprived of the enlightened lead that Bombay Presidency would have given us. Within these last two years Sind has lost enormously by not being an appendage of Bombay. In these two years, measures of very far reaching character which are going to revolutionize the life of the masses in the Bombay Presidency have been passed. The masses in Sind would have derived much advantage from Bombay Government’s measure for education, prohibition, redress from debts, by now, but it will be now only a dream in Sind for many years to come for enacting such beneficial measures.
Sir, what are the reasons for this unhappy situation in Sind? Sir, the representatives of people in this House seem to owe no allegiance to their voters. Sir, most of us who are here only worship the power in whatever hands it may be. They cannot and would not go against Minsiters, whatever be their principles or want of them. Sir, I would give one example of the character of some of our Sindi friend while sitting in the Bombay council. They were always considered very reactionary, because they always voted with the Government ; and here too we find an exhibition of the same mentality. You remember, Sir, you moved for presenting an address to the Governor in 1935, in the Bombay Council that the question of land assessment in the Barrage area in Sind, which was recommended then by a committee consisting of officials and non-officials. You only requested that a Committee should be appointed which should report within about one month, and that till then those orders should be withheld and that the Government members should remain neutral at the time voting on the address and leave the decision to the non-official elected members of the House. The Government had 29 official and nominated votes in their pockets then. The Government definitely stated that they would not participate in the debate, and the Honorable the Leader of the House, Sir Robert Bell. Got up and further assured the House that the Government would adopt an attitude of neutrality ; and not only that, but it would abide by the decision of the House. Sir, what happened? We, Sind members, expressed ourselves in favor of enquiry and postponement of one month. The members from Bombay opposed that demand on the ground that Sind did not want to bear any taxation after it got the benefit of Sukkur Barrage, that they wanted to fleece Bombay. Finally we went to the division. The Honorable our present Chief Minister asked me to see how the voting went on. That is Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh asked me to ascertain how we stood with regard to the result of the poll. I found 21 votes on each side and that one honorable member sitting to-day on the Government benches did not vote. I asked honorable member to vote and told the Khan Bahadur that gentleman did not vote. He requested me to go to him and persuade the gentleman. Sir, the Honorbale Khan Bahadur Bakhsh also persuaded that gentleman, still he would not vote. Further I reminded the gentleman that these circumstances the Chair was bound to vote against us and agriculturists would suffer. The Chair would maintain the status quo and so kindly vote for us. Polling was still open but he would no vote. When asked for the reasons for that attitude, what was his reply? He said “ Government is neutral and therefore I must be neutral”. Sir, we were being rightly accused in Bombay of this reactionary attitude. We were being accused of our reactionaryism so much that there used to be talks on the floor of the House that if ever Government brought in a measure that every honorable member from Sind should be hanged outside the Council Hall, they the Sind members, would vote for that also if Government so desired ! Well, Sir, I feel and very strongly feel that the character representatives in this House has not changed. Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister’s friend, when these proposals for assessment were mooted, opposed them. The Proposals were opposed by his Congress friends in July 1938. The whole Province shouted down, and most members of Legislative Assembly signed a vote of no-confidence in the Ministry and requested His Excellency the Governor to call a session so that they might express their opinion formally and throw out the Allah Bakhsh Ministry.
(At this stage the Honorable the Speaker came and occupied the Chair).
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I was just pointing out that most of the honorable members of this House, each one of whom is representing a population of about a lakh in Sind, have no concern for the welfare of the masses; they have come here for their personal benefit. And I was pointing out that when the assessment orders were introduced by the Honorable the Chief Minister, they (some members on Government benches to-day), signed a letter expressing no-confidence in the Cabinet and requesting His Excellency the Governor to call an early session so that they might express their opinion. Sir, I find them to-day sitting on the Government benches and supporting the Ministers for that very action. Then, Sir, they joined the Muslim League party; they called public meetings all over the Province; they shouted down the Ministry ; and one of the honorable members from Sukkur, who was General Secretary of the District Muslim League, immediately after the Allah Bakhsh Cabinet came in power, called a public meeting condemning the present Cabinet in the worst terms imaginable. . . . . . .
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Do you want the original to read?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: You might read the original for the information of the House. After that , we tried to consolidate the Opposition. We found the Congress friends in the House were quite dissatisfied. We, Muslim, also thought that we should have some party discipline, some party label, so that we could show to the country what we stood for. Most of the Muslim Members of Legislative Assembly, signed the Muslim League pledge. One of the honorable members sitting behind the Ministers also signed the pledge and further he wrote a letter in his own hand to Mr. Jinnah which, if read here, will be an eye opener to this Honorable the Chief Minister. I find that other gentleman sitting on Government benches to-day supporting the Ministry having changed their opinions without the Cabinet having done anything to improve upon their position when these pledges were given and when that no-confidence motion was signed by them. That shows that these honorable members who told their voters that they were Khadim Quom (servants of people), have not come here for service of the people but they have come to grind their own axes. They have no principles and they should never be trusted. They can be trusted for one thing only, and that is that they will always support Government, whatever the policy, whatever the actions of any Government. That is their position, and therefore, I want to point out that in democratic country like England, there would be only two alternatives under these circumstances. Suppose, Sir, the Cabinet thinks is very essential for the safety, progress and happiness of the country by a general election and ask it to endorse their opinion and send representatives who would support their proposal. The other alternative is that when the House has become so docile and slavish to the Cabinet that it votes for any reactionary measure which might be brought before the House but the country is against that measure, then also the the Prime Minister of England goes to the country and asks people to show confidence in his Cabinet ; he dissolves the House and asks for the verdict of the country. If Government enjoys confidence of the people, same members are returned ; otherwise most of them are rejected. Here in Sind, sir, what happens? At least in the case of the two Honorable Muslim Ministers, the country unanimously condemns their land assessment policy. What do they do? They don’t go the electorate as they would be expected to do, because all the parties supporting them or opposing them had, disapproved of their proposals. They don’t go to the country and tell them “ Here we are. Our credit is at stake. We think our proposals are most reasonable. But your representatives think otherwise. They are in your interest. Please give us representatives who will support us.”
No. they don’t do that here in Sind. But just like a husband who does not fond a wife and is in search of bride, they go about begging support from this group, that group, the Mir Group, the Congress group so on. Ultimately when they fail, they use the only weapon which is left for governing this unhappy Province, namely, official whipping. Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister knew who the officials whipping was successfully used in the Bombay Council, and he has used it here excellently. But I must say to the credit of some Collectors that they refused to take any notice of these man oeuvres and refused to be used as the Ministers’ instruments for party purposes . In no country are permanent services used for political purposes ; otherwise it will become nepotism and create administrative chaos. If officers are allowed to canvass for Government, if officers are allowed to collect people for Ministers to address them for party purposes, if this sort of thing is allowed, then woe betide this Province ! Can you, Sir, ever imagine any parallel to this? I am prepared, but I do not want to take the names of the honorable member who have mentioned it to me or the names of Collectors or other officers of districts who have been used . . . . . .
The Honorable Khan BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, on a point of information. When the honorable member makes a serious accusation of that character against Government, I think it will be in the interests of justice and fair play that he should either give the names of those officers or the names of those members who have informed him like that, and I assure the House that I shall make full investigation in the matter.
Mr. G. M SAYED : Does the Honorable the Chief Minister want the names? I will give them.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I do not think it will be fair to mention the names, although I have got them. I think it will be unfair to disclose the names of those officers because they won’t be here to defend themselves. I challenge the Honorable the Chief Minister to appoint a Committee of Privileges of this House or a Committee of Enquiry, and I will produce evidence or put Quran on the heads of those members and say what they have to say, and I shall take their verdict. But to revert to the subject, this is the only armory which the Honorable Minister now have left them. And after what has happened, I am absolutely convinced that there is nothing left for this Province to expect from this House. We have done some propaganda amongst the electorate to educate them, only after the fail of the last Ministry. Our Congress friend have been going to villages and have been educating the electorate for a longer period. That was also from the time after or during the elections. But I am absolutely assured by my personal touch with the electorate all over Sind that if this House is dissolved to-day, you will get better representatives; you won’t get representatives who come here for their personal ambitions to be fulfilled, who don’t come here requesting that election petitions against them should be dismissed, who don’t come here for appointment of Public Prosecutors, who don’t come here for the postings of certain officers in people, or for having certain officers dismissed because they are not subservient to them, who don’t come here for the appointment of certain Engineers who will give more water to them. Some, Sir, want titles –Khan Bahadurships and Sardar Bahadurships. They tell us, how can we vote with you because by next June we can’t get titles through you ! Is that the purpose for which they came here? And, Sir, I assure you that if His Excellency the Governor is convinced that is a very reactionary House and if he is pleased to order a general election, the whole country will thank him, and I am sure you will get a better House. Under those circumstances the gentleman in the Cabinet could not find even 7 men to support their proposals for Land Revenue Assessment 8 months ago. Therefore they used official influence, oppression, corruption, etc., Now, who is going to stop corruption in this Province when such methods are followed by Government and such work is taken from officers who are corrupt and do not want to do anything properly? I say, Sir, if these are the methods adopted by the present Government, you will find no improvement in this Province for the next three years. For these reasons I strongly condemn their policy.
Sir, I had expected from the Honorable the mInister for public Works Department that he would, in his speech, give us some reply which would satisfy us. On assumption of office , the Minister asked only six months. In the debate on my one-rupee cut motion on 30th March last, which I moved on account of want of policy of the present Cabinet, I said “They are incompetent duds; they have no policy, no principle, and will do nothing for the Province”. The Honorable the Chief Minister then got up and assured this House that he would follow the program of Congress in a modified form, that he would follow the Program of Congress in a modified form, that he will do things in the interest of the Country, that he will follow the program of the Sind United Party literally : Give me six months.” On these assurances, Sir , I withdrew my cut.
Sir, that was in March last. Ten months have passed since then, and what have they done? Except saying that we have been working 12 or 14 hours a day, we sit up to 12’oclock midnight, we have signed so many routine papers, opened 5 night schools, brought 5000 acres more under irrigation, what else have they done? I ask, Sir, we have been pestered with propaganda leaflets from the Honorable Minister for the Public Works Department. We know that 85 lakhs of rupees are spent on Public Works Department and if the Honorable Minister sanctions one little culvert out of the fund or spends Rs. 50,000 for any work, where is the necessity of issuing a Press Note? We know already about Rs 50. Lakhs are being spent for such maintenance and improvement of the Irrigation works, annually. They said that 150,000 acres of land will be cultivated. What is the promise of the Lloyd Barrage Irrigation Authorities? We have spent 25 corers of rupees on the Barrage and they have promised not 150,000 acres extra, but 53 lakhs of acres of cultivation. But we are not having now even 32 lakhs of acres under cultivation in the Barrage zone.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: I think the Honorable Minister referred to non-Barrage area.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: In old times there were efficient officers and efficient Ministers. Previous Ministers would dispose of matters single-handed, while these gentlemen require Deputy Collectors, Mukhtiarkars, Assistant Engineer, as personal clerks to explain to them the contents of each file! They take 10 hours to understand one file which the previous efficient Minister could dispose of in one hour. That shows clearly that they are inefficient and do not deserve the post.
Then they said that we on opposition benches have compelled them to spend all their time in establishing their Ministry: “You do not give us rest.” They say, Sir, no democratic Government would assume the responsibility of Government unless it feels it is stable. If they are occupying those chairs and drawing those salaries for establishing themselves, they are in honor bound to leave those seats: these offices are meant for different purposes altogether.
Sir, the honorable member, Mr. Jamshed, made an appeal saying that we should co-operate and give them a chance. Chance of what I ask? For shooting us down? Have they come forward and stated what is their party and what is their program of work? I challenge them to show whether any member on this side –irrespective of the fact whether we sit in Opposition or on Government benches –has opposed any good measure of theirs.
Then I come to retrenchment. On the question of retrenchment their performance is a big zero. It is retrenchment to save two or three thousands here or there? The honorable member Mr. Jamshed was our Chairman. We have submitted a very considered report. Anybody who has read that report will readily see the amount of labor we have put on it. They, the Ministers, think the recommendations are not worth their while to consider. They are doing what they are asked by Secretaries to do. Just before the last ministerial crisis it was proposed by th United Party to ask the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain, who was then the Chief Minister to promise a saving of 15 lakhs of rupees in the Public Works Department. This was in addition to annual surrendered savings; real savings by abolition of posts. . . . .
Mr. G. M SAYED: Within this year.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: And decrease the estimates to that extent. The Re-organization Committee has asked for the reduction of 7 divisions and three circles. They may say that the Public Works Department is the special responsibility of His Excellency the Governor. Sir, it is not fair to place the responsibility on His Excellency the Governor. The Governor is there to see that the Department works efficiently.
Everything can be done without consulting His Excellency. It is only the Barrage which is his special responsibility, but there are so many other things as well, for instance, the interests of minorities. I think section 52 of the Act describes what the special responsibility of His Excellency. It is clear from what they say that they want to throw the whole burden of not doing anything on His Excellency. And I do not think that is fair to him. They have no courage to admit that so far as the Public Works Department is concerned, Mr. Gordon is ruling Sind and not they. The real reason for no retrenchment and the Cabinet has surrendered to him.
I come now to the Corruption Committee’s Report. The honorable member Dr. Hemandas, when he was Minister, gave an assurance that whatever we decided in the Committee, he would accept and he did accept our report. Then came the Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas who succeeded him. He told us, Sir, “ That promise was given by previous Minsiter. I do not understand it. Will you kindly explain the report to me?” Sir, we are not paid teachers to explain it to him. We have made our report and we have also shown the reasons for making that report. It is for him to accept or not. IF he cannot understand it, we are not here to teach him. He wanted us to reconsider the whole report because Mr. Gordon took objection to every recommendation that we had made. The Honorable Minster told us that he had written long long notes showing the reason why he should accept Mr. Gordon report. Sir, I will give you one instance, by way of illustration, about this Corruption Committee Report. The whole conference was called by the Government to discuss all reports of various committees where the Honorable the Chief Minister wanted us to discuss de now the recommendations of each Committee. We explained it would serve no useful purpose, but however, we are prepared to sit for further 6 months even –though every one of us is a very busy man and can’t afford to waste time in that manner –if Government only gave an assurance that whatever was decided by us would be accepted by Government. The Honorable the Leader of the House said “No, I cannot give that assurance.” Sir, three committees sat for months. You know Sir, every honorable member is a very busy man, after all no one is an unemployed gentleman. We worked several months and submitted our reports. If Governments were not prepared to accept our reports, then you should have told us so at the beginning. Well, Sir, we started taking votes on the question of supply of eggs and milk. They packed the Committees with officers who also wanted to vote. Now, Sir, non-official member were making certain recommendation to improve the character and conduct of officers of departments, and if those very officers were given the right to vote, what could be expected? Where our recommendation will be every one can imagine. Officers should be in Committees to give technical opinions or information. Government could write and ask for it instead of calling 5 officers to attend the conference. We, therefore, washed our hands from that show. We said we have handed our reports. The credit or blame is entirely Government’s if they accept or reject them.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Next, not a single measure of reforms has been introduced by this Cabinet in this House during the last 10 months. It is all window-dressing that they have done so far. The Acts are there. They have only changed a word here and a word there. The window is already there, only change a hinge, or put a glass here or put a bolt there which had rusted or gone bad. They have brought forward only such sort of amending Bills, most of which were prepared by the previous Cabinet. Only those Bills are brought forward before us. They have not brought before us even a single measure of reform.
Sir, I was very pleased to read the news this morning, which I would like to impart to this House for its benefit. In spite of the Bombay Assembly having passed 30 Bills of very far reaching character during the last 2 years, I read this morning that the Bombay Cabinet was bringing forward before a special session another Bill to scale down debts of agriculturists to their paying capacity. Now just imagine, the agriculturists of the Province of Sind have to pay 24 crores of debts. In Bombay they want to bring forward a Bill to scale down the debts of agriculturists to 4 cores or so that agriculturists will have to pay what they could pay. An agriculturists will have to pay what they could pay. An agriculturist will not have to sell away his chattel or land, but he will be required to pay what he could pay. That is what Bombay intends to do.
Then Sir, they the Bombay Government, are bringing forward another Bill to control marketing, so that the agriculturist may get best price for his produce. They have also introduced compulsory education and prohibition. They have sanctioned crores of rupees for backward areas for education. Now what have the Ministers done here? They asked for 6 months, but we have given them 10 months, and to-day they might gain a victory by promises of personal gains and official whipping, whatever it be, but the country’s verdict is against them definitely. I challenge, let them all go back to the country and see if any of these gentleman supporting this reactionary Government is returned.
Of course the Honorable the Revenue Minister has given out candidly what the Cabinet represents. He says “ I am neither a Hindu nor a Muslim. I am a representative of God.” (Laughter). Of course Mussalmans don’t own him. He can never be a Hindu. Therefore he represent nobody.
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR : He could be converted.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: When he does things against the interests of his own community, how can he be owned by Mussalmans? Whom then does he represent? He cannot be a Hindu because by his actions he has annoyed Hindus also. Therefore he says “ Now I am a representative of God” and he claims to hold his position as a Minister in the Cabinet representing no community and no party. Sir, we never heard of such a position. We had heard of divine rights of kings being claimed in the 9th or 10th century, but here in the 20th century we are hearing from the Honorable Revenue Minister that he has divine rights of Pris. What is then the correct positon he does hold otherwise? He holds the post of Minister by divine rights of Pris!
Sir when the Honorable Revenue Minster went out on tours he wrote several letters to his friends and supporters saying “ I am coming. Kindly make arrangements for me. I will be your guest.” Then big tamashas were held and big dinners were given.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: By a means produce them even now.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I will produce them even now.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, with all this bankruptcy of action they say “We are following Congress example.”
Then, Sir, the Honorable Public Work Department Minister says, “We have to keep social status.” I am really surprised. My dear Sir, Mr. Bulabhai Desai and Mr. Kanayalal Munshi are spending Rs. 5 thousand per month on themselves and they don’t ravel 200 miles a day to earn Travelling Allowance. Honorable member Mr.G. M. Sayed some time back wanted the Ministry to go at aero plane’s speed. Ofcourse in one respect at least this Ministry has got airplane’s speed because they travel 200 miles a day to earn Travelling Allowance.
Sir, this Cabinet has not only not improved the conduct of the officials to become less corrupt and less oppressive, but they have actually encouraged them so much in their behavior against the people of this Province that they have dared to insult the Ministers themselves. The Instance of Police sports can never be lost sight of by this province. It was an insult offered to the whole Province, Sir. You must remember Sir Shah Nawaz while he was only an ordinary member of Bombay Council, was insulted by Police Officer at Jacobabad sports, and result was that the Bombay Government had to come down and apologize.Here the minister are insulted. The Police officers knew that they had invited Ministers. Their proper place must have been reserved. But no; they wanted to ignore our Ministers. They consider them nobodies. They do so because they consider that they are guests of a couple of months in Ministerial Chairs and would submit to any treatment by officers. Finally what happens? Simply a letter from the Inspector-General of Police giving all sorts of excuses satisfies our Ministers. The right course would have been that the people who were responsible for the management of sports should have been dismissed outright. It was an insult offered to the whole Province.
Col. H. J. MAHON: Questions
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, it is no questioning. Then just imagine what is the condition of honorable members, what is the way our members are treated. Let us take one of the honorable members occupying Congress benches and who is a great friend of Honorable Khan Bahadur Khan Bakhsh. It is said that he is supported by him. Officials orders by the Deputy Commissioner, Upper Sind Frontier district, are issued that no officer of Government of Sind should see him when he calls on them on business ! The result is that even the tapedar refuses to see him. Is this not an insult to this House?
Then, Sir, what does one of the Collectors of another district do? Several members of the district go the Collector. They send him a chit. Many members of Legislative Assembly and many other leading gentlemen of the district go to see him about a particular business and send their names in advance. The time is given for the interview. They go there, and then what happens? The Collector keeps one chair for himself and makes all these other gentlemen stand there for 1.5 hours or till the talks terminate.
Sir, the circular that this Assembly passed to the effect that every officer should get up, shake hands and offer a chair to every visitor, was consigned to the waste paper basket by the officialdom in Sind. Even ordinary courtesy is not extended by these blue bloods. I say every man living in this Province of Sind must be courteously treated. Here were the representative of the people of the District, here were the representative of the people of the District, here were the representative of the people of the District, here we are leading gentlemen of district who went to see the Collector, who gave him sufficient notice and when they were called in, they did not get sitting accommodation. They sent a telegraphic S.O.S to the Honorable the Chief Minster “Please come down” He went down there. Sir what does he do? He does not even look at those members who go and receive him, but straightaway goes to the Collector, talks for three hours with him and then eventually comes out and tells the gentlemen who were insulted. “ Now you can go and explain matters to the Collector and everything will be alright.” Should each one go in individually and apologize to the Collector for the this Conduct on the part of the Collector himself, I ask him. I have raised questions on this issue. As it is a very urgent and important matter the Honorable Chief Minister should have replied to these questions on the very first day of the session, but no reply has come forth yet.
Sir, I do not want to repeat what the honorable members of this House who have preceded me have said, but I will only point out that the Honorable Chief Minister has defied public opinion and wasted good 8 months of this Province in not calling a session. In Bombay the session was sitting for 4 months for the Budget session and again it met from the 17th August. From that day up-to 17th November they had 70 sittings in the morning and sometime at night also because the Government were anxious to pass beneficent legislation as early as possible. The congress has placed before the country certain Program at the time of the general elections and two years have passed. They want to implement their program and so they sat from day to day for 70 days between August and November. And they are meeting again. They had 4 months for the Budget session had passed so many healthy Bills which have brought Bombay in high esteem of the outside world. In addition, good opportunity has been given to non-officials in the Bombay Assembly to move their resolutions, but in fact the Government have left so little to be done by non-officials, that there is not much required to be done there by nom-officials. On the days of non-officials business, attendance is poor because members have not do much in view of the Government having done so many things. This is the example of the other provinces. For 8 months here we have been idling, the Assembly was not called and salary was paid to members. The Ministers drew salaries but were nervous to face the Assembly. They thought they must have their stability secured first before facing the Assembly.
Sir, this Province needs money for goof work and there are only two ways of getting money, one is by retrenchment and another by additional taxation. Government has not thought or additional taxation at all. Sir, other provinces have imposed new taxation and have found out so many other means which will not directly touch the agriculturists by finding money from other sources. The Bombay Government has found 60 lakhs of rupees to spend on Prohibition. Here we have given a report saying “You can save Rs. 40 lakhs.” Members of the Committee were all responsible people. They can occupy the chair of the Chief Minister worthily. They understand their responsibility. They made those recommendations. Government of course does not want to look at them.
Then, Sir when we asked for Rs. 70,00 more for primary education of Rs. 26,ooo for Lyari Girls education or when we wanted funds for compulsory education in 8 Districts, the Chief Minister cannot find the money. But he can create appointment of a Deputy Collector for the Honorable the Chief Minster, a Mukhtiarkar for the Revenue Member and Assistant. . . . .
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: That is repetition.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I am just referring to it. That is all. Then, Sir, most of the communal friction is always based on little petty jobs and they should have long ago decided about the communal representation in services. They should have made rules so that no more trouble on that issue might arise. They have failed to do that too.
Then, Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister was pleased to advise Executive Engineer to withdraw a case filed to defamation by that officer against the Editor of a communal paper, “Ekta” of Larkana. Perhaps you know that when the Honorable the Revenue Minster goes on tour in Larkana, that Editor entertains him. But, Sir, for a lesser offence the Editor of “Al Wahid” was convicted and punished and fined.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: And the Editor was handcuffed on the Hyderabad Railway Station.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, they did not anything for the Province, but they have the whole Press Agency at their command to give all sorts of false reports about their doing which the Government have never done. Only a few days ago I read an Associated Press message. You can just imagine a responsible news agency sending out a message that the Government have issued orders prohibiting Lauri Haj, because it offends the sentiment of Muslims. Such misunderstanding to be created.
The Honorable PIr ILLAHI BAKHSH: Government has passed orders.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Thank you, But why was Mr. Mirchandani, the collector of Hyderabad here to consult how to stop the show or how to conduct it peacefully?
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: Why don’t you show them? (Laughter)
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, one gentleman at Karachi takes it into his head to write in the most offensive way articles against the Holy Prophet of Islam. Sir, those articles pained every Muslim. When I heard such and such gentleman had written such articles, I said “I can’t believe it.” It was impossible for him, I said. I go and take hold the originals, Which were in Gujrati. I read them, Sir. My blood boiled reading these writings and so does the blood of every Muslim here. We requested the Government to take action. Muslim they call themselves, those sitting on those treasury chairs. What do they do? They issue orders under section 144 against people agitating, who say to the Ministers. ”Please do your duty , they have insulted the Prophet of Islam, and therefore your action is needed.” But what have you done against the offenders against the man who has committed such heinous offence? They do not have the courtesy to proscribe the book. They still call themselves representatives of Muslim in this Province. It was left to (مردخدا ( i.e God’s man in the Province of Bengal to proscribe that book. The Sind Government under the government of India Act, are bound to repeat those notifications. The notification is repeated in this Province by this Government. Even after this no officer has even visited the Press enquiry how many copies are still left with the printer and publisher for forfeiture. Did he, the Chief Minister, ever enquire if one copy was forfeited to Government? No action was taken. This is how he is using the powers of law and order and his powers to protect the honor of our Prophet. Sir, I have not words to condemn his activities in this matter. If I read what is written and what this gentleman has done, the whole House will go ablaze. Sir, what is this? They call themselves Muslims, and in spite of repeated meeting all over the Province, nay , all over India, and resolutions having been sent to them, and responsible people having written to them, the Honorable the Chief Minister does not take any action. He goes on repeating those notification notifications, putting a gag on the mouths of those people, month after month, who want Government to do its duty. I have to–day one dozen notifications. They are in my file. Now in first notification gagging the tongue of agitators, the District Magistrate writes “in view of the objectionable articles written” by so and so. When the officers of Government hold those articles objectionable, does not ordinary decency, does not ordinary duty require that the Honorable the Chief Minister should take action against the writer, printer and publisher?
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: How long will the honorable member take?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I won’t take very long, Sir. But I have got some very pertinent things to say.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: We must give him one hour. He is going to Haj. He may not come back. (Laughter)
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I am showing how the Honorable Ministers sitting on those chairs are interfering with the administration of justice. The Honorable Minister for Public Works Department said that he recently sent for an Executive Engineer. He made him to do a particular thing as if he is technical expert for getting it done in a particular way.
Then, Sir, I would give an instance of how the Honorable Minister for Revenue is working. One day he takes up the telephone receiver and says to an Inspector who was investigating a certain breach of trust case “Please bring your papers of this case to me.” The Inspector naturally replies: “I can’t do that, Sir; I must have orders of my District superintendent or Superintendent.” The Honorable Revenue Minister insists “No. You must bring the papers to me now.” The Inspector replies “I can’t.”
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Question.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Then, Sir what happens? The Honorable Revenue Minister is upset. He goes to the Honorable Chief Minister. He goes to the Honorable Chief Minister. He says to him that the Inspector must be dismissed or that he must be sent out immediately to some other post.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: It is all nonsense.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: The Honorable the Chief Minister knows it. Then what happens? The Honorable the Chief Minister sends for the Inspector-General of Police and says “Please transfer this Inspector from Karachi.” The Inspector-General says “There are Government order passed twice that this gentleman must not be sent out of Karachi, his life is in danger. For duties performed on behalf of Government, they have decided twice that he cannot go out.” When he was first posted to Karachi, he asked for a transfer as his health was bad and the Karachi climate did not suit him. He was made to stay on. Ultimately Government decided that he could not go out as his life was in danger. When the Inspector-General is told to transfer the Inspector must go from here.” The District Superintendent of Police and says “These are the orders of the Chief Minister and the Inspector must go from here.” The District Superintendent of Police gets rather wroth. He says “How can Government do that?”, because the District Superintendent of Police accidentally happened to be the same officer who had been helped by this Inspector in performing certain duties, and he knew that on account of the discharge of those duties the Inspector’s life was in danger. But the Inspector-General of Police says :”We have got the order of the Chief Minster. What can we do?” What is the Inspector to do under those circumstances? He says:”You dismiss me if you like. I cannot go out of Karachi.” This is, Sir, how the administration of this Province is being run.
KHAN ABAHADUR A.K. GABOL: Was he dismissed?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: He went on leave. It is for the Honorable Chief Minister to deny or refute the statements that I am now making.
Under sections 401 and 402, Criminal Procedure Code, Government has been given power to reprieve to certain convicted persons. This Power has been very freely utilized by the present Minister. If you take the total number of persons who were given reprieve during many years, you will find, Sir, that the number during the regime of the present Ministry is greater. I shall give an illustration. A gentleman commits theft or breach of trust in Hyderabad. He is convicted for six months and is sentenced to a fine of Rs. 500. An appeal is made for reprieve and reprieve is given.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: What is his name?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I will you the name if you want. Sir, his name is Mirchandani, he is the brother of Mr. Hashmatrai Mirchandani, who is the Manager of the Karachi Urban Co-operative Bank.
Then, Sir, there are certain people who commit murders in Khipro. They are very rich people. They spend Rs. 20,000 over night over the Police, and the Police don’t take action against them. Unfortunately honorable member KHAN BAHADUR GHULAM NABI SHAH is not here, otherwise I am sure he would bear me out in this matter. When after great effort the Police and persuaded to take action, a prosecution is filed against the men and they are convicted for life. Imagine the surprise of my life, Sir, when I go to Mirpurkhas last month and learn that those people, after serving 2 or 3 years of their imprisonment, have been given reprieve.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: May I know their names?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: They are banias of Khipro. I will send you their names to-morrow. I have not got them with me at present. Then, Sir, the Honorable member Dr.Wadhwani, when he wwas Minister for Public works Department, decided that an Indian Architect should be selected for constructing Government buildings. The Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas, immediately he took over charge cancelled those orders and appointed one non-Indian for the reasons which he has explained to-day, because a friend of his is going to be that non-Indian’s partner.
Then, Sir, an honorable member on the Hindu Independent Party benches made a complaint to the Honorable Minister for Public Works Department, then Dr Hemadas Wadhwani, that one Assistant Engineer was not complying with his request to give him more water he deserved. That Assistant Engineer refused to deprive other smaller people of their due share of water. That complaint was sent to the Remembrance of Legal Affairs, who supported the Assistant Engineer that he acted correctly. As soon as the present Public Work Department Minister takes over charge, There-opens the case and he punishes the Assistant Engineer for not complying with the request. The zamindar now gets more water, and I think he derives an additional income Rs. 15000 a year on that account. If men in the position of Assistant Engineers are demoralized like that, how do you expect other officer to act impartially?
The Honorable Mr.NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: What is his name?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I will give you. It is Mr. M Gidwani.
The Honorable Mr.NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: There was a charge of defalcation against him.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: There is no truth in that. If you appoint a Committee of enquiry, I will prove it.
Then, Sir, one honorable gentleman of this House gets an anonymous application to the Honorable the Revenue Minister against a Mukhtiarkar of a Taluka. The Revenue Commissioner is asked to give a charge sheets to the Mukhtiarkar. The Mukhtiarkar says “Let me retire. I don’t want to serve ant longer. Having rendered meritorious services for a number of years, I cannot continue in the Government service under these conditions.” He has served 33 years. He is 53 years of age now. He is not yet allowed to retire.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: May I know the name?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: He is Mukhtiarkar of Sakro. Mr. Lakhimal. The charge against him is that it had been found out that certain tapedars had shown certain cultivated areas as uncultivated. He gives his explanation that he is required to inspect and scrutinize a certain percentage of the survey numbers only. He says:” I have scrutinized, they are all correct. If they are found to be false, I can charged that I have connived at the forgery. But I have not seen the other survey numbers.” When he has not seen the other survey numbers, how can he be accused?
Sir, the Honorable the Public Works Department Minister gets a complaint, -and I have read this incident in the newspaper –from a clerk in the Secretariat, one Mr. Joseph, who was convicted in some Court and the Honorable Public Works Department Minister was then his Advocate and had defended him . . . .
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : I never knew him.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: This clerk tells him that a certain Sub-Inspector of Police s asking for bribes.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : Not a taking but extorting bribes.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Very well, extorting bribes. He informs him that the Sub-Inspector is extorting a bribe from a certain gentleman who was some times the client of the Honorable Minister.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : No, “Make investigation.” Is there anything wrong in it?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Yes, the thing should be done in proper manner from the point of view of administration.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Was it cognizable offence?
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI : It was extortion by the Police.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Then I will come to what out honorable friend the Honorable Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh has been doing. Sir, The honorable the Chief Minister is known all over Sind to be a friend and savior and protector of officers.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: What savior?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: He had got one Police Inspector as his friend. That Police Inspector, when he was Sub-Inspector in Shikarpur, used to take our honorable friend as a Police Mashir. Then he became Inspector. He was accused by a certain gentleman of having made Rs. 90,000 or lakh or rupees by bribes. Government compelled that Inspector to file a prosecution against that gentleman He filed a prosecution. But what happens? He did not pursue it. Twice he remained absent in court and the Court dismissed the prosecution. Then, Sir, this gentleman –the Police and again put in charge of the same Shikarpur Division. There was already a Deputy Superintendent there who had hardly been in charge of that Division for a weeks. But this friend of our Honorable the Chief Minister is sent there where he was accused by a person of extorting bribes. You can imagine, Sir, what protection and safety the people will be feeling in that Division when an officer who has been accused of extorting bribes is transferred there.
Mr. G. M. Sayed: What is his name?
(voices: Allah Bakhsh)
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Then, Sir, when the Honorable the Revenue goes on tour, he writes to Mukhtiarkar to collect complainst against officers.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: That is not correct.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: The he gets lakhs of applications.
Congress Benches: Lakhs
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: At least it was so given in the Sind Observer, the Ministerial organ, as matter of admiration. This paper praised the Ministry in season an out of season, and it was there said that one lakh of applications were received.
Sir, calculate the cost entailed to the poor people. At least the writing charges for each application will be annas 4 and there is the stamp of 8 annas.
The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: There is no stamp applied on the applications.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Half of them at least are stamped.
The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Not a single one is stamped.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: These applicants often do not come alone. Moreover, they come from long distances ; they come and sit here and the Honorable the Minister receives the petites. Now, if each petition costs Rs. 10, it means 10 lakhs of rupees wasted. (Laughter). Ten lakhs of rupees of these poor people who can ill-afford even to spare one rupee, are wasted on these Ministers.
Then, Sir, see what their won Police Officers have to say about the Ministers and what certificate they get for them. This is the certificate given to them in the Administration Report of the Police certificate given to them in the Administration. Report of the Police Department in Sind The remark appears para. 49 of the Report:-
“The police are servants of the Crown and are employed in the service of the Public. When prominent members of the Legislative Assembly tell the people that the Police are their servants, they are likely to mislead and do a dis-service to the public. The police are the guardians of the people and are responsible for the preservation of law and order. This responsibility should not be impaired by loose talk.” (Laughter)
This was the certificate given by their own officer, their sub-ordinates, because the Honorable the Revenue Minister was shown in a cartoon in a paper with a danda in his hand telling the people, “I shall beat the officers with the stick.”
Sir, there were serious complaints against the Mukhtiarkars of Kambar made to the Honorable the Revenue Minister. Has the Honorable Minister investigated them? What did he do? He promoted him and transferred him to Karachi City.
Then, there were serious complaints against the Inspector and Sub-Inspector of Sakrand given to the Revenue Minster. How does the Honorable the Revenue Minister deal with him? He transfers him to the Nara Valley, the best and most fruitful valley of Indus and paradise of officials!
The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: I did not transfer him.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Then you must have managed it.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: May I know the name of that Sub-Inspector?
The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: It must be Mir Fateh Khan. Who else can there be?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: There were serious complaints against him and nothing has happened.
Then the police had gone to Moro and at the point of bayonet extorted bribe. Complaints were made to Government and people were told “You go to Court. Prove your case and the Court will punish them.”
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: What were the names of officers involved?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Those officers continue to be there.
Sir, this all due to the incompetency of our Cabinet to protect the people of this Province. Having got this one lakh of applications, they cannot say that they do not know what the grievances of the people are, that there is no zulum or oppression. But, Sir, what is the result of these applications? It has done more harm than good. These applications are forwarded to those very officers against whom complaints are made. They are challaning those people every day, beating them and making them write that what was written in the applicants was not correct.
Then, Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister is very friendly with the officers, even petty officers. I was pained to hear the other day that he goes with his files to the Secretaries in their rooms or their houses. That is enough disgrace and indignity for the Province. I also learn that he visits the Mukhtairkar and the City Magistrate of Shikarpur when he is there.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: No Sir,
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Well, Sir, I am very glad to hear that, but this is the common talk:
Then Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister, taking advantage of his position, has got undue advantage over other zamindars. I want to give a few instances of that.
There was a Civil Suit against the Honorable Chief Minister –Suit No. 573 of 1936, In Shikarpur Sub-Court. One Mr. Radhomal was plaintiff. Mr. Varumal was the Judge. The suit was decided against the poor plaintiff, and Mr. Varumal, instead of retiring, had been given a fresh life to serve for a further period –quite an unheard of thing –in Sind. I had learnt this from talks in the Karachi Club with members of legal professions.
The HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: No mention about the talk in the Karachi Club.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: When was the suit decided and what was the amount involved?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Whatever it may be, but it is the fact. I am told that the amount involved was Rs. 23000.
Then, Sir, the Honorable the Chief Minister one day in Sukkur was going in a motor car and the driver killed a poor employee of Sukkur Municipality. The Honorable the Chief Minister appeared as a witness in that case. The Magistrate –a very obliging gentleman –let off that driver and as a reward this gentleman is now posted as a Deputy Collector in his own native place, Larkana.
Now I am coming to further serious allegations. The Honorable the Chief Minister had been able to secure about 1350 jirebs in the Mohag of other zamindars, somewhere near Hamayan, at concessionary rates.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: When?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: You must be knowing better.
The HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Honorable member must give dates.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Before the became the Minister, but he got that also for being a whip of Government. He got that in partnership with the Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto. Till he became Chief Minister, he could not get water from the Karias of other zamindars, as Mr. Framji, the then Executive Engineer, could not see his way to put that additional land also on the already meagre sluices held by the neighboring zamindars. But after the Honorable Chief Minister became Premiere, the local Executive Engineer pressed the zamidars to agree to the water being given to Honorable Khan Bahadur for his those lands out of their karias and, on their refusing to do so, the Public Work Department Officials got breaches caused into those karias by force and supplied the Khan Bahadur with water, with the result that, whereas even his waste lands got water, the crop of the original zamindars seemed to have withered due to insufficiency of water. I have got before me the statement of Wadero Dur Mohamed Sadahayo of Humayun and other zamindars equally affected.
The HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Is the honorable member reading from written speech?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Yes, Sir, I am reading because there are so many names of dehs and number of zamindars ; otherwise I might mis-read the names.
Then the next allegation is that in the non-Barrage area the practice is that land in the mohags of particular zamindars is not given on permanent tenure to the outsiders, but after the Honorable the Chief Minister assumed the reins of office the officials below have been too liberal in granting lands in the mohags of other people to the Honorable Chief Minister’s brother and friends, not only against the wishes of the zamindars entitled to have those lands but at very concessionary rates. Those survey number are situated in deh Hamayun of Shikarpur taluka and their area spreads over hundreds of acres. The Honorable members who are themselves zamindars will realize what a great iniquity underlies the granting of lands to strangers in the mohags of other persons. Many time it causes friction and constant quarrel between the zamindars if the mohags are given to strangers. The Honorable the Chief Minister, after assuming the reins of his office, has been getting these mohag lands sometimes in his own name and sometimes in his own name and sometimes in his brother’s name, Sir, there are many zamindars affected by the grant of mohags to Khan Bahadur. I have got 12 names. They are: Bahadur Sadhayo, Karim Bakhsh Sadahyo, Nabibux Sadhayo, Allah Rakhio Sadahyo, Kasim Khan Sadahyo, Murad Khan Sadhayo, and so on, all of whom are very small khtedars and as such the hardship and the injustice that have thus been caused to them could not catch the eyes of the officials. They have been crying against the violation of the sanctity of mohag rights and privileges. The mohag land are never given to strangers, but the Chief Minister must make hay while the sun shines.
Sir, now I will come to another instances in which he has taken lands in the mohags of other zamindars from Government without any restriction, and subsequently he has partially sold out those lands to other zamindars and made a profit out of it. He got 2000 jirebs of lands on Begari Canal recently, and has sold half of it to one Seth Mulchand of Mian-jo-Goth for Rs. 30000.
Sir, the position which the Honorable the Chief Minister has come to enjoy is not being exploited by himself alone for his purpose, but is being exploited by his very close friends.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honorable member should not read from the written speech. He can speak from memory and refer to notes wherever necessary.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, in deh Wasand Kalhoro, tapo Nur Mahomed Shujra, taluka Shikarpur, there are 500 jirebs of land in the mohag of local kahtedars. One of his friends wanted that land for himself. He went to the Deputy Collector. Those small khatedars also applied to the Deputy Collector. Those small khatedars also applied to the Deputy Collector for the grant of Mohags to them. But a condition was imposed that the whole of the malkano money shall have to be paid on the spot. This condition was laid down merely to make it impossible fot the Khatedars the legitimate Mohag holders to pay the whole amount at once. The practice ordinarily is that even in the case of valuable Barrage lands at least 10 installments are given, but in the case of these lands even that small concession had been peremptorily denied to the small khatedars in orders to pave the way for a stranger. In spite of that strict condition, the small khatedars went to the Deputy Collector with the money on the appointed date, but the Deputy Collector with the money on the appointed date, but they were not called in, and when they went home back, somebody informed them that a friend of the Honorable the Chief Minister had acquired those lands. Is that not injustice to the poor Khatedars? If these lands had not been given to a friend of the Honorable Chief Minister, Government would also have got have got a good price for those lands.
Now, Sir, I come to another instance. The khatedars of deh Kumbh Ravati, deh Wasand Kalhoro and deh Arija, tapo Nur Mahomed Shujra, taluka Shikarpur, have been subjected to serious difficulty. They take water out of Khalhora Branch of Begari Canal.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, will he kindly give me the names of the dehs?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Dehs Kumbh Ravati, deh Wasand Kalhoro and deh Arija, tapo Nur Mahomed Shujra, taluka Shikarpur. Sir, Khan Bahadur’s lands were getting less water. Water-courses of other people were moduled and their supply decreased, whereas Khan Bahadur’s water course had no modules, and he was given abundant supply. Then there is another question. There are certain dehs, like deh Bhati Nur Muhammad, in Shikarpur where Khan Bahadur has a special karia, which cuts through the lands of other people. Zamindars, when requested, refused to give permission for such a water-course to be constructed. The officers pressed them under the Irrigation Act, and the zamindars, through whose land it passed, had to bow down. If any land is required for public purpose, proceedings under the Land Acquisition Act have to be taken. Here those officers were creating a bad precedent; and further, zamindars were told “ You will get water out of this Khan Bahadurs’s new karia when the karia had been moduled.” Those people were being not troubled and their cultivation has suffered terribly due to this karia having cut across other people’s karia.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: May I know the name of deh?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Tapo Nur Muhammad.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: A copy maybe supplied to the Honorable Leader of the House. I would request the honorable member to supply a copy to the Leader of the House.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Now, Sir, in deh Bhati Nur Muhammad he has taken Mohag lands to the extent of 4000 or 5000 jirebs, and then what does he do? I may tell you why I have brought this point.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: I am thankful.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: This Land the Khan Bahadur cultivated and he cultivated some other Government land adjacent, also unauthorized. Now as the cultivation had been unauthorized, the Government rules provided that he should pay ten times the assessments as fine. But no fine was imposed and remission given for unauthorized land and Khan Bahadur allowed to enjoy the produce!
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: In what deh and in what year? In fairness he should mention the name of deh.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I will give you everything. I have got the original papers. I have already mentioned the deh for this unauthorized cultivation.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Will the Honorable member finish his speech? There is very short time. He should finish his speech soon.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, all these incidents of depriving others of their rights have caused nervousness in the zamnindars and cultivators of adjacent lands; they are deprived of their water supplies; and their cultivation withers, while that of the Khan Bahadur which had been getting no water is now getting bounteous supply of water, and whether crops fail or not, he gets remission.
Then, Sir, he is incharge of law and order. He has appointed five Sub-Judges, and whom does he appoint? A partner of the Honorable Revenue Minister who had hardly nine months’ experienced in spite of better qualified people.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: No, 3 years. It was done by Public Service Commission.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: You have right of reply. I am giving you an opportunity to remove that impression.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Fair denial is enough. No arguments.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Then, Sir, there is one tapedar who enjoys Government salary, but never works in his tapa.
A Honorable Member: What is his name?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: He is attending on an honorable member for the 24 hours of day and night and, so the rumor goes, the honorable member is supposed to be in his pocket, the pocket of that tapedar, and our Minister go and beg that tapedar to secure the vote of that honorable member.
KHAN BAHADUR A. K. GABOL: Why?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: For the stability of the Ministry. Then, Sir, this tapedar’s cousin gets Sub-Judge’s appointment.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: But it is done by the Public Service Commission.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: We know all that, as to how it is manipulated. And that is why I have moved a resolution that the Public Service Commission is no good to the interest of Sind.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: They should not be subjected to criticism in this House.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I have told and you must have known about the famous case of Aerodrome at Sukkur where there were lot of defalcations, and one Executive Engineer had to go out of office and one Assistant Engineer too. I am now told the and he has now applied for revision of Government orders and reinstatement in service. I hope this is wrong, but this is my information.
The Honorable KHAN BAHADUR ALLAH BAKHSH: HE is wrong.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I can impart information to the Chief Minster to find out the facts himself.
Sir, these are the actions done by our Ministers. As regards what is not done, of course we know they have done nothing, except mere routine. This is the smallest Province of India, but still it spends 3.5 Crores of rupees. Honorable members of this House have now been clearly shown and they must have come to the conclusion that not an iota of the national schemes devised by the Congress have yet been adopted here. That they have done nothing is plain; and it is also plain that they have no principles, no policy, and no parties, and they do not enjoy the confidence of the Province. If it is alleged that they do enjoy the confidence of this House, I have shown you how they have come to enjoy the confidence of this House and also because the honorable members on my right have chosen to remain neutral. Otherwise we would have shown even whether they do enjoy the confidence of this House.
With these remarks I support the vote of no-confidence against the Ministry, and I think we have shown how they do not deserve to occupy those chairs.
SAYED MUHAMMAD ALI SHAH: (In Sindhi) Sir, I had no intention o speak to-day because I do not consider this subject so important as to speak on it; but honorable member Mr. Gazdar has stated certain points which require explanation. I feel it my duty to place the facts as they are, before the honorable members of this House and I leave it to them to judge.
What was the strength of the Sind United Party in the beginning? There were about 10 to 20 members, one or two of them left the party for reasons best known to them, and it is on this account that the honorable members of the opposition say that the Sind United Party is not in existence. It is just like saying that the Indian National Congress ceases to exist if one member leaves the body. The fact is that honorable member Mr. GAZDAR was originally a member of the Sind United Party, and he was made Parliamentary Secretary in the late Ministry of Sir Ghulam Hussain.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: With the order of the Party.
SAYED MUHAMMAD ALI SHAH: (In Sindhi) But as ill-suck would have it, the Secretary ship lasted for nine days only. When this Ministry came into existence, honorable member Mr. Gazdar left the Sind United Party and now he states that the Sind United Party has broken down if only one member leaves the party because of personal grudge. Allow me to say further, Sir, that when the leader of our United Party became the Chief Minister, only three members left the party because their personal desires could not be fulfilled and still 8 members continued to remain in the Sind United Party. Now it is stated because of those three members, the Sind United Party had left its leader. That is quite wrong. The leader of the Party is still there; 8 members continue to remain in the party. Ordinary members have left the party and they assert that the party has broken down.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: (In Sindhi) Did not the leader of your party resign the leadership?
SAYED MUHAMMAD ALI SHAH: (In Sindhi) It has also been stated that members have proved faithless to the Muslim League. When the President of the All-India Muslim League, Kaid-eAizam Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had come over here, he had sent for all the Muslim members of the Sind Assembly. He explained to us that the main reason for the starting a Muslim League and we stick to them even upto to-day. When Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah left this place, the Sind Muslim League Party refused to follow the principles of the All-India Muslim League Party.
In order to satisfy their personal ambitious an intrigue was conceived behind the curtain. Muslim members were directed to sit on the benches meant for the Muslim member refused to sit on those benches, steps would be taken against him. On the 4th January 1939, conversation of certain responsible members that the only reason of forming a Muslim league block in the Assembly was to bring a vote of no-confidence against the present Ministry and to compel the party to vote in the division, so that the downfall of the present Ministry would surely come. It was not one of the principles of the Muslim League and that is why we refused to sit on this, I may say an artificial block, and this is why we are termed traitors. Now, Sir, I dare say that Mr. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was not against this Ministry. Leaving aside the principles of the All-India Muslim League, I give you the principles of the Sind Muslim League: their first and foremost principle was to break this Ministry and form their Ministry. Therefore those members who do not support the Muslim league in the achievement of their objects cannot be blamed.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Order, order. The Gallery should not disturb the House. They must sit down for a few minutes more.
SAYED MUHAMMAD ALI SHAH: (In Sindhi) Now, let us come to the question of assessment which has caused so much trouble. The assessment that has been proposed by Government is unjust or may be unjust. We say that Government should give effect to these proposals after public opinion has been invited. IF the Ministry does not make necessary changes in the light of Public opinion, we should not support the Ministry. At present there has been no such discussion in the House. The proposals will be placed before the House before any final orders are passed. A no–confidence motion at this stage is therefore premature. If at the time of discussion of the land assessment question it is proved to the Government that it is unjust to increase the assessment and if Government does not agree, then and then only will it be our duty no to help the present Government. Collection of assessment has not yet begun. Our Public Work Department Minister has expressed that the question of assessment will be decided in this session. Government gives us an opportunity to decide this question in the current session.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, on a point of information. He seems to be in the confidence of Government. I want to know whether the collection of land revenue which has been imposed on the Province is being suspended. In the ordinary course it will be collected in February.
KHAN BAHADUR M. A. KHUHRO: (In Sindhi) Does the honorable member know that the revenue year ends on the 31st July? Government had passed the orders before 31st July 1938 in the last year.
SAYED MUHAMMAD ALI SHAH: (In Sindhi) It is a fact. I had only to answer what honorable member Mr. Gazdar had said.
12th Jan. 1939
NO –CONFIDENCE MOTION : DISCUSSION RESUMED.
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Sir, I had no desire to speak on this vote of no confidence which is moved against the present Minsitry by my old friend, the honorable member. Mr. G. M. Sayed I just want to touch a few points regarding myself and the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed, first when he came to the District Local Board as a member and when I was also a member, in 1927. He tried to become Vice-President and then President of the District Local Board. I would not have mentioned these points had he not himself admitted before this Honorable House the day before the yesterday that he was responsible to throw out the Sir Ghulam Hussain Ministry. Now let me tell you, Sir, How he used the word “Ghdarai”, which is in English “ Arch Intriguer”.
An Honorable Member: It means a traitor.
K.B. A. K. GABOL: You don’t kow how to speak ! (Laughter)
Now, Sir, the question is this. Really he is capable of these things. Every member, every man has not these things. Every member, every man has not these brains to put up one Ministry, then set up another Minsitry, and be prepared for a third. Really it is a matter of shame that we today are finding disunity among the Muslims of this Province. Our Muslim voters have sent us to do some good work for the public. But from these three days’ debate. I do not find any one from the Congress Benches or from the Hindu Independent Party supporting this motion, or opposing this motion. It is evident that something is wrong in our own house. Sir, I was present that night when the Honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain had given a dinner in honor of the honorable member our ex member Mr. Raschen. When our honorable friend was present, he was dining with Sir Ghulam Hussain on the same table. The next morning we came here and just after 2 o’clock, Sir Ghulam Hussain told me that G.M Sayed had come to him and told him that he was with Sir Ghulam Hussain. Well, there it is for this Honorable House to judge, what it is to leave others at a moment’s notice. Three days before that I had a talk with the present Honorable the Leader of the House. Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh, I am not going to hold any brief for him. Sir, was not aware that he was going to be Minister. On the contrary I told him “ Khan Bahadur, you are going to be Minister.” He said, “ I am not. I abhor the idea.” Sir, wires were then sent to him, but it is for him to clear the position later on.
Now,Sir, I appreciate the speech which was made yesterday by the honorable member from Dadu, and he has been criticized by some press outside.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: No press is to be mentioned.
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I have nothing ti do with them. I cannot understand how we should move in bringing about unity in our own house. When he had the Muslim League Conference, I remember the words of “Kaid-e-Azam” Jinnah,-he said, “ I have come here to break one Ministry and have another Ministry. I have come to make unity among the Muslims. Let all Muslims join together and put their forces against any other community if they are not getting proper treatment.” If today I support the present Ministry, those belonging to the Muslim League will say “ You are a Ghahdari, or “Kafir”, you are supporting a Hindu Sabha Ministry”. Don’t you realize in these three days debate not a single honorable Hindu member has raised his voice, and has told that this Ministry is right or that Ministry is right. Therefore let us decide our fate among ourselves. I will be too happy and will be the first man to vote, and will be prepared to do any sacrifice if my friends are prepared to make a majority and make a Muslim League Ministry. Even our Kaid-e-Azam had a talk with the Honorable Minister Mr. Nihchaldas and said “ I never debarred our Hindu friends from coming and joining us.” If today I am not going to fulfill the wishes of the General Secretary of the Muslim League, my honorable friend SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID or the President of the Muslim League who happens to be a great friend of mine –in election we had our own affairs to settle –tomorrow you will find big articles are printed and meetings held that Khan Bahadur Gabol is not a Muslim. But I assure you I have got greater sympathy for the Muslim League than any other honorable member present in this Hall. (Laughter). I am much more a Muslim League than my friends Mr. G.M. Sayed. Only the day before yesterday he was with the Congress. Today he is a Muslim Leaguer. God knows how long he is going to remain with the Muslim League! Sir, the honorable member is a great friend of mine, as I told you in the beginning. Not only that, but he belongs to the honorable society, the world-wide society of free masons and he was with me before. But he left me also from these. I do not want to mention that!
Now I come to clear my position. I will support the present Ministry if they have done any good deeds. I will not support them if they have not done ay good deeds. They should not think for a moment. . . . .
Mr. M. A KHOSO: What do you mean by good deeds!
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I will explain. If anybody does good deeds, everybody will call him a good man. So far I have gone round about to clear my position as a Mussalman.
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR: Why go round about? Why not come straight! (Laughter)
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I have greater sympathy for the Muslim community than my other friends. But allow me to tell you that I will not sell my community for anyone to be made a Minister or even the Governor of Sind. I will be the last person to sell my Muslim community if anybody will offer me the Governorship of Sind. (Roars of laughter). Question are coming up about religion being in danger. If somebody is ot getting a job as a Minister, then some say “Religion is in danger”.
Dr. POPATLALKAR A. BHOOTPATKAR: Have you any religion?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I have got a better religion than you have, my friend. I will come on you also very nicely. (Laughter). If Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh becomes the Chief Minister, we say: “Well, he has not done anything for the Mussalmans”. We give him any number of abuses. But if my other friends from the League Party becomes Ministers, then other say “This is Muhammad Raj”. But we have not been taught all this by our religion. Our religion is a liberal religion. Let us know do some work for the Public. Every honorable member here will agree with me that we have come here, Sir, to do something good for the public. If my brother, if my cousin, if my relation could not get a job, it is not fair to say: “Well so and so is bad, or so and so is good”. I have never requested the Government to do anything for me for my relations.
Dr.POPATLAL A. BHOOTPAKAR: You have not requested any one including the Commissioner?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: He was my friend. (Laughter). Now, Sir, the question is this. I have got figures and proofs with me. But I am sorry I cannot disclose them at this stage, because after all the members of this Honorable House are my colleagues. I do not want to expose them.
Now I turn the page against the present Ministry. Who is responsible for bringing in the gentleman now sitting on the Ministerial chairs to be our Ministers? Even if the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed has brought a curse on us, we must not say “You are responsible, not we”. Without hearing both parties, we must not give our judgment, condemn a man and hang him because he has not fulfilled our wishes. The same speech in better terms has been made, not once but many times by the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain that present Ministry have three dictators. When for one man there are three dictators , three masters, what can he do? A says “Do this.” B says “ Do that.” C says “Do as I tell you.” Whom can one please although they went out of their way and tried to please the three dictators? But they cannot do more. Therefore some of the dictators have left them, and I do not know what will be the fate of other. Last year I sent a resolution, but drawing in the lottery did. . . . . . . .
Dr.POPATLAL A. BHOOTPAKAR: Which lottery, Sir?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Drawing this lottery in the ballot box as to whose member’s resolution come first. The honorable member Dr. Popatlal must realize that this no-confidence motion is a very serious matter. He should not make any remarks since he is neither going to speak nor is he going to vote on it, but sitting ‘mum’. Therefore he should not take part in the proceedings. IF he has any courage, let im speak for or against the motion and vote as he likes. If not he had better go away and attend to his dispensary! (Renewed Laughter).
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: What about the points which the Honorable the Deputy Speaker wanted to bring out?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I want him to be Silent, Sir. Now the question is this. This Honorable House by a resolution, has agreed to open a High School in the Lyari Quarter where the people living there are of labor class. We had a committee. We sent our report to the Government to open High School. Up to now I do not see that they have got any idea of opening a high school in the Lyari Quarter. But I have seen them appointing deputy collectors, collectors and secretaries, paying Rs. 2000 or Rs 3000 per month. Up to now er have not been told that they are going to open a High School in the Lyari Quarter where 65000 laboring class of people of all castes and creeds are living. That is my grievance against the present Minstry. I think it is quite sufficient for me to give strong warring to the present Government. I tell the present Government that if you do not allot an amount for the High School in Lyari Quarter in your next budget in February, I shall be the first man to say that these Ministers are not worth sitting here and occupying those Government Benches. Everybody here is out to help the rich man. But what about the poor? You must help the needy person and not the one who is already rich. You must give every kind of facility to the poor people of this Province.
Now, Sir, the Honorable the P.W.D. Minister or some other Minister said that they had added one more feather in their cap because they had done away with all the Honorary and Special Magistrates and also nominated member of the District Local Boards. Allow me, Sir, to tell them that in the whole of India, even in the Congress Provinces, they have not with one stroke done away altogether with these institution but they are doing it gradually. My point is this. I am not saying why you have removed them, but all that I wish to say and make a complaint of is why you have removed them before the expiry of their term of office. This is nothing short of breach of promise. Government should have told them “Look here, gentleman, after one year, in the next election, you will not be required.” That would have been the proper course. Now, many of them whom the Government drove out in this manner have been returned elected to Municipalities and Local Boards and some of them even unanimously .But who was responsible for that? It was our honorable friend there( pointing to the Congress Benches). They held pistol before the Minsitry saying “If you do not do this , we shall not support you.” Where are those friends today? Are they going to support the Ministry? No. (Laughter). Whatever they wanted out of you, they have got; and now they are finding other friends. (Laughter). This is irresponsible body like the Congress. . . . . . . . .. .
Miss JETHIBAL T. SIPAHIMALANI: irresponsible?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Now what do these people do when the vote of no –confidence is moved against the Government? I am surprised why they are sitting there silent. They do not want to advise us here what we should in this matter, although individually every friend of mine has told me what should be done.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I rise to a point of order. The Honorable the Deputy Speaker is repeating his arguments.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honorable the Deputy Speaker should avoid repeating.
K.B. A. K. GABOL: I was speaking about the Congress group. Sir, they are not going to speak today. I like the congress. It is a local body. . . . . . . . .
THE HONORABLE MEMBERS: Local body? (Laugher)
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Sir, they cannot understand where the wrong is. The wrong is in their own house. We cannot help it. Our Sindhi friends go on changing like the River Indus. You will never find the River Indus sticking to one course. Every day it will change from one course to another. Now, we are all drinking that Indus water and so we must also change. (Laughter)
Sir, I shall not take any more time of the House, but will make only a few remarks. A suggestion was made yesterday by the Honorable member from Dadu, who is an old friend of mine, that we must make some compromise. Well, I assure him, “ I shall be the first man to join with you, but unfortunately, you have won only one friend who will now be sitting on the Independent Benches, but if you want me I shall come over there. Let us be three at least.”
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: But what about the honorable member Mr. Naraindas?
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Oh! He is anywhere and everywhere?
Sir, I hold no brief for Government, but I only say this. Kindly think over twice before you do anything. Consider calmly and carefully. If you throw out this Ministry by a vote of no –confidence, which other Ministry are you going to bring? Again my honorable friend Mr. Sayed will bring another Ministry which he will dismiss after three months. (Laughter). Sir, we should not so lightly deal with the lives and property of the people of this poor province. Let us do some real solid business. After all, Sir, we came here for doing some business. Excuse me, Sir, for repeating these words. The fight is between two Muslim Groups. One Group says “Please come and sit here”. Another says also “Please come and sit here”. Now, that is very bad that we Muslim should fight amongst ourselves in this manner. Let us put a stop to this once and for all. If this vote of no-confidence had been moved by my honorable friend Sir Ghulam Hussain or by the honorable member Shaikh Sahib or by K.B. Khuhro or anybody else, I would have supported it. But those honorable members were wiser. They said “we are not going to bring it and that is why my honorable friend Mr. Sayed too well and have got it before me. I say very sorry for him.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: On a point of information, Sir, I want to know if the honorable the Deputy Speaker belongs to any party or not, or he is a no party man, and whether the statement made by him in his speech that he would go over to the Independent group was made seriously. I would like to know to which party he belongs.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: I cannot insist on his declaring his faith and creed. If, however, the Honorable the Deputy Speaker is prepared to declare it, I have no objection.
K.B. A. K. GABOL: Sir, I have the honor to be the Deputy Speaker of this Assembly, and I want to tell the honorable member there that I belong to no party. (Laughter). As the Deputy Speaker of this House, I wish to see which party is right and which party is wrong, and I shall always support the right party. I have not received any communication from Kaid-e-Azam Mr. Jinnah to go and vote against this Ministry. Any order from Karachi or Sind I am not going to obey.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Sir, the honorable member who has just sat down is inconsistent himself. In one breath he says he is no party man and in another he says he belongs to the Muslim League.
An Honorable Member: He does not own local Muslim League.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, I would like to make a few observations. This is a very important question, and I would request the honorable members of this House to consider this question dispassionately and seriously. This is a very important question. The constitutional implications of this motion are of far-reaching consequence. What will be the result? IF the motion of no –confidence is carried, the Ministry must resign. There is no other alternative.
Sir, before deal with the consequences of this question, I will say a few words. I will tell my honorable friend the mover of the motion and those who have spoken against this Ministry. “As you sow, So you reap”. (Hear, Hear). After the fall of my Ministry, I do not find in Sind a new heaven, nor a even a new Assembly Hall of my honorable friend Mr. Sidhwa.
Before I discuss this question, I will refer my Honorable friend the Chief Minister, who is now occupying a prominent place place here, to the humble advice which I gave him in this Honorable House on 30th March 1938. I then said : “Sir, I pity the plight of the Honorable the Chief Minister, who is under three dictators, one from the Congress; another the honorable member Mr. Sayed, and the third, the honorable member Mr. Partabrai”. He did not then take my advice. He wanted to get in there anyhow, and he must now be very repentant.
The Honorable K.B. ALLAH BAKHSH: That is so.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, what is the situation today? One of his dictators today has moved a motion of no-confidence against him. Well, if my honorable friend wants me to it down, I will not speak any more.
The Honorable K.B. ALLAH BAKHSH: No, Speak.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Sir, one of his pillars is gone. The other pillar (pointing to the Congress Benches), find of neuter gender. (Laughter). Had the Congress not been neutral, the fall of the Ministry was certain today. Therefore Government must realize that they cannot depend on these props. I do not know how the third dictator is behaving. If he is really with the Honorable the Chief Minster, I will call him the only faithful amongst the faithless.
Now, Sir, I will give his Honorable House another piece of advice which I had given them on the 18th March 1938. They then treated me with contempt, but my advice is as true today as it was when they brought about the fall of my Ministry on the 18th March 1938. I said : “ IF we suffer, it will be because deception might be practiced upon us, which is most ignoble. My friends the honorable members on the opposite side,” –(I was addressing the Honorable the present Chief Minister) “ought to realize that motions of this kind moved on flimsy grounds and in a light-hearted manner will recoil on them when they take our places here,” and they are recoiling on them today. Then continuing I said : “ They will become precedents and everybody will move such motions against them. I may tell my honorable friend that he is aspiring to come to these benches, but he must remember that cut motions for censure should not be played with so light-heartedly”. These remarks of mine are true today as regards the moving of the censure motion.
Again, Sir, I am placing my humble views today, before this Honorable House. Believe me, Sir, I am dying for the Interest of my Province of Sind, for which, at my own risk as a member of the Government of Bombay, I have fought battles against Government. Had I known this would be the fate, I would never have uttered a word.
Now, Sir, my Ministry was said to be bad. This Ministry is bad-so they say. I do not support these Minister, but I want from the honorable the mover of this support these Ministers, but I want from of this house a concrete and practicable scheme for working these reforms. We should not merely beat the air. If these Minister go who will come in their places? Is there any party which has a majority here? I may tell my honorable friends that my heart really burns for my Province. I want to ask: Is there a single party which can carry on this Government? What is the number of members in each party? Here are 10 members 16 or 18 and 10 or 12 there.
May I put a straight question to my honorable friends on the Congress Benches? They are as much responsible and as anxious as everyone of us in this House that we should do something for the poor masses of Sind. Will they have a coalition with the Muslim League? If they do so, that will come to 26, and fluid elements will come round, and they will be successful. Now I put them a straight question. If they want time, let them think it over. Every time there will be chaos. If this Ministry goes, some other Ministry will come, and they will also meet with same fate. Therefore, I am putting them a straight question. If they are the well-wishers of the poor masses, let them form a coalition. But if they do not want to form a coalition with the Muslim League, let them go and form a coalition with the Honorable the Chief Minister. Then, too , they will have a majority, and then we will be able to do some constructive work. Or I ask the honorable Hindu independent members of the House: Will they form a Coalition Ministry with the Muslim League or with the Congress? If they say “Yes,” and if they all combine and show me 30 or even 26 members, I am ready to vote against the Ministry, because I will then be certain that some Ministry has a majority and will be able to carry on the administration properly. Unless they have an absolute majority, they cannot do any work.
So, Sir, my request to this Honorable House is that we must seriously think of this question. We must put our heads together. I have not heard a reply to my specific question, “Will my honorable friends form a coalition with another party?” Silence means “No.” It is for the rest of the House to form a Ministry, otherwise there will be an absolute deadlock every now and then. Sir, unfortunately my community’s position is very bad. There is still time for the Mahomedans to combine and form a Ministry with others. I tried to combine them but failed. When the Honorable the Chief Minister and the Honorable the mover of the motion came to me, I received them with open arms, and what was my fate? Everyone knows it.
K. B. A. K. GABOL: They were offering prayers in your house.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Believe me, I am not feeling so much for the Ministry as for my community. They have established such a bad precedent by letting me down, and others will be afraid of joining them.
They pretended to say, Sir, that I was not carrying out their wishes. There is no one more responsible than myself. When I had the power you will also bear me out, to whatever they used to say, I said “Yes.” But they did not even give me breathing time. Hardly one month was given. Well, Sir, people were then whispering in my ears, but how could I believe that those who ate my salt would, the next morning vote against me? So, what I say to my friends, is this. Let them keep me out and I won’t mind. I can assure you as a gentleman, you may form your own Ministry amongst yourselves and form a coalition.
Now my suggestion is this. If any honorable members show me an alternative Ministry, I will vote them. What is the good of beating the air? We all run here and there. What is the good of going and saying, “Mr. Vazirani, we will together form a Ministry”? He will bring two or three. Another man will run to Rao Saheb Gokaldas or Dewan Dialmal, and then the Hindus will be divided, and the Muslims will also be divided and our Congress friends will remain mum.
Another alternative is, if the majority of the House want a dissolution of this Assembly, I will be prepared to join them.
Let us go back to the country, but I am doubtful if honorable members would agree. When I ask them to rise in their seats, none will stand up. At least, out of 25 from those benches, none will stand up.
I am talking of that side. No Governor is going to dissolve an Assembly unless the majority of the House wants dissolution.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: The majority of the Province do want.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Rise in your seats then. Let me see. I am with you. What is good of talking?
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I said the majority of the people of the Province.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: These are the only constitutional alternatives. I do not hear a single voice from there saying, “we want dissolution, we want to go back to the country.” Now, Sir, it is all very well to talk of breaking and making Ministries. But it is not mere destruction that we want, there should also be construction. What is the good of merely destroying everything? Even now, Sir, if he is not able to give me a Ministry today, but is able to find a majority in this House, I will vote with him.
Mr. JAMSHED NUSSERWANJEE: Honorable, Sir, may I make one request? I request my honorable friend Mr. Sayed even at this stage to withdraw his motion.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: It cannot be accepted.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The honorable member is not prepared.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, I have not to make any big speech, but if I may, I would like to speak in Sindhi so that there may be no repetition.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Provided there is a request from the honorable members that you should speak in Sindhi.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) Sir, I had no intention to speak on this motion of no-confidence, but because something has been expressed against me, I feel it my duty to say a few words, At the outset I wish to remark that I am very sorry for the honorable members of the Opposition who have supported this no –confidence motion. They vehemently claim to be lovers of Muslim Unity. They shout for unity, but I am pained to say that whenever there is a chance of Muslim Unity they try to create friction amongst various Muslim Parties. They name one party as true Muslims. As for others, they say that they are not Muslims; they even go the length of calling them Kaffirs.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: I want to know whether any member of this Honorable House has used those words that those who are not with Muslim League are Kaffirs. I take strong exception to these words.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The honorable member will avoid those words.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: I do say that my friends there did utter those words, outside in the Muslim League.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (Agitated) That is absolutely wrong.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Mere denial is enough.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (In agitated tone) He is speaking lies.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honorable member cannot use the word “lies” and lose his temper and unnecessarily create heat. NO heat is to be introduced. He has to appeal to the Chair and not to use those words such as “lies” and other unparliamentarily words.
What is the Chair for?
The Honorable member should not repeat.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) Our friends get angry if they are told the truth. Truth is always bitter. I have only to say this much that whenever the question of unity amongst various Muslim parties comes. Effort are made to cause a rift between them. Read the Muslim newspapers. One party tries to defame the other party. I do not know whether Islam has taught them this. I do not think it an exaggeration to say that because we are not of the same principle and because we do not join Muslim League, we are dubbed ‘Kaffirs’. They dictate their own terms. And they say “Accept this principle or you are not a Muslims”. So many years have passed and we find Parliaments in various countries. Can any of my honorable friends quote even a single instance of all the men concentrating their thoughts on one particular matter? Never has it so happened. Examine our own Islam. There are various sections: there are Shiahs, there are Sunnis, etc. Everyone has got his own principles. It is incumbent on us that we should work together in the cause of our country and for the betterment of our nation. Does it look decent that a storm should be raised against us if we do not agree with their principles? Resolutions are passed that we are not Muslims, that the Muslims have no confidence in the present Ministry. I will say that whatever is expressed by honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussein is correct in every way.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (In Sindhi) With whom you have proved yourself traitors!
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) I was wonderstruck at the manner in which honorable member Mr. Gazdar depicted his allegations. You all have heard the way in which he roused the feelings of the Muslims who were present in this Hall, against the present Mayor of Karachi who it is stated has written certain objectionable words. Even God forgives if an individual commits a sin.
The letter, that Mr. Hatim is forgiven, is signed even by the President of the Sind Muslim League, Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon. The honorable member Mr. G.M. Sayed has accepted that writ. The Mayor has clearly written that he should be forgiven. Ullemas have decided and it is after their decision that the book has been proscribed. Even when the matter has reached this stage, our friend gets up and says that the man has committed such a sin that even God ‘can-not’ forgive him. The order which had been issued to check the revolt firing at Chakiwara but he confined himself to his home on that day. What kind of principle is it? It is our duty to bring peace in the country. If such responsible persons propagate the germs of violence in this country, I cannot understand what their aim or object is in doing so. They Luari Haj has been banned. The order has already been issued and still our friend says that it is a lie. Newspaper write lies and their friends are liars. If we had remained silent like this friends of ours, many of the poor Muslims would have gone to jail and then we would have been called ‘Double Kaffirs’.
Mr. M. U. SOOMRO: (In Sindhi) On a point of information, Sir, the Honorable Minsiter has thrown light on the Alavi episode. Is it a fact that the Journal ‘Agge Kadam’ has been proscribed?
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) Yes it has been proscribed.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: (In Sindhi) I ask who has proscribed the Journal. It is proscribed by this Government or it is proscribed because of other reason? What action has been taken?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) We did not initiate the orders. We only repeated the same.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: When Honorable Minister stands to speak, it is natural that honorable members of this House will interrupt and raise points of order or points of information. But there should be a limit to this. Otherwise every now and then there will be interruptions, and we can make no progress. I would, therefore, request honorable members only to raise important points.
The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Then the greatest fault that the honorable members of the Opposition have found with us- which honorable member K. B. Khuhro has at length dilated on and honorable member Mr. Gazdar has sufficiently commented upon –is that we have toured through every nook and corner of this country.
We have not committed any sin if we have gone on tour. There are many members present here who had brought deputations to me at Nawabshah when I had gone on tour for the second time, that the Honorable the Chief Minister should go personally and see the condition of crops affected by frost. The Honorable the Chief Minister should go personally and see the condition of crops affected by frost. The Honorable the Chief Minister was sick at that time and ordered me to see the condition personally.
Honorable members Rai Bahadur Hotchand, Seth Sitaldas and Seth Partabrai will bear me out. Can any instance be quoted when Members of Government do not tour? We do not want to be victims to the criticism that we intend to enjoy the sweet breezes of Karachi and that if persons from rural areas come here and bring their complaints we will look into the matter. But the point that requires our attention is that if we had not gone on tour, our friends would have said that ‘The Ministers are fond of sweet and cool breezes of Karachi.’ When I had gone on tour for the first time, honorable member Sayed Ghulam Murtaza Shah was with me and I was taking advice from him in each and every matter. I used to dispose of many applications on the spot. Honorable member K. B. Khuhro says that we drop letter to the Mukhtiarkar that men in his Taluka should be gathered to give petitions, but I would remind him that when I had gone on tour for the first time, honorable member K. B. Khahro had decided with the help of Muslim League that I may not get reception in Larkana District. Every possible attempt was made to ask men not to attend the meeting, but the same men, who were instructed not to attend, came and attended the meetings. What does it show? That our friends speak lies. ‘The curse of God awaits those who speaks lies’. He sees us all. Though the public is directed to boycott us, they come to meet us and we meet them. When the zamindars had met together as regards the assessment question, he was their President. He had declared in the meeting that he was the Secretary, and was on the side of the Government. He being part of Government himself at that time, could not express himself differently.
In the beginning when I had gone on tour, honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed was with me from Kotri and generally I was seeking advice from him. However if it is mentioned that no such advice was given by him. I can only say I am sorry. If we do as they advise, then also they say that whatever is done is wrong. I will repeat the words of honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain that if honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed finds that he has failed in one direction, he will run to another. He advises for two days continuously and on the third day he declares that he was not the originator of the advice. Whatever is expressed by the Honorable the Chief Minister or honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain is correct. They say that whatever is expressed by Mr. G. M. Sayed should be heard but not acted upon. It was said yesterday that we had taken undue advantage of our minister ships. Others say that we have taken undue advantage through officials. I am sure that no officials can say that we have taken undue advantage of him. I am prepared to produce the letters of honorable member K.B. Khuhro which he had written to officials asking them to show him consideration. If we have done anything, It is for the betterment of the country. We have disposed of many papers which are not for our personal gain, and we have done this only for the good of the country. Though we have done many things for the good of the poor, yet we are being accused that we have taken undue advantage. I would challenge the honorable members of Opposition to prove these allegations.
Then there is an accusation of corruption. These charges were that such and such man had taken to such and such area of land; water is given to such and such individual in excess. They will be answered by the Honorable the Leader of the House. I beg leave to state here that these are bogus statements. One can lower the position of even honorable men by bogus statements if they are taken for granted as facts. It is stated that less quantity of water is given to an individual while sufficient quantity of water is given to another man. Was that first man possessing any area of land? If taking water is crime, it will better for the Honorable the Chief Minister to sell his lands. I will quote the words with pride that Minister have done work for the members who have used dishonest ways and means. We have not purchased members. We work for public good. It is said that letters were dispatched from the Treasury Benches. We challenge all to prove even a single letter written to an official. It looks criminal to criticize without any cause or maliciously to attack an honorable man.
Again it was stated yesterday that an Inspector had been transferred and I had been the cause of his transfer. The Honorable the Leader of the House will throw light on this matter. One Inspector Khan Sahib Ghulam Akbar has remained here in Karachi for more than 5 years. Many persons have sent petitions against him. Many complaints have been received that he has been the cause of murders of certain respectable men.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, on a point of order. Can an Honorable Minster who is an in charge of the department make statements that a certain officer is guilty of committing murders and receiving bribes? And further I want to know whether Government had received complaints and any enquiries were made on them, whether any charge sheet, was given to the Inspector, and whether, even without a charge sheet, the Inspector was called upon to give explanations. In fact I go so far as to ask the Government whether they had ever conveyed to the Inspector even verbally that there were certain allegations against him. I want a reply from the Honorable the Chief Minister who is in charge of the department, because he will be in a position to give correct replies. I ask Government whether it is proper for a Minister to make allegations against a responsible officer who is still continuing in service.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Several petitions were received, making allegations against the Inspector for some time, and Government considered those petitions. Although they were anonymous, the General of Police investigated into the allegations which were found to be a false and therefore Government took no action against the Inspector.
The Honorable PIL ILLAHI BAKHSH: (In Sindhi) I am very sorry because I have disclosed matters which it would have been better if they had been concealed; but it was an allegation made against me and therefore I have done it.
Again, it has been said that the public has spent about 10 lakhs of rupees. Firstly, I must say that Government has not received one lakh applications, and , secondly, that even if it were so, on this one lakh applications ten lakhsh of rupees cannot have been spent. It is purely a question of calculation for a mathematician. How can those persons who have made applications come over to Karachi? That is also a kind of propaganda against us. I know that those applications were disposed of there and then. Many beneficial things have been done for the public. Even several abducted wives have been restored to their original husbands. If we had not gone on tour, the same friend might have said that the Ministers love the sweet breezes of Karachi and while away time like that. Whatever is expressed is not a fact but mere propaganda.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) Yes, Sir, I am concluding now. I think the Honorable the Chief Minister will give a reply to all the points quoted against him. I have mentioned those points only which it was difficult otherwise to disclose. Sir, we do our work with justice and righteousness. And I may be pardoned if I say that aim of the Opposition appears to be to break one Ministry and form another. I may tell them that they will not succeed in this aim.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: On a point of personal explanation, Sir, the Honorable Minister is making a misleading statement. He should prove what he is saying today by documentary evidence. In fact I was not president of the Zamindars Association nor have I uttered these words.
His another statement is false.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: You mean “Incorrect?”
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Yes, incorrect. It is incorrect to say that the Muslim League meeting was to have started at 5’oclock , but that people did not come because of the Revenue Minsiter’s arrival. In fact our time for the meeting was 7 p.m. and we did start the meeting immediately after sunset prayer and we had at least five to six thousand people attending it. My honorable friend Shaikh Sahib will bear me out.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The convention of the Parliamentary House is that when an allegation is made which affects the reputation or personal position of an honorable member and that honorable member denies it, the honorable member speaking should resist and not reply. That is the etiquette.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I rise on a point of order. I want to know whether it is proper for an Honorable Member of the Cabinet to make allegations against an Official of Government against whom they have never ordered an enquiry and from whom they have never asked for an explanation. Is it fair and right that on the floor of this Honorable House –without calling for his explanation, without making any allegation against him and without giving him any charge sheet incorporating all these allegations that he has got murders committed and decoities committed –the Honorable Minister should make these allegations?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, there is no doubt that there are complaints against the Inspector in question. Unfortunately it so happened that Government also have received certain complaints that the Inspector was not good moral character. He had a week character and that his company –I know my honorable friend is his friend… …
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: So are you.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I hope he will not mind because he has challenged the allegations made by my Honorable Colleague. These allegations were enquired into and it was found that there was no truth in those allegations. My honorable friend has stated yesterday that perhaps he was a spy or was not useful to the Ministry, and therefore he was transferred. My colleague has said that certain allegations were made against the man. If those allegations would have been proved, he would have been proved, he would certainly have been challenged.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: So are you.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I hope he will not mind because he has challenged the allegations made by my Honorable Colleague. These allegations were enquired into and it was found that there was no truth in those allegations. My honorable friend has stated yesterday that perhaps he was spy or was not useful to he Ministry, and therefore he was transferred. My colleague has said that certain allegations were made against the man. If those allegations would have been proved, he would certainly have been challenged.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Was he given a chance to explain?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: You cannot ask any question. This is a point of order. If the honorable member had risen on a point of information he would have asked that, but he knew that the Honorable Minister would not yield and therefore he rose on a point of order.
I think this is a point which ought to be considered whether the name of particular officers should be disclosed for the purpose of debate or not. I am very specific about that. But as far as my memory goes , my experience in the Bombay Council is and possibly there were certain rulings which emanated from the Chair, that he names of officers should not be introduced in the debate unless it was absolutely necessary or when it was insisted upon that the names of the officers should be disclosed. I myself involved in one such instance when I had made allegations against and Executive Engineer. They insisted that I should disclose his name. I disclosed his name with the result that Executive Engineer suffered. But the President gave a ruling that names should be disclosed because that officer is not before the House to defend himself. It is more for the Government . Unless a member raises an objection and insists on the disclosure of the name of an officer, his name should not be disclosed. Certain procedure must be observed, and I request the Honorable Minister also not to give names. Of course he did it in reply and when he was challenged by the Honorable member. It is his right to do so. But it is advisable that he should not indulge in disclosing the names of officers because it is the Government who should object to the disclosure of names. I only just give advice. No ruling is given. It is a etiquette which ought to be observed by the honorable members in future.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: Sir, I rise on a point of information.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The point has been disposed off.
Mr. M. H. GAZDAR: I want to know whether he telephoned him.
THE Honorable THE SPEAKER: No, I won’t allow that.
Mr. J. FRASER: Sir, I rise to oppose the motion, and in order to remove any misunderstanding which might be likely to arise on account of what I have to say, I think it very necessary that the attitude of European Group should be made perfectly clear. It has on more than one occasion been expressed by the Honorable has no more than one occasion been expressed by the honorable member. Col. Mahon, and, broadly speaking it is this, that “so long as any Government endeavors to legislate for the Good of the Province as a whole, without racial or communal bias, so long will they be entitled to claim our support”. I would, however, like to amplify this for time and again it has been stated in various quarters that the vote of the European Group can be taken for granted, and that they went must support the Government. I beg to say that that is entirely erroneous, and I would like emphasize that the support of the European Group must not be taken for granted under all circumstances. We do not admit that to evince an interest in the Province and the welfare of its people is the monopoly of any party or group, as some would have us believe.
Sir, each European member possesses the same responsibilities and the same duties as every other member of this Honorable House, and if we are to exercise those responsibilities and fulfill our duties then we cannot remain indifferent to what is taking place around us, nor can we remain passive, nor neutral.
I listened with the greater interest to the indictment of the Government by the honorable members Khan Bahadur Khuhro and Mr. G.M. Sayed, and I must confess that I am amazed to gather there from that any one man could have succeeded in omitting to do so many things in such a short time as the Honorable the Chief Minister. I find it more congenial to mention some things which he has done. We are agreed that last session he caused to be passed into law a number of bills. True, the Opposition claim the parentage of bills, that they were conceived by them. Of that I am not sure, but even if their parentage be disputed, we do know that it was the present Government who, as foster parents, took charge of the orphans set them on their feet, and saw them safely through the Assembly.
Early in July last year, the Honorable the Chief Minister took a very important decision with regard to reassessment proposals and reclassification of lands. Lacking actual experience, I am quite sure the honorable members of this House will not expect me to dilate on this question, nor do I wish to, but I would like to make one observation. To me, the principle of linking reassessment with the change of price level of Cotton, and reclassifying certain lands which have benefited by the Barrage, so that they should contribute to the expense of that scheme, appears both reasonable and fair. By showing his determination not to waver on this point; the Honorable the Chief Minister has raised high in my estimation. For over six months he has been harassed, intimidated and threatened, even deserted by some of those whom he relied upon as his supporters, but he was firm in his determination that it was in the interests of the Province. We have heard his action characterized as obstinate. To me his action was resolute, by the decision to shoulder his responsibilities and refuse to suffer further humiliation by continued subservience to a minority group, who enjoy the exercise of power but refuse to accept the responsibilities of Office. Had the Honorable the Chief Minister given way on this issue, he could have been rightly accused of forfeiting confidence, by submitting to the dictation and domination of a minority group as the price of his remaining in office, but he stood firm and this alone justifies complete confidence in him. I do not seek to bind my honorable colleagues to these opinions, but I repeat his action has placed him high in my estimation.
I now have a few words to say about the Opposition party as it is today. I think the honorable member khan Bahadur Khuhro stated that in a free country like Britain the Prime Minister always consulted his Party and was bound by their decision. I stand to be corrected, but that is what I gathered from the honorable member’s speech. I would like to quote an authority on the “Government of England” by Lawrence Lowell. May I quote, Sir?
“The Front bench thus the work of a party council or committee and in neither of the great
Parties is there anything resembling a general caucus for the discussion and determination of
Party policy. Sometimes a great meeting of adherents of the Party in Parliaments is called at one
Of the political clubs or elsewhere when the leaders address their followers. But it is held to
Exhort, not to consult ; and in fact, surprise is sometimes expressed by private members that the
Chiefs take them so little into their confidence. When appointed, the leader leads, and the party
Follows”.
That is the position of party politics in Britain.
The honorable member also complained that the Honorable the Chief Minister was too fond of his Scottish officer, they were his favorites, etc. Then he made the extraordinary statement that it was because they spend 67% of Sind’s Revenues. It may be true, but this is the first time I ever heard of Scotsmen being accused of spending money. Another indictment of the Government was that they had promised, or are alleged to have promised, to work at “Aero plane Speed” and because they have not done so , they forfeited confidence. May I suggest, ( and I am sure all honorable members will agree with me) that customs in this Province die very slowly, and instead of moving at “Aero plan Speed” we have always been accustomed to the more dignified, if leisurely, pace of the camel?
Now, Sir, I would like to make an observation on the remarks of the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed, and I am only doing this because I have resided in Sind for the past 20 years, and next to the land of my birth, it is the place I like best, hence my interest. The honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed, the mover of the no-confidence motion, confess that he was instrumental in assisting the previous Government to their defeat, and in installing the present one, and in less than ten months he tries to get rid of it also. In anticipation of his success, he got rid of the Honorable the Leader of the Opposition, he realized his mistake efforts he still asks us to support his no-confidence motion. How can that be?
Sir, I am not concerned with which Ministry is in office. Whoever they may be I presume to tender some advice, that is to study our own problems, the problems affecting our Province I Don’t be content to follow at the tails of this or that Province and rest content. Look to what we have to do for ourselves, for if I may quote English proverb, ( it may an Indian Proverb too) “When is one man’s meat, is another man’s poison.” Concentrate on our own special interests, for instance, the problems connected with the financial aspects of the Barrage, which are of such magnitude as to exercise the minds of any Government for years to come. And if we cherish the hope to receive any remission of our debt, we must not only rely on the merits of our case, but the convince the central Government that we can provide and maintain a stable Government.
Finally may I suggest what might be useful major problems for the Ministry to consider during the next three years, that is if they get the co-operations which they would be entitled to? Firstly, I would suggest the appointment of a Minister for Agriculture and Irrigation. The whole life-blood of the Province depends upon Agriculture, and the Minister should not be saddled with other portfolios, but should be free to devote his sole attention to this all important subject. Something is being done at present I know, but that is not enough. Secondly, the Development of Fisheries. It is no use having a man on about Rs. 150/- a month to dabble in this important work. Get an expert from outside, say Madras, and pay him his Rs. 700/- to RS. 900/- and get real benefit from his advice, nor merely on the question of storing or exporting tons of fish to other parts, but also to make the best use of the valuable by-products, fertilizers, etc, so that the lands needs never be impoverished.
Thirdly, an Agricultural College not solely for the conferring of degrees on the sons of Zamindars, but to teach them how to be practical farmers, in order to get the best out of their lands. Then, Sir, some security in the land for the peasant, the hari. It is not much they want, their needs are small. But something should be done to improve their lot, not at the expense of the Zamnidars, but by settlement.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Is the honorable member going to take long? It is tea time now.
Mr. J. FRASER: No, Sir, only two minutes more. Could the Government do what many democratic countries are doing and assist in the marketing of the produce and assure a minimum price to the Zamindars and the hari?
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: The ratio must be reduced.
Mr. J. FRASER: My last point is to make a new scrutiny of the Barrage debt, having regard to the facts and not the imaginary figures on which it was based, with a view to its possible reduction in accordance with the principles of the Niemeyer Report. Government must be given a fair chance to work at those problems. I, therefore, oppose the motion of no-confidence.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The House will now rise for tea till 5 minutes past 5.
(After Recess)
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Sir, I only wish to submit that previously I have spoken in English and I have also tried to speak in Urdu with the view that the European members may be in a position to understand the sum and substance of what I had to say. Although on occasions I have spoken in Sindhi also, it was once explained that if speeches were made by me in Urdu, then the European members could understand me. I have no objection to speaking in Urdu.
Miss JETHIBAI T. SIPAHIMALANI: We won’t be able to follow him then.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Honorable members may know that if a member is proficient in English, it is compulsory for him to speak in English, because the proceedings, according to the Government is also proficient in some other language and if it is the desire of the House that he should speak in that other language, then I will allow him to speak in that other language.
Lt. Col. W. B. HOSSACK: We have no objection if he speaks in Urdu.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable member might proceed in Urdu.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (In Urdu) May I request you, Sir, that there should be no laughter in the gallery?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: There is too much noise in the gallery. If I mark anyone making noise, I am sorry I will be compelled to eject him. They are there in the gallery by courtesy. They must observe the decorum required of them. As the honorable member has raised the point, I will make a note of it.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (Continued In Urdu)
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi) I had no intention to speak up to now; but the aggressive way in which the honorable member of the Opposition have attacked the Ministry compels me to say a few words in reply. One Honorable member went so far as to use the words ‘Beat him’ for honorable Pir Illahi Bakhsh. Honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID used these words.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: (In Sindhi) I never said so.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER(In Sindhi) : The honorable member has not used these words.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi) The result of this no-confidence motion will not be good. Truly has it been said that ‘Haste is waste’. If our friend actually feels for his country, it was folly on his part to have taken such a hasty step against the Ministry of honorable Sir Ghulam Hussain. There was meaning in it. Honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed would have thought that with the fall of Sir Ghulam Hussain Ministry, there was possibility of his getting into the aero plane and that is why the aero plane speed was required.
After bringing about the downfall of that Ministry, Shah Sahib waited for two or three days. He is going back to his old hasty step.
I heard the speech delivered by honorable member K. B. Khuhro. He expressed great sorrow. I would have congratulate him if he had been sincere in his expression. Now I can-not congratulate him because he must be remembering that when he used to sit on the Treasury Benches, the Tobacco Bill was introduced by Government. He, at that time, delivered a long speech, advocating a suicidal step that the poor would not benefit by two rupees. The speech delivered by him in connection with Zamindars is also known to the Honorable members.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: ( In Sindhi) Whatever is said by the honorable member about me is incorrect. If he says anything about me now, he will have to produce evidence.
THE Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) Drop that matter. The procedure is that the matter, which is contradicted, should not be repeated.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi)It seems that the honorable member was not considering the betterment of the public, when he was in power. It is evident what he really feels now.
The honorable member has attacked the Congress party that they are remaining neutral on the no –confidence motion. I would point out that they have got every reason to remain neutral because majority. A short time back, Dr. Choithram was dreaming of the post of the Chief Minister.
Dr. CHOITRAM P. GIDWANI: I totally deny it.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi) Our friends have expressed that our Hindu brethren remain silent. This complaint of theirs is useless. They have seen the downfall of one Ministry and now they support their own party. I am very sorry for honorable member Mr. Gazdar who is not present here and who has gone to the sacred place.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) The Honorable member should not say anything about the member who is not present.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi) Even that which the honorable members want to clear?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) Yes. That is the rule.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: ( In Sindhi) Again Honorable Pir Sahib has been criticized that he has done nothing for Sind. I dare say that members are responsible for creating the feeling that this Ministry should be broken and a Muslim League Ministry should be brought into being. We have clearly said that if honorable members of the Opposition intend to bring in a Muslim League Ministry, they may by all means do so. But when no one from us has got sympathy with the League, therefore. . . .
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) Only a short time remains for the honorable member to finish.
K. S. SARDAR JAFFERKHAN BURDI: (In Sindhi) Yes, Sir, therefore, the question is that though honorable member Shaikh Sahib has spoken sincerely, I am sorry for that his speech showed only agitation and violence, so that it has had no effect on the mind of any one. He has attacked each and every member. But Shaikh Sahib himself has never felt about it. What will be the result if Shaikh Sahib votes for the no –confidence motion? If he feels for the Public, I would advise him to think well before voting. The way in which honorable member, Sir Ghulam Hussain, delivered his speech, appealed to me the most. As if Chamberlain or Colonel Franco was speaking ! His was an excellent speech. I will request the honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID not to attack the Honorable the Chief Minister in the way in which he did today.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Now, the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed to make a reply.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Will the Honorable the Chief Minister speaks afterwards? I have not heard him, so how can I make a reply?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I cannot compel the Honorable the Chief Minister to speak. His right to comes after the mover.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, this is quite unfair.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I can’t help it. This is in accordance with the rules.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: If the Honorable the Chief Minister does not reply, then I say he has got no case.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Sir, here it is quite an anomalous position because the motion is against the person of Honorable Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh. He has not spoken up to this time during the last 3 days. Therefore, the honorable mover of the motion has no opportunity to give a reply in proper manner. All other people have spoken except the Honorable the Chief Minister.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: He does not reply. I cannot force him.
THE Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, whatever charges have been leveled against the Ministry, the Ministry in-charge will reply to those charges and then if the honorable member is satisfied, it is left to him to withdraw the motion; otherwise he can ask for a division and then it is for the House and not for him to decide our fate. I have to give my reply not to the honorable the mover of the motion but to the House as a whole. (After a pause) The Honorable member may proceed.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir it is dictatorial tone of the Honorable the Chief Minister. It is not fair that he should ask me to proceed. What is he that he should say that I should proceed? It is you, Sir, who have a right to say that I should proceed.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I am Sorry if I said anything to hurt the honorable member.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: That was not right on the part of the Honorable the Leader of the House. The Honorable member might proceed now to give a reply.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: (In Sindhi) Sir, the no –confidence motion prepared by me has thoroughly been discussed by both the parties. I am very sorry that I am not aware of the opinion of the man against whom I have brought this motion; but as the procedure of the House, as ordered by you, is that the Leader of the House cannot be compelled to speak in response till all the members have finished their speeches, I feel myself bound to wind up the debate.
In this House, Cabinet Members are responsible for Government Benches. Honorable Minister Mr. Nihchaldas gave a reply to some extent. He discussed many points wherein he tried to show that he had done this and he had done that. He has advocated the cause of Government to a great extent. I have noted all his points, but if I reply to each and every one of them, it will be a lengthy story. I do not find even a single act of importance done by them. I do admit that there are certain actions of the Government which deserves credit, but when Sind was under Bombay Government then also we used to witness even more beneficial measures for the country. I do not think that the work claimed to have been done by Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas deserves any credit. It is like the head-munshi who after showing 5-8 works, speaks of his excellence before his superiors and begs for promotion. That is an old way. But in the present times when we see that other countries bring reforms so rapidly, we do not find even a single step taken by our Government towards reforms. An ordinary matter, that 5 adult schools have been opened, has been expressed with so much pride which, according to me, is not worthy of the honor of Government to do so.
Now I come to the most important question that of land assessment. Our honorable Minister says that objections will be invited on the land assessment question and it is only after that the decision will be arrived at.
This important question of assessment has got two sides: that the assessment be increased and that the scales should not be fixed as proposed. If the Ministers think it reasonable they may increase the assessment; but what I object to, is the way in which they are increased, the way in which the house and the parties are hoodwinked. Except the European members, who like these proposals because the zamindars are taxed thereby, the members sitting on the Government Benches have not been told that these proposals will be changed. But I ask: Have these proposals been decided according to the level at which Honorable Pir Illahi Bakhsh has addressed ; these are the matters of party-system which I do not take interest in, because we must speak on a high level. I agree with the honorable member Mr. Jamshed. He always gives sound opinions and there is sincerity in them. We, both of us, intend to achieve the same object; we have got the same goal in view. His belief is like that of a pessimist or may I say his belief is saintly one? i.e., he believes in the theory that one should not leap in the dark. This not a new theory. All the orthodox and pessimist have taken until and unless one knows the details of one’s future course. I believe in the theory of revolution.
I have got blind faith in change. I do not care for the result, but I feel it my duty to bring revolution in what is bad for our country. I have never thought about the future; I will never think about it because I believe in the theory advocated by Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal.
Jump in the river; play with its waves; pleasure lies in playing with the waves. There may be many members whose opinion might differ. Even judges differ in Court though they hear the same case with unprejudiced minds. Let any members’ opinion vary, but in my humble opinion no one has got the right of saying that whatever is done by me is with an evil intention. In my view, I am doing right and nothing but right. Others say that my intention is to break Ministries after every 12 months but I say that I don’t care for the making or breaking of Ministries. I don’t mind breaking Ministries after every month if it is for the betterment of this country.
K. B. A. K. GABOL: Sir, I rise to a point of order. The honorable member must reply to the debate. He is making a fresh speech.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The charge leveled by several honorable member is that he is a breaker of Ministries, that he wants to play with Ministries, set up one Ministry against another. He is explaining his theory with regard to that. I hope the honorable member will be brief in his reply.
Mr. G. M.SAYED: I have to reply to all honorable members. This is a big theory. Everywhere and the press of late, and members have criticized me that I am chiefly responsible for breaking Ministries.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable member should not care for press opinion. He should be brief in his reply.
Mr. G. M.SAYED: (In Sindhi) Sir, I am of the opinion that all the reforms that we have got at present are incomplete. They require a master-touch. Our country is in a state of ignorance. Public opinion has not yet been created amongst the masses; in the absence of public opinion, we find a majority of ambitious members. No hope can be sustained in the present elected lot. They know that public opinion has not yet seen its birth in this country. But, Sir, we see that the more the members grow ambitious, the more serious are the charges leveled against them. They change their parties every day. Under these circumstances any stable Ministry will be a curse for the country; because the Ministry which has got no solid backing of a definite party, the Ministry which does not care to think of the Public good, the Ministry which does not care to think of the Public good, the Ministry which crushes the public opinion in order that a slavish mentality should be created in us, will bring nothing but destruction of the country; I will be the first person to oppose such a Ministry. I like a stable Ministry like that of Congress Provinces which has got certain fixed principles, which crushes the public opinion in order that a slavish mentality should be created in us, will bring nothing but destruction of the country; I will be the first person to oppose such a Ministry. I like a stable Ministry like that of Congress Provinces which has got certain fixed principles, which acts on a definite program, which possesses the sense of discipline. Such Ministry is most welcome. But, if any Ministry makes itself stable by greasing the palm of certain members, no good can be expected from it, and I will be the last person give it rest. Let all the persons lay charges against me that my ideas will bring destruction to the country or that my intention is to worsen the condition of this country, I am prepared to welcome such a charge. Sir, honorable member Mr. Jamshed has expressed that we must think for the future; we must keep ourselves vigilant for the times to come. I do admit that; but if we find fault with the present state of affairs, we must bring a rapid change, we must create a revolution. There are two methods by which peace in a country can be brought. One group says that arms should be done away with; they should be reduced; the nations will then fear each other; they will fear destruction and compulsorily peace will prevail in the country. Struggle always awakens a country. If struggle resigns in this country, then public opinion will be created and the persons residing in villages will come to know the present condition of the country; they will be compelled to understand the course that politics take and, after that, when new elections come, public opinion will sufficiently be created and many hopes can be entertained of the new elected group that comes out successful after a keen struggle. The members that get themselves elected after public opinion has been created will realize their responsibility and this realization, I am definite, will prove a boon for this country. The same member who blames me now, will openly say then, that I will most welcome any party in power because I am sure that there will be discipline in it. I think myself to be a servant of the country; The same member who blame me now, will openly say then, that the elected parties have definite principles. It will be then alone that I will most welcome any party in power because I am sure that there will be discipline in it. I think myself to be a servant of the country; I feel for it; because of that feeling, I feel myself answerable to the call of the poor. A pain stricken heart feels for pain-stricken hearts. I am much grieved when I brood over the sorrows and difficulties that beset our country. That feeling compels me to place a standard of service for the Ministry. I am of the opinion that an ideal pro gramme be formed and placed before the country. Help maybe extended to them who act according to it, while opposition should be made to that man who does not care for the same. Sir, I will request you to allow me to speak for more time. I have risen at 6 p.m. and I will complete my speech at 6-30 p.m.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: (In Sindhi) Honorable member may speak for that time.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: (In Sindhi) Honorable member Khan Sahib Sardar JafferKhan Burdi is a friend of mine and I have got respect for him. I do not want to say anything in reply to whatever he has expressed because I do realize that I am a human being and there may be drawbacks in me, but I am prepared to drive my shortcomings away if my friends point out the same to me. I think it fit to answer one point of his and it is this. He says that in the present times a storm reigns over Sind which must be put an end to. My humble submission is that our whole life is full of storms. A silent life is of no use Truly it has been said by a Persian poet :-
I have complete faith in it. That country will never open its eyes whose people are dormant and silent. Progress can come only when the particles of revolution are created in the hearts of all residents of a country. I have read in the autobiography of Mahatma Gandhi that a minority can also rule a country of its members are vigilant and worthy. Every one is a master of his own opinions, but if the people use the benevolent influence, it will be useful for the betterment of the country. I assure you there is no evil intention in the doings of those people. Sir, it has been expressed by the Ministerial Benches that I have not come forward with any definite allegations against the Ministry; it should not the presumed from this that I posses no material or that whatever has been expressed by the honorable members to support me is wrong. They have spoken the truth. I am prepared to disclose the names of those officers to whom honorable member Mr. Gazdar has referred in his speech, but the question is person, how can he make an enquiry? Therefore it is better that an independent committee be appointed to make investigations, and I will subsequently disclose the names. The Collector of Thar Parkar, the Collector of Sukkur, Sub Judges and the Manager, Encumbered Estates, have been used as instruments for help to Government. Officers were directed by wires to send some members to Karachi at the time of Sardar Patel’s visit in Sind. We have got that material with ourselves, but I do not think it proper to bring in these petty things against those friends with whom I have lived up to the present and who have remained my best friends. But this is a matter of principle. Public mentality is worsened; the germs of slavery have been created. If I propose this vote of no-confidence, it is on that principle only.
(In English) There is too much noise, Sir.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: There is too much noise on this (left) side of the House. Ordinary courtesy requires that the honorable member should be heard. He is the mover of the motion.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: (In Sindhi) In the end I would urge that nothing will come from more conversations. The betterment of the country will not come through conversations but it will come through deeds and actions. The Ministry should have a definite program to carry out. If the honorable Ministries act on a definite principle, if they act as the House intends, in connection with assessment, if they give weight to public opinion, I tell my friends that I will be the first person to co-operate with them. If they desire that the country should be ruled with the help of violence and force, I will never agree with their ideas. I do not care for the failure or success of my no-confidence motion; but I will advise the Honorable the Chief Minister to work on certain principles; it is better for him; it will bring success for him.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I express my deep gratitude to the honorable the mover of this Resolution. Whether the Resolution is carried or defeated, it has provided an opportunity to both sides to clear their position.
Sir, I was rather at a loss to understand the honorable the mover of this Resolution while he was making his reply. In the beginning he told the House that his object was to break the Ministry, if possible, every month, and even, if possible, to get the Assembly dissolved because he believes that it is fundamentally good for this province to make frequent changes with a view to ultimately getting stability. Then in the end he says that if the Chief Minister accepts the Congress proposal, namely, to postpone the assessment question, he would be prepared to support that program and policy. Well, Sir, there are these two inconsistencies. I can assure the honorable members that I have nothing against me. Socially we shall both remain friends. But I think our political views are so very different from each other that it will be impossible for us to come together upon the same platform. Had I known the true policy of the honorable the mover in the beginning and that he wanted a change of Ministry every three months, I would have been the last person to have come with his support on the Treasury Benches.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Hear, hear.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: And, Sir, the words which the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain said to me at that time are coming out to be true.
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: Hear, hear.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: And I admire the honorable the mover of this Resolution that he has made no secret about it.
Now, Sir, I would first like to regret to the last two speakers: the honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID and the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain. The honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID got up and read out a statement. He said “Here are your Ministers who, when they come to see MR. Jinnah, agreed to vacate office, but ultimately did not fulfill their promise. They have no right to sit on the Treasury Benches.” Perfectly right, Sir, if that was the true position. In fairness to the Minister, he should have narrated the whole story so that I should have saved my time in replying to my honorable friend Shaikh Sahib.
Sir, when I went to see Mr. Jinnah he told me that it would be desirable that the Muslims should come together and that there should be a League Ministry. My reply to Mr. Jinnah was that apart from any communal considerations, it would be impossible to have a League Ministry in Sind, because quite apart from the principle whether there should or should not be a Communal Ministry, I thought that, from the point of view of practical politics, that would not be possible. There are 33 Muslim members in this House excluding yourself, Sir, who are the speaker, and my honorable Muslim friend occupying the Congress Benches.
K. B. A. K. GABOL: One in myself (Laughter).
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Considering that there are 33 members, if at any time 4 or 5 members deserted the Ministry and joined the Congress or the Hindus, the whole balance would be upset. If the Congress had any reason to fear that there was going to be a purely Muslim League Ministry, they would have without much ado struck a bargain with the Hindu Independent Group rather than have allowed the League Ministry to exist. The Hindus being in a minority, it would have been their fundamental duty to see that the League Ministry was thrown out in the interests of the minority community. I made that position very clear to Mr. Jinnah. He told me in reply that he had no intention or desire to exclude the Hindus; on the contrary he was anxious to have the good wishes of the minority groups as well; but in any case, if 32 Mahomedans joined, there was going to be no difficulty about it. He further said that, if the Mahomedans remained solid, the Hindus ultimately were bound to join them. So what the honorable member has stated is perfectly true, and I am not going to deny it. But, Sir, the condition precedent to that agreement was that 32 Muslims should join the party and at time we were able to count only 26 Muslims. They were not able even to make out at that time whether these 6 absentees belonged to the League party to the Ministerial party. So the solution that was hit upon, as being the best way out of the ‘impasse’, was that telegrams were to be sent to the absentee member over the signatures of Sir Ghulam Hussain and myself –the fundamental principle being, as I have just said, that all the 32 members should unite, and attempts were thus made to bring about this result. It cannot be denied, Sir, that I had made the position very clear to Mr. Jinnah that in the event of all the 32 members uniting, I would not accept office. I made this decision and made it known to all concerned, because I thought that it would be impossible for any man to carry on the administration with such precarious support. Mr. Jinnah persuaded me to reconsider my decision and said that my attitude was not right, but I was unable to do so and adhered to my views. I never said that I would accept office. Having made that position clear, the question arose as to who should succeed me in the event of my not accepting office. They had decided that the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain should not become the Chief Minister.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: That was long after that.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: The honorable member says “long after that”. May I bring to the mind of the honorable member a conversation which we had under a tree in the compound of the House where Mr. Jinnah was present? He will remember that he (the honorable member) distinctly told me that it would not be desirable that I should join the League, and I was under no circumstances to bring in Sir Ghulam Hussain!
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable member denies it.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: May I know whether the honorable member really denies it?
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, I said only these words to the Honorable the Chief Minister when he signed and came out. I told him that I had no personal grudge against him and as he had done a work of sacrifice, therefore, that on account of this act of his; in future I was not going against him. I am sure the Pir Sahib will bear me out. Sir that was the real position at that time. So the question of the Ministers having backed out of that agreement does not arise. A further sidelight will reveal some of the other goings –on at the time. While we were all gathered at the bungalow of Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon one evening, and while the negotiation was still going on in Separate room, Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon comes to me and says: “I congratulate you. Everything is decided”. I was quite taken aback and that you will continue to be the Chief Minister”. I was so surprised at his words and at his apparent attempt to commit me to a condition to which I had never agreed that I said: “Haji Sahib, look here this is a thing which should be decided by the Party. I have never said that if you agree to my being the Chief Minister, I would be prepared to continue in office”.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, he did say so.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: No contradiction. The Honorable Minister may proceed.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, if the honorable member insists, I shall produce the document.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: No.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: There are 20 members behind me who will support me.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: No interruption please. I call upon the Honorable Leader of the House to proceed.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Then, Sir that belies the fact that Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon came to me in the same evening. If I had agreed to be the Chief Minister and they also had agreed, then why did I not join them?
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Because you wanted to remain for 3 years.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: That is not correct I make it further clear that Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon came…………….
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Is it such a very important point on which the Honorable the Leader of the House wants to dilate so much?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Yes, Sir. If they say that the Ministers backed out of certain agreements, then I have certainly to prove that they are wrong.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Why from certain agreements?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I am explaining all the agreements.
Then, Sir, Khan Bahadur Gormani came to me and I enquired of him about this and said: “Gormani, what is this?” He in reply said “Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon brought to us a message that you wanted to be the Chief Minister and that Mr. Jinnah had ultimately agreed”. I immediately told him that I had never said so. He reiterated that Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon had brought such a message.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: You said that in the whole meeting.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Then Khan Bahadur Gormani went back and told Haji Abdullah Haroon that I denied that I had made any such statement that I wanted to be the Chief Minister. Sir, Khan Bahadur Gormani himself narrated to me later that they had called Sir Haji Abdullah Haroon and confronted him with these conflicting versions, whereupon Haji Sahib admitted that I had not told him any such thing, but he had formed that impression because of certain things he had heard from his office people.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: How many promises have you broken?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I am coming to all those promises which I am supposed to have broken. . . . . .
Now, I must reply to my honorable friend SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID. He told us that there was no desire whatsoever to create a League Ministry; and he said that he was, on the contrary, fully prepared to advise me either to form a coalition with the Congress or to bring some other groups together so as to have stability. I might straightaway inform the House that that was not the position which the Muslim League took in the beginning and you, Sir, know very well that the position at that time was entirely different. Their idea was to form a League Ministry and that is what I did not like; and I think I may say that I have rendered a signal service to this Province by not joining the League. It is a very good thing that the Muslim League has failed in this Province and I wish it would further fail.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Question. You will be compelled to join the League.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I would prefer to die rather than join the League. (Hear, hear)
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Unity.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, what is that unity? Can you call that unity? That term would be an absolute misnomer –members were being asked to join the League under coercion!
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: No interruption.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, it is really most painful that an organization like the Muslim League should coerce the members and compel them to join the League. Then how can it be said that such an organization could be in the best interests of either the Province or the community? They wanted me to join the Muslim League under coercion. First of all, the aims, objects and principle of the League are not hidden from any honorable member of this House. The League came into prominence in Sind after Sir Ghulam Hussain’s Ministry went out. The object of the League was to throw out the present Ministry. I would not have minded going out but for the present Ministry. I would not have minded going out but for the fact that they made heavy preparations for the arrival of Mr. Jinnah. Arrangements were made to picket the houses of the Ministers, but eventually they were advised not to do that. They spoke on the platform in the most irresponsible manner. Not content with that, they even went to the length of hatching a plot to get the Ministers killed. If the honorable members so wish, I am perfectly prepared to divulge the secret of it.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: What is that?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: No interruption.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I am going to tell the House how and in what manner they practiced coercion. I am going to give the whole account. I was prepared to go to any length rather than succumb to the vicious influence of the League. What happened? One of the prominent members of the League. . . . .
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: That is not going to help you.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: One of the prominent members of the League and who has the distinction of being an honorable member of this House went to one of my dear friends and said to him. “We are going to establish here a communal Ministry under any circumstance”.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Question.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I am merely giving out the message as it was given to my friend by no less a person than a responsible member of this Assembly.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Who is he?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I am going to you his name. Sir, he went and said to my friend and I might repeat the almost identical words that he used: “As you are thick friend of Allah Bakhsh, I have come to tell you that if he (meaning myself) does not join the League, he is bound to be killed”. The reply that he received from my friend was “You know Allah Bakhsh” –and these are the very words that he used –“You know Allah Bakhsh. Once he makes up his mind, he will not change. He is obstinate and no useful purpose will be served by my giving him any advice.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, if he wishes that I should give him names, I shall do so. I referred to the honorable member Mr. Gazdar who went and spoke to my friend Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto. I can go further.
K. B. M. A KHUHRO: A point of order. In first place neither is Mr. Gazdar present here, nor was Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto present at Karachi during the League meeting. Therefore, the point is whether these allegations can be made.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The second part is a matter of fact and the first part makes reference to the legal issue whether any reference can be made to an honorable member who is absent. If the honorable member insists on a ruling I shall give one. It will only complicate matters. The honorable member should support or confirm his statement on his own responsibility.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I am prepared to mention any other member if he so desires. Sir, may I enquire of them of the League has any well-defined principles? I, for one, could not see that the League could boast of any cut-and-dried principles and accordingly I was not prepared to attach importance to the League. The merits of an association or institution have to be adjusted from the persons who conduct it. If the intentions of our local Leaguers were honest, I am sure my friend Sir Ghulam Hussain would not have resigned from the League. He knew what was at the bottom of the show. The game was to capture offices and nothing else. When Sardar Patel and Moulana Abul Kalam Azad were here at Karachi, we and several honorable members of this House went and saw them. I am not going to accuse the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain. An interesting question was asked by Sardar Patel, or perhaps by Moulana Abul Kalam Azad –I don’t exactly remember by whom –whether, in the event of a coalition Ministry being formed, would you be prepared to accept the policy and program of the Congress and sign the Congress pledge and so on and so forth?
Mr. G. M. SAYED: A point of explanations, Sir. The Honorable the Chief Minister says: Moulana Abul Kalam Azad asked, if the Congress accepted Ministry, will we be able to sign the Congress pledge and remain under Congress discipline? He never said that. Now, again and again he made it known to us that the Congress was not going to accept office. Then he said “Are you going to accept the Hussain said if the Congress remained out, then he would consult all our members, and not if a coalition was formed, and that then the problem would be discussed with the party. If they did come in for coalition it was different.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable member’s name was not disclosed by the Honorable Leader of the House.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: I can go further than that. If he has not made any personal reference. . . . . . . .
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: No interruptions please. The fact is that actually more than 20 members of this Honorable House were present there. If one’s memory is so short, I cannot help that. The honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain said “No” and I think the honorable member Khan Bahadur Gabol also said “No”. Only Mr. Gazdar and Khan Bahadur Khuhro said “Yes”.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: No, Sir, this is a misstatement. I will cite his own members as witnesses. I was bound with my party, and that I would not give my independent opinion.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable member will avoid names.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: In that case Sardar Patel was very clear. I had no doubt in my mind at that time, nor is there any doubt left in my mind now. . . . . . . .
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Question. Did he accept. . . . . .
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: No interruptions, please. I had no doubts left in my mind that the members of the League had formed the League with the distinct object of capturing offices. If, however, it was a question of achieving solidarity of the Muslims of securing stability of the Government, nobody would have had anything to say against such laudable objects; and it is open to these honorable members even now to come and occupy these benches. There is nothing to prevent them from having, if they so wish, stability or solidarity of Muslims. But no, Sir, such were not their intentions. Offices they want, Sir, and there’s no gainsaying that. And, further, Sir, I think there is no stability in the sense in which my honorable friend SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID or Sir Ghulam Hussain has advised me.
Sir, it is easy to reply to the Honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain and in one word only. That advice which he gave to me at that time, he should give to himself now.
K. B. A. K. GABOL: It has been advised by me. (Laughter)
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: It is no use playing the same game, of which he was the victim and of which I perhaps might be some day. I do not deny that. Therefore, Sir, If the no –confidence motion is not to be treated lightly, may I ask him today that that advice which he gave me, he should apply to himself?
A Honorable Member: He did not support the motion.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: He did say he opposes the motion.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Voting will show that.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Will the honorable member take long?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I shall try to finish as early as possible. We won’t take more than 15 to 20 minutes.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The Honorable Leader of the House might finish by quarter past 7.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Then, Sir, I come to the second part. I am accused of being an autocrat, a Hitler, acting independently and against the wishes of the parties supporting me. Well, Sir, I assure you and this Honorable House that I have no intention and never had any intention whatever of defying either the parties supporting me or this Honorable House. But I must explain the position briefly. The resentment, If I may say so, centered over the assessment proposals but, with regard to these proposals, I may say that I myself did not know exactly where I stood. Unfortunately in this part of the country at this time two scenes of a drama were being played. That was played during the regime of Sir Ghulam Hussain and that drama was being re-enacted during my tenure of office.
K. B. A. K. GABOL: You played openly.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: And the hero of that drama was my honorable friend Mr. G. M. Sayed. To tell you the honest truth, I knew nothing of what was happening behind the scenes –same as Sir Ghulam Hussain knew nothing of what happened behind the scenes. As the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain pointed out, the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed was dining with him that night and he did not suspect anything. He came in the morning and he was taken by surprise. Sir, such was my fate also. I honestly tell you I knew nothing of what was happening behind the scenes and perhaps certain of my actions did annoy the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed, but it is impossible to cope with his pace or to agree with his ideas. I may tell you one interesting instance. The honorable member Mr. Ghulam Murtaza Shah one day –I think it was at Sakrand or some other place, I do not remember where –received a complaint from some people that the police zulum was intolerable. He sends me an open telegram from there saying “It is a disagrace to support the present Ministry. I am ashamed.”
Mr. G. M. SAYED: A word of personal explanation. I had sent out 10 letters against the zulums of the police in Nawabshah, and the honorable the Chief Minster did not have the courtesy even to so acknowledge receipt of those letters. When I went to Nawabshah, so many people came and threw their turbans on my feet, and as an emotional man I was moved and sent the telegram and the telegram ran thus: “Nothing has been done about the police and I feel ashamed as supporter of Government which has not been able to do anything.”
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I can send for the copy of the telegram. They got annoyed. I knew nothing of what was happening. In the meantime they and a few of his friends decided between themselves to throw out the Ministry.
Mr. G. M. Sayed: That is wrong.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: One minute, please, The honorable member Makhdum Sahib will bear me out. I was silent. I repeat I knew nothing of what was happening behind the scenes.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: He is innocence personified.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: No interruption, please.
Before the orders on the assessment proposals were passed, I went to Sann. My honorable friend Mr. G. M. Sayed may or may not deny it. I can’t say that, because everything that I have said is now being denied. I went and told him, “Look here, Ghulam Murtaza Shah, these assessment proposals have to be tackled, and if the figures justify it, it is desirable that we should increase the assessment.” He was at first averse to my suggestions. Then I said “You know this is a deficit province. We have got to show our bona fides to subvention. Either we must satisfy the Government of India that there is no room for an increase of the assessment, looking to the present facts and figures, or, if it is found possible for the figures to justify the increase, we must to do so.” He then agreed.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: I deny that. I never said “Yes.” The second day honorable member Mr. Issardas Varindmal came to me and was going to increase the assessment. I said that I was definitely against it. Then I wrote honorable Mr. Nihchaldas a letter that we had worked together, and if the Chief Minister was bringing new taxes, it would be fatal to our party; I was definitely against that proposal and that Honorable Mr. Nihchaldas should tell him so.
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: (In Sindhi) The Honorable the Chief Minister met me on that day and told me that Shah Sahib told him that he had accepted.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: The Honorable P.W. D. Minister is here. You can ask him.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I cannot ask him unless he rises himself.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Whatever the position was, I believe and honestly believe that the desire of my honorable friend Mr. Sayed was to throw out the Ministry, and perhaps he thought this was the best opportunity and the time to exploit the situation. So far as the position of my Congress friends is concerned, Sir, I do not think that I can lay any blame at their door. In the first instance, the Congress members asked me that before Government passed final orders, they should consult the members of this House, if not in the Assembly, at least outside the Assembly. I said “Yes.” I explained the position at that time to the Congress group, telling them that the assessment orders were the orders of the executive Government, and that if the orders were passed and if the House was dissatisfied, they could pass a vote of no-confidence in the Cabinet. But they gave me friendly advice that as it was the burning question of the day, it would be desirable to take the parties into confidence and that they, on their part, would not necessarily try to create any obstacles. I relied, Sir, on their promise as well as on the promise of my honorable friend Mr. Sayed, who now denies it. Accordingly, having come here, I fixed the date –I think it was the 12th or 14th. In the first instance I wanted it to be the 10th. Gradually I went on postponing thinking that my honorable friend Mr. Sayed would come round. His adherents, however, went on passing one resolution after another against the proposals. When the first resolution was passed –of which much is made by honorable friend Mr. Sayed –saying that the party has resolved that the assessment should be postponed, it is not a fact that I accepted that resolution. I made the position very clear at that time that it would not be possible for me to carry out that resolution, and that if they wished that the assessment proposals should be postponed, they would have to find another Minister. Then my honorable friend Mr. Ghulam Murtaza Shah told me that his party would be prepared to reconsider the matter. In the meantime, Sir, he communicated that decision to the Congress group. The Congress group was called me the same evening and asked me what the position was. They mentioned to me that they were not going to oppose me, but advised me that I should do what my party asked me to do and that when my party’s resolution was that the question should be postponed, it was in the fitness of things that I should accept that resolution. This was the first day’s resolution. In that evening we met the Congress group where the honorable member Mr. Sayed was present, and when they asked me . . . . . .. . . .
Mr. G. M. SAYED: I want to know where.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: At Dr. Choithram’s place where Acharya Kirpalani was present.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: We never met there, but at Mr. Jamshed’s place
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: That was later on.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: No, Sir, That is not correct.
(Several member got up and interrupted)
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I find several honorable members getting up and talking. The reporter cannot take down 4 members at a time.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: I want to say, Sir. . . . .
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The Honorable member should rise only on a point of personal explanation.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I am not going to yield any more to these interruptions, Sir. Let me proceed.
Sir, I must say that there is no cohesion among the party and certainly there are no party principles. There is no doubt about that The whole difficulty was that something else was happening behind the scenes, the same as occurred during the regime of the honorable member Sir Ghulam Hussain and was being re-enacted during the tenure of my office. It is impossible for any Prime Minister not to succumb to such intrigue. I shall go further than that.
(At this stage the honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed stood up)
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The Honorable the chief Minister did not refer to the honorable member.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Very well, Sir, I will not refer to them.
As regards the assessment proposals, the honorable the mover of the Resolution says that if the members do not vote for the Resolution it means that they approve of the assessment proposals, whereas, if I have understood him a right, his grouse was. . . . . . .
SIR GHULAM HUSSAIN HIDAYATULLAH: He did not say that.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: He did say that.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Then somebody else from the Opposition did say that.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: If that was the question, then he should have brought only one thing: the assessment proposals. But, truly speaking, that is not the position. The grievance is that the Ministers have passed assessment orders without the previous approval of their party. That is the real grouse. . . . . . .
Now, let us examine that position from the constitutional point of view. Is the revision of assessment proposals a tax or rent?
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Rent.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: If it is held that it is a tax.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, I rise to a point of information.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: I do not want to yield to it now.
The question is whether it is a tax or a rent. If it is a tax, then no democratic Government, whether in India or outside India, would be prepared to disclose their taxation proposals before their parties. The parties cannot constitutionally ask Government to place their proposals for taxation before them. That is the constitutional position.
The Second question is: Is it a rent? If it is a rent, then it is to be periodically revised and there is nothing wrong about taking parties into confidence with regard to it. If they disagree, then the best course for the Ministers is to say that it is very difficult for them entirely to surrender their conscience to meet the wishes of the party members.
An Honorable Member from Congress Benches: And resign.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: That is the one the only position.
THE HONORABLE Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Now, Sir, the position comes to this. I am being asked –or I am being censured –that before we pass our final orders, we must take the approval of the parties to what is, as I have explained, an executive order. That position, constitutionally no Minister can accept.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: On a point of information, Sir.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: Sir, I am not going to yield.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, the Minister has written to us letters asking for opinion.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSH: You should have impeached us at that time.
Now, Sir, we are asked that before passing final orders it must be established as a convention that the parties should be consulted beforehand. I should have been very glad if the honorable the mover of the Resolution had come forward and said “ I accept this constitutional position –that it is an executive order, but, if the House comes to the conclusion that order is not proper, then the Ministry should be censure on that point. The Honorable the mover of the Resolution contends that we must take prior approval to the passing of the order. He is not prepared to discuss the merits of that order, or, if he finds that order is wrong, to bring in a censure motion against the Government on that count. I would appreciate it if the honorable member said that particular rates of assessment should not be imposed. I could accept that position. But what I am being censured for is because I have not consulted the parties previously before passing those orders, which are, however, subject to modification, and it is therefore, they feel that I deserve to be censured.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: They are merely tentative orders.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: The honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID and Sir Ghulam Hussain are accepting a principle, which is constitutionally not correct that, upon a matter which is an executive order of Government, I must take the attitude which my party wishes me to take; and therefore they feel that I have acted like an autocrat, like Hitler. I am not at this juncture going to stand on any prestige. If I have to remain in office, I have got to carry out the wishes of my party or to go out.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Quite right.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: That is the constitutional practice.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: One Minute, please, I am coming to that.
After taking the party into confidence, if I feel that the advice tendered by my party is such that it will not be possible for me to accept it, then I feel that I have got no alternative but to go away. I am prepared, on my honorable friends may find convenient, to provide an opportunity for discussing the assessment proposals on their merits. The idea that I was defying my party was far from my intentions. If I knew that a game was going to be played, -a straight deal –I would have certainly done as my party would have desired me to do. I make no secret about it. But here the question is one man’s word against another’s. The honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed says “No”, I say “Yes.” Therefore the best thing is to drop that the line of argument. But I can assure this Honorable House that it is very far from my intention either no to revise these proposals or not to carry out the wishes of my parties”, I include the Congress group also in those parties. I have no desire to exclude the Congress group because I know the Congress are in the right. The Wardha resolution to which a reference was made is not wrong. When Moulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sardar Patel both came here, they were given an impression that the present Ministry had no following of Mahomedans and that the Congress group was there to divide Mahomedans and run the administration of this Province with the combination of Hindu group and a small section of Mahomedans. The merits of the assessment proposals were crowded out. These high politicians like Moulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sardar Vallabhai Patel of the Working Committee did not enter into the merits of the assessment proposals but only considered their position in all-India politics. When I was discussing with Moulana Abul Kalam Azad, I told him”Moulana, what are you doing? You are wrong. You should try to support us. The assessment proposals are good”. He said: “They may be good. I have no time to examine them. The thing is that I am not looking at the question from that point of view. I am looking at it entirely from a different point of view, which is how the position of Sind politics would stand as compared to all –India politics”. I felt that, at that time, there was no doubt left in mind of Moulana Abul Kalam Azad that I had no backing of Mahomedans. That was the position then.
The second point was that, rightly or wrongly, they got the impression that I had defied my party in that, a certain resolution passed by the party was not carried out by me and that was against the principles of democracy. Therefore they imposed two conditions. One of the conditions was that either I should carry out the wishes of the parties, that is to say, I should give effect to a resolution passed by them that land revenue proposals should be postponed for one year; or prefer an attitude of neutrality by them. They said : We remain neutral and let the fight be between you and the League so that the Congress may not be accused of dividing the Mussalmans”. That was precisely the exact position which the Congress took from the point of view of all –India politics. But certainly from my point of view it was wrong, because I came into office with their support and it was not proper for them suddenly to tell me to accept either one alternative or the other. But even for that, I will not blame them, because they did not know that there were two scenes being played on one stage. They took everything at its face value. Therefore, I am not blaming the Congress. Both their conditions were justifiable, and today the time have come to prove whether I am right or wrong as the fate of the Ministry is going to be decided now. It will be seen now whether the Congress has divided the Mahomedas or not. It is not going to vindicate my position only, but it is going to vindicate the position of the Congress as well because I shall show them that the Congress are not dividing the Mahomedans. That one charge against the Congress is wiped out, and I think for that the Congress should be thankful to me.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Will the Honorable the Leader of the House conclude soon?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Yes, Sir.
Then I come to the impressive speech of my honorable friend Khan Bahadur Khuhro.
Mr. G. M. SAYED: Sir, he has taken more than half an hour allotted by you.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I never fixed a time-limit in the case of any honorable member. All the same I have requested him to conclude his speech soon.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I am sorry, Sir, that my honorable friend Mr. Gazdar is not here. But I request his comrade honorable member SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID, who has on occasions like this established a convention, to kindly follow that convention now. Honorable member Mr. Gazdar got up and in certain respects he was supported by SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID as well as by my honorable friend Mr. Sayed when he said :”Dissolve the Assembly. Let us go back to the electorate.” And for what? To test the confidence they enjoy. On a previous occasion when there were riots in Karachi I think my honorable friend SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID and honorable member Mr. Gazdar both resigned to get approval to a certain policy advocated by them. May I request to repeat the again?
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: If the Honorable the Chief Minister resigns, I am going to resign from my constituency and put myself up against him in his own constituency. This is my challenge.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: One minute, Sir. I have no objection to accept that challenge. Not that I am afraid.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: Practice that yourself.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I am going to do that and I am prepared to resign. The honorable member should listen to me. First of all, he is the representative of a particular constituency. Now let us test that first –whether he has got the confidence of that constituency or not. If he comes out in flying colors from his own constituency, I shall be prepared to resign my seat and then he can come and contest my seat.
Now I come to certain charges which have been brought by honorable member Khan Bahadur Khan Khuhro, and I think some charges were leveled by certain other member also. What are those charges?
The first charge they levied against us was that we had used the help of the executive to consolidate our position.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: There is too much noise in the gallery.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I have made that position very clear that there is no desire or intention on the part of Government to do so. The honorable member has given certain instances and I say I shall make enquires. In the first instance, I do not want to waste the time of the House, but I shall write and ask him, if not openly, at least confidentially, to give me the name of the members, and then I shall communicate with him as to what the position is and whether those charges are true or untrue. If the honorable member, notwithstanding this assurance, is not satisfied, I am perfectly willing to make enquiries which will satisfy this Honorable House. I can go no further than that.
Then, Sir, there were certain charges made by my honorable friend Khan Bahadur Khuhro and other members saying that we have created the posts of Deputy Secretary, Revenue Department, and a special officer to go into the Jagir question. Well, Sir, I leave that question for the House to judge for themselves. I will content myself with saying only this much. Prior to the separation of Sind, the Revenue Commissioner had 6,000 cases and now it has risen to 33,000.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: On a point of order, Sir. The Honorable Member is justifying the appointments. The charge against him is that he has not obtained the sanction of the Assembly. When he brings a supplementary grant, he can fully at that time raise all these points.
An Honorable MEMBER: HE is doing next month.
THE HONORBALE THE SPEAKER: The honorable member should know that the honorable the Leader of the House and all of us are old legislators. We have seen that it is usual for the Government to always make appointments in advance and then bring token grants.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I know my financial responsibilities. It is not for the honorable member to get up and teach me.
The question is, would the House advise me, if the number of cases go in excess of 6000 and if the Commissioner is not able to dispose of those cases to postpone the issue? Will they allow the work to be accumulated? Certainly not, Sir. The point is that I am perfectly prepared to overhaul the whole machinery in such a way that there should be no accumulation of those cases, but if the cases are there, seeing that the number remains at the present level, there is no alternative but to continue the post. Then, Sir, he referred to the appointment of Deputy Secretary, Finance Department. I can straightaway explain to honorable members that the post of the Finance Secretary to Government is such that Government cannot immediately depute one or other I. C. S. officer to take up the post. We require, and so does every Government require, an expert to handle Finance. He should be an expert having technical knowledge and special training in that particular subject. We made an enquiry from the Government of Bombay and there was none available. We even approached the Government of India whether It would be possible to suggest somebody as successor to Mr. Clee. I will read the letter which we received from the Government of India and leave the House to judge the position for themselves.
“Your letter of 30th June 1938, about a successor to yourself. We are prepared to do everything we can in this direction to help Sind or Bombay. I must point out, however, that Bombay has been exceedingly costive about offering suitable men for the Finance and Commerce pool, where we should have paid for their training.
2. I completely agree with what I deduce to be your view, viz, that to put and officer without any previous or even without any fairly considerable previous experience in Finance as Finance Secretary in Sind, would be almost criminal.
3. In existing circumstances the best I can suggest is that the man chosen to succeed you should do 3 or 4 months’ training in the office of the Accountant General, Bombay, and 3 or 2 month as sort of attaché in your own office. We would be prepared to have such a man as attaché in this office for part of the time. I don’t however recommend this course, for an attaché is at the best expected to knows about much on his own, while in the cold weather officers of this department are too busy to give attention to attaché’s. In any event the cost of the pay and allowances of the officer would be matter for Sind and Bombay to fight out amongst themselves. We should not pay.”
Then, Sir, another charge which has been leveled is about the appointment of Khan Bahadur Nur Nabi. Honorable member know that there are a member of bills before the House is from the honorable member Prof. Ghanshyamdas. There has of late been agitation by those Mourusi haris against the Jagirs especially in the Hyderabad District, and, Sir, that movement is gaining strength in the Province. I think it is highly desirable that a solution should be found to meet the situation and Government should come to a conclusion. Unless they get proper data before them, and, if necessary, to legislate, to avoid any future trouble and conflict between the haris and khatedars, how can they move? I do think that any honorable member of this House would accuse Government of creating that post. Sir, members might think that it would have been better if we had appointed a Deputy Collector to the post, but looking to the nature of the question that the fight is between two big parties, big jagirdars on the one hand and the haris on the other, we did not think it was advisable to appoint an officer of the lesser status of Collector, and therefore we appointed an officer who will be able to go into this complicated question thoroughly.
I will now take 10 minutes more only, Sir.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: Does the House wish to sit for a few minutes longer? Has the honorable member from the European group any objection if we sit up to 8 o’clock?
Lt. Col. W. B. HOSSACK: If it is all over by 8 o’clock, we do not mind.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Then, Sir, certain charges were made by the honorable member Mr. Gazdar. He said that there was a motor car accident where the chauffeur of the car in which I was travelling was involved, and the chauffeur after giving for that, the magistrate was transferred to Larkana. (Laughter). I think it is most wicked to think of the matter in those terms. In the first instance, Sir, it was not my car. Neither was the accused my chauffeur. It was nothing of the sort.
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: Nor were you there in the car?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I was in the car. But that does not mean that if I was in the car, the driver should not be prosecuted.
An Honorable MEMBER: Was he prosecuted?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Yes, he was prosecuted. If the court acquitted him, I cannot answer for that. I might straightaway explain here why the court acquitted him. The cycle which came under accident had not only no brakes, but even the handle of the cycle was not working. The cyclist tried to move this way and that way, and the car went straight on. And the accident happened. Whatever that may be transferred from one station to another? The transfer was hardly a reward.
An Honorable Member: He was made a Deputy Collector.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: But he was already a City Magistrate, in the grade of Deputy Collector. Whether he works as a City Magistrate or Deputy Collector, he enjoys the same official position and status as a Deputy Collector.
SHAIKH ABDUL MAJID: On a point of information, Sir. I want to know whether the prosecution was filled by the police or by the heirs of the deceased who died as a result of the accident.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I do not know. If however, the honorable member so wishes, I can write and get the information.
The next charge that is leveled against me is that I get favors not only for myself but for my friends.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: May I point out, Sir, That the honorable member Mr. Gazdar is absent now? He cited some 20 to 30 charges. It is impossible for the honorable the Chief Minister to reply them at length even up to 9 p.m. or beyond that time. How long are we going to sit, Sir? If he wants to reply to all the charges –which are all in print –he can write to Mr. Gazdar after he returns from Haj and explain the position. None from the Opposition can challenge the reply of the Honorable the Chief Minister as we are not in possession of full facts to do so.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I am sorry, Sir, You remember, Sir, yesterday when the honorable member Khan Bahadur KHuhro was resuming his seat he said “Here are the charges, and I am prepared to repeat them at the Khalikdina Hall and he passed on those charges to honorable member Mr. Gazdar.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: How do you say that?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I am sorry, Sir, But I thought that is what was done by the honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro.
I have noted down the charges seriatim, and I should like to refer to them. The next charge is that I get concessions not only for myself but also for my friends. Reference was made to my friend, Mr. Pahlajsingh. It was said that he had purchased 500 jirebs of land at a concessional rate. Government have wired and got the information from the Collector of Sukkur which says that in the project it was provided that 9000 acres of Government waste land were available for sale. Kutcheries after Kutcheries were held but no one was coming forward to purchase those lands, the sale upto date being 566 acres only.
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: Out of 9000 acres?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Yes. The total sale during the last 4 years is only 566 acres out of 9000 acres. The principle is that Government lands are available at full market value, and anybody can come forward and purchase them. No concessions are involved. Only preference is given to the neighboring zamindar. I do not know what the position is, but the change has not been leveled against the purchaser that the price which he has paid is below the market value. If that is the charge, I know nothing about it. I do not know the nature of the land, or what its price is or whether anybody else wanted to purchase it. But I can make detailed inquiries as to whether the full market value was paid by the purchaser or not, and the inquiries will prove whether the full market value was paid or not.
Then, Sir, they said that I had purchased certain lands and sold certain others. The lands were purchased by me long before I came into office and I can assure my honorable by me long before I came into office, and I can assure my honorable friends that no concession was made in the price demanded of me for the lands. Even now of any of the honorable members desire to go and see the site and verify themselves about the truth of my statement, they are welcomed to do so. It is no use going on mere hearsay, because in this part of the country people do not hesitate to throw mud at anybody. What I would request my honorable friend Khan Bahadur Khuhro or any other member who knows something of the agricultural lands is to go and see the lands for themselves and then come back and either tell me or any member of this House whether there was any concession made in the lands which were purchased by me long ago. I have never received any concession, nor is there any desire on my part to receive lands at concessional rates; and of course there is no restriction on the M.L.A.’s to purchase them.
Dr. POPATLAL A. BHOOTPATKAR: At concession?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: No concession is involved and I categorically deny that any concession were made.
Then Sir, it has been advanced that I have released certain prisoners, which forms yet another part of the charges leveled against me. I do not know what the honorable member meant. But obliviously the interference is that somebody influenced the Minister. They referred, is particular, to one Santdas Khanchand Mirchandani, and much was made of his release. I will explain the position very briefly as to why this man was released. In the first instance the I.G.P. recommended his release. He stated that his health was bad, that further detention in jail might prove serious and that therefore the prisoner should be released.
Mr. ISSARDAS VARINDMAL: Who was the I. G. P.?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: I do not know. Who the I. G. P. was, is not a matter of importance. Government in the first instance did not agree with that recommendation. We returned the application of the prisoner’ wife to the medical officer, Hyderabad Central Prison, and asked the Inspector –General of prisons to go personally to Hyderabad and find out what the position was, and whether the man should be released or not. His report is there, and, Sir, he did recommend that the man should be released. But that recommendation was not accepted by Government. We asked the I. G. P. to state clearly whether there was any danger to the prisoner’s life if he was detained in the jail. Here is the note of the Home Secretary. I shall read it. “From the I. G. P.’s letter it is clear that there is no immediate danger to the life of this person. It is true that his health is very poor, and that he would feel much better at home than in jail. However, as he has been convicted of offences under Sections 409, 420 read with 120-B, I. P. C. and sentenced to 12 months’ rigorous imprisonment, and a fine of Rs. 500 or in default six months’ rigorous imprisonment on the 29th April last only, I do not think it will be advisable to release him at this stage. His premature release would create a bad precedent , especially as he has been convicted of offences of cheating and criminal breach of trust.” When we first received the recommendation for release from I. G. P. , I said “No, -unless there was immediate danger to the prisoner’s life.” And I have just read out the note made by the Home Secretary after the report from the I. G. P. But I said “No, we are not going to release him.” The papers were accordingly returned, and I asked the Inspector-General of Prisons to report further in the matter if he thought there was danger to his life. The report came in due course, but even then Government did not agree with that report. Government stipulated that he should pay the fine before he was released. But ultimately it was found that he was not in a position to pay the fine, and that there was immediate danger to his life, and so he was released. It is thus clear from the papers that if there had been any influence or any wire-pulling, as is insinuated, Government would have, on receipt of the first letter of recommendation from the Inspector General of Prisons, passed orders releasing him. But before passing the orders, Government made through inquiries in the case and were completely satisfied that the case was such aht there was immediate danger to his life, and then only was he released.
Then a reference was made to certain other prisoners who were released prematurely. One was Hemomal son of Gelomal to which the honorable member Shaikh Shaeb also referred. Sir, the principle hitherto followed has been that Government tries to give such prisoners as have served more than their sentence, their liberty, provided their behavior in the jail has been good. Before Government takes any such step, they call for the report from the Chairman of the Advisory Committee of the Jail in the District and the District Magistrate. Mr. Bhat at that time was the Chairman and he was also the District Magistrate. He recommended the premature release of this prisoner, saying that the young man was feeble and that it would be desirable that the ordinary rules should apply and he should be released. There was nothing extraordinary done in that case, and I can assure the House that there was absolutely no influence of any kind brought to bear on the Ministry. The cases have been decided on their own merits.
Then, Sir, a reference was made to the “EKTA” case, in which it was said that the Editor of the paper was on friendly terms with the Honorable the Revenue Minister and that because of that influence, the case against him was withdrawn. Before I knew anything about the Editor or whether he was of the opinion that it was wrong in principle that Editors of newspapers should be prosecuted under Section 182, Indian Penal Code. This is what I wrote at that time, not knowing who the Editor was:
“I wish this case had not been filed. I have every sympathy for the officers concerned, but considering the vague and the general nature of the allegations made, a prosecution under Section 182, I. P. C., might be, and in this case has been, regarded as an undue interference with the liberty of the press. If the offcers concerned felt aggrieved, they would have been permitted to file a defamation case of their own and no objection could have been taken to that procedure. The case has lingered on for more than 2 years and I think it is time that the proceedings were brought to an end, if necessary by withdrawing the case.
Without referring to this case, I may say on general principles that Section 182, I.P.C., should not in future be resorted to. Although I am conscious that Government servants should be adequately protected from false and malicious complaints, yet I think that complaints in respect of offences under this section should be made very sparingly. I would, therefore, suggest that in future no such complaints should be filed except after previous reference to Government in the Home Department.
This note is dated 4th of June.
The case was withdrawn on different grounds. As I said, though we have not come to any definite conclusion as to what course we should follow in future, -whether before filing prosecution under Section 182, I.P. C., the prior approval of Government should be obtained or not, -still on principle I find that it would be suppressing the liberty of the Press by resorting to prosecution under Section 182, I.P.C.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: As a matter of fact, I Have turned down sanction for several prosecution and there were cases in which a Hindu paper was involved.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Then, Sir, a grievance was made by the honorable member K. B. KHUHRO and other members that they had put certain questions but had received no reply. They said that the Ministers had wired through the Collector to certain M. L. A’s to be present. Now, Sir, the reply to that question was sent long ago to the Assembly Office. It will come before the House in due time, but I do not know in what book it is printed. I cannot know whether any particular question is more urgent than any other. The question and reply is as follows:
Questions:
Will the Government be pleased to state :-
(a) Whether it is a fact that the Home Department Secretary of Sind Government sent a telegram to the Collector of Larkana on the 25th August asking him to send M. L. As., viz. K. B. Haji Amir Ali Lahori and Wadero Mahomed Khan Chandio, to Karachi as their presence was required by Government at Karachi ?
(b) If the answer is in the affirmative, for what purpose were they called?
(c) Whether they were called by Chief Minister with a view to accompanying him to Moulana Abul Kalam Azad on the 27th at Sharda Mandir to show to him that the present Ministry has a larger following among the Muslims>
Answers:
(a) Under mu instruction the Secretary, Home Department sent telegram to the Collector of Larkana on the 26th August asking him inform Mir Muhammad Khan Chandio and Khan Bahadur Amir Ali that I desired them to arrive at Karachi by the next available train.
(b) The persons concerned were requested to come to Karachi to discuss with me the political situation arising out of the orders passed for the revision of the assessment of agricultural lands in the Barrage area.
(c) They were taken by me to have a discussion with Moulana Abul Kalam Azad in order to acquaint the Moulana with the feelings of a section of the Muslim zamindars.
Sir, if that telegram is interpreted to mean that I asked the Collector that he should influence them, I say “Definitely No”. If such was my intention, I should not have sent an open telegram. Is it any offence or anything wrong, if I asked somebody to inform, say, honorable member K. B. Khuhro or the honorable member Mr. Ghanshyam to come?
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Can’t you wire them direct?
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: If you think it is wrong, I am perfectly prepared to admit it and say that I won’t do it. But I have done it innocently.
I had no bad intention. I never dreamt that such a telegram could ever be misinterpreted. I thought that they, specially Mir Muhammad Khan Chandio, being far away, a message sent in this way would reach them conveniently. I never meant that the Collector should call them, or tell them to go and influence them.
THE HONORABLE THE SPEAKER: The honorable the Leader of the House should come to an end now.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Sir, I am sorry there is no time, otherwise I would prefer to reply to every charge. Since the House presses me to conclude, I have no objection to resume my seat.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Is the honorable mover withdrawing his motion?
Mr. G. M. SAYED: No, Sir.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The question before the House is the no –confidence motion moved by honorable member Mr. G. M. Sayed against the Honorable Khan Bahadur Allah Bakhsh, the Chief Minister.
Question put and motion declared lost.
Division can be claimed by any member-Speaker’s Ruling.
The Honorable Mr. NIHCHALDAS C. VAZIRANI: Division, Sir.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: The honorable the mover does not call for a division.
The Honorable K. B. ALLAH BAKHSHI: Sir, with due deference to the Chair, I submit that if any honorable member wishes to ask for a division, in order that the member should be recorded, the Chair cannot refuse that.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Sir, the division is to be claimed by the side of “Ayes” and not by the side of “Noes”.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: In the rules it is laid down that any member can claim a division.
Now the tellers will be honorable member Mr. Fraser and honorable member Khan Bahadur Khuhro for the “Ayes”.
K. B. M. A. KHUHRO: Sir, will you kindly put somebody else in my place as I have to earlier?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: All right, then honorable member Mr. Bechar for the “Ayes”, and honorable member Mr. Sidhwa.
Mr. R. K. SIDHWA: Sir, why do you put me?
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: I am putting you because you are independent.
And honorable member Mr. Muhammad Amin Khoso for the “Noes”.
DIVISION.
For Ayes. 3.Ghulam Murtaza ShahMuhammad Shah Sayed,Mr. 4. Jenubai Ghulamali Allana, Mrs. 5.Khair Shah Imam Ali Shah Sayed, Mr. 6. Muhammad Ayub Shah Muhammad Khan Khuhro, K.B 7.Nur Muhammad Shah Murad Ali Shah Sayed,Mr.
Total 7 |
For Noes 1. Abdus Sattar Abdul Rahman, Mr. 2. Akhji Ratansing Sodho, Mr. 3. Allah Bakhsh Khudadadkhan Gabol, K.B. 4. Allah Bakhsh Muhammad Umer, Honorable K.B. 5. Arbab Togachi Mir Muhammad, Mr. 6.Dialmal Doulatram, Mr. 7. Doulatram Mohandas, Mr. 8. Ghanumal Tarachand, Mr. 10. Ghulam Haider Makhdum Sahibdino Shah, Pir. 11. Gobindram Pritamdas, Mukhi. 12. Gokaldas Mewaldas, R.S. 13 Hemandas Rupchand Wadhwani, Dr. 14. Hotchand Hiranand, R. B. 15. Hossack, Lt. Col., W.B. 16. Illahi Bakhsh, Honorable Pir. 17. Jaffer Khan Gul Muhammad Khan Burdi, K.S. 18. Jamshed Nusserwanjee Mehta, Mr. 19. Jan Muhammad Khan Muhmmad Sharif Junejo Jam, S.B. 20. Kaiser Khan Ghulam Muhammad Khan, K.B. 21. Mahon, H. J., Col. 22. Muhammad Ali Shah Allahando Shah Sayed, Mr. 23. Muhammad Khan Nawab Ghaibi Khan Chandio. 24. Muhammad Usman Muhammad Khan Sumro. Mr. 26. Nihchaldas C. Vazirani, Honorable Mr. 27. Mr. J Fraser. 28. Partabrai Khaisukhdas, Mr. 29. Rasul Bakhsh Shah Mahbub Shah, K. S.,Pir. 30. Shamsuddin Khan Abdul Kabir Khan, Mr. 31. Sitaldas Perumal, Mr. 32. Sohrab Khan Sahibdino Khan Sarki, K.S. Total 32. |
No-confidence Motion : Result of Division.
The Honorable THE SPEAKER: Order, order.
The result of the division is as under:-
There are 7 for the Ayes, and 32 for the Noes. The motion is lost. (cheers).
The House will rise till 3 o’clock tomorrow.
سنڌ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ
جون سرگرميون
Collected and compiled by
Dr Pathan
Founder Gul Hayat institute
سنڌ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جون سرگرميون
(نوٽ: هن موضوع تي وڌيڪ مواد لاءِ ملاحظه ڪريو ”واقعا/Events“ جيڪي هن ئي ويب سائيٽ تي موجود آهن.)
حيدرآباد سنڌ ۾ خلافت ڪانفرنس ۽ انجمن علماءَ جا جلسا
4 جنوريءَ 1920ع تي خلافت ڪانفرنس ٿي ۽ پنجينءَ تي انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جو جلسو، ڪانفرنس ۾ 800 ڊيليگيٽ شريڪ هئا ۽ انجمن ۾ مولوين ۽ پيرن جو تعداد 86 هو. ٻنهي ڪائونسلن ۽ انجمن جي جلسن ۾ جڏهن انهن ظلمن ۽ ستمن جا واقعات بيان ڪي ويا ٿي جي خلافت عثمانيہ جي دشمنن مولوين ۽ ٻين مسلمانن تي ڪيا آهن. تڏهن علم روڄ ۾ راڙو پئجي ويو ٿي. مير مجلس حضرت مولانا غلام محمد صاحب ملڪاڻي پنهنجي صدارتي خطبي ۾ فرمايو ”مسلم ليگ جي صدر صاحب جيڪي گاو قرباني بابت فرمايو آهي تنهن جي دلي تائيد ڪرڻ ۾ مون کي تمام گهڻي خوشي آهي. جيستائين هندو مسلم هڪ ٻئي جي مذهبي احساسات جي عزت احترام نه ڪندا تيستائين اتحاد پخته پايه تي بيهي نه سگهندو.“
5 تاريخ تي جڏهن مسٽر ڄيٺمل جو جلوس هوم اسٽيڊ هال وٽان لنگهيو تڏهن سنڌ جا پير ۽ مشائخ ۽ مولوي هال کان ٻاهر نڪري آيا ته مسٽر ڄيٺمل جي مرحباڪن ۽ هن سان بغلگير ٿي مليا. سنڌي اتحاد جي اها سچي تصوير ڪڏهن به اکين مان غائب ٿي نٿي سگهي.
علماءَ جون تقريرون ٻئي موقعي تي ڏنيون وينديون في الحال گورنر حاجي ڌيان ڇڪائڻ لاءِ هيٺيان ٺهراءَ ڏجن ٿا. (ص 3)
انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جا ٺهراءَ
ريزوليشن نمبر 1
هي جلسو علماءَ سنڌ جو هز ايڪسلينسي لائڊ جارج گورنر بمبئيءَ کي هيٺين بابت ذاتي استدعا ڪري ٿو ۽ بمبئي سرڪار کان اصرار سان اها طلب ڪري ٿو ته جن سرڪاري عملدارن خلافت عظميٰ جي برخلاف واري تحريڪ ۾ ظلم ڪيا آهن ۽ ڪرايا آهن. تن کي جوڳي سزا ڏيئي سنڌ مان يڪدم ڪڍي. ڇاڪاڻ ته مذهبي علمائن ۽ عام مسلمانن تي اڃا تائين ظلم ٿيندڙ آهن. اهي ظلم سرڪار جي نالي کي بي عزت ڪري رهيا آهن. جيڪڏهن انهن کي يڪدم جوڳي سزا ڏئي سنڌ مان نه ڪڍيو ويو ته هيءَ انجمن علماءَ سنڌ سمجهندي ته سرڪار انهن کي رعيت کان وڌيڪ پيارو ڄاڻي ٿي. پوءِ انجمن مجبور ٿي پنهنجو شرعي فيصلو جاري ڪندي.
تحرڪ مولانا تاج محمود صاحب.
(1) مريد مولوي حڪيم فتح محمد صاحب، (2) مريد مولوي محمد عاقل صاحب، (3) مريد مولوي دين محمد وفائي، (4) مريد پير سيد علي نواز شاهه صاحب.
ريزوليشن نمبر 2:
از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه پاس ٿيو. هي جلسه انجمن علماءِ سنڌ جو هز ايڪسلنسي لائڊ جارج گورنر جو ڌيان انهن فوجداري ڪيس ڏي ڇڪائي ٿو. جي ڪيس لاڙڪاڻه ضلعي جي مشهور ۽ معزز مسلمانن تي داخل ٿيا آهن. انهيءَ انجمن جو اهو سوچيل سمجهيل خيال آهي ته اهي ڪيس انهن عملدارن جي مدد ۽ انهن جي ايجيٽيشن جي معرفت داخل ڪيا ويا آهن جن عملدارن جو تعلق خلافت جي برخلاف واري تحرڪ سان آهي. هيءَ انجمن تنهنڪري سرڪار کي اصرار سان چوي ٿي ته سرڪار هڪدم هڪ آزاد ڪميشن مقرر ڪرڻ فرمائي. انهي نسوري ظلم جي جاچ لاءِ جو خلافت جي تحريڪ جاري ڪرڻ واري وقت کان وٺي هلندڙ آهي.
ريزوليشن نمبر 3:
از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه پاس ٿيو، انجمن علماءَ سنڌ جي هي جلسه آل انڊيا سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽي ۽ مسلم ليگ ۽ هندستان جي مسلم ليڊرن کي استدعا ڪوٺيو ته اسان کي ظلمن کان ڇڏائين ۽ خلافت جي مسئله بابت مسلمانن تي ٿيا آهن.
ريزوليشن نمبر 4:
از صد باتفاق راءِ جلسه
انهن مسلمنن کي جن تي خلافت ڪري مقدما ٿيا آهن کي مالي مدد ڏني وڃي.
ريزوليشن نمبر 5:
از صدر باتفاق راءِ جلسه
هيءَ انجمن مولوي شوڪت علي ۽ مولوي محمد علي صاحب کي مبارڪباد ڏئي ٿي. جو انهيءَ صاحب نظربندي ۾ جيل خاني جون سختيون سهي ڪري پنهنجي ايمان تي قائم رهيا.
ريزوليشن نمبر 6:
هي جلسه آل انڊيا يا خلافت ڪانفرنس منعقد دهلي مورخه 23 نومبر 1919ع ۾ جيڪي ريزوليشن پاس ٿيا هئا خصوصن تحريڪ بائيڪاٽ ۽ سرڪار سان قطع تعلقات بنسبت انهن سان اتفاق ظاهر ڪري ٿو.
ريزوليشن نمبر 7:
صوبه سنڌ جي خلافت ڪانفرنس لاڙڪاڻه ۾ 5 فيبروري 1920ع جي منعقد ڪئي وڃي هي ٺهراءُ به اميد منظوري سيٺ حاجي هارون پريزيڊنٽ سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي پاس ڪجي ٿو.
الامين، نمبر 13، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 15 جنوري 1920ع، جلد 5، ص 4.
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جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي.
428 مئڪلوڊ روڊ
ڪراچي 23 جنوري 1921ع
جناب من…………. اسلام علڪيم.
جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ جي منتظم ڪاميٽيءَ جو جلسو ڇنڇر ڏينهن تاريخ 5 فيبروري 1921ع 11 بجي صبح جو خلافت ڪاميٽي جي آفيس ۾ ٿينگو- مهرباني اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.
هيٺيان ڪم سرانجام ڪيا ويندا.
1.بيت المال جو حساب ڪتاب
2.بيت المال ڪيئن ڪجي
3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ماتحت آفيس (سب مرڪز) خلافت جا ٺاهڻ.
4.قومي تعليم فنڊ ۽ ان جي گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪهڙا اپاءَ ۽ تجويزون اختيار ڪجن.
5. هميشه لاءِ وفد مقرر ڪرڻ جو ڪم ڪندو رهي.
6.تبليغ ۽ سوديشي رپورٽون.
7. ڪنهن ماڻهن کي روڪجي جي سنڌ پراونشل ڪاميٽي جي نالي پئسا گڏ ڪن ٿا.
8. جنرل ڪاميٽي ڪوٺائڻ لاءِ تاريخ ۽ هنڌ مقرر ڪرڻ.
9. قومي دارالقضائون برپا ڪرڻ.
10. مجاهدن جون جماعتون تيار ڪرڻ.
11. سرڪاري دٻاءُ کي ڪيئن منهن ڏجي
12. ميرپورخاص ۾ سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس سان گڏ سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪجي يا نه ڪجي.
13. مولانا محمد صادق صاحب جون تجويزون ملان اسڪولن بابت
14.هميشه لاءِ مبلغين مقرر ڪرڻ.
15. مرڪزي خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئي جا جاري ڪيل نوٽ ڪيتري قيمت جا وڪري لاءِ گهرايا وڃن.
16. ڪانگريس مقاصد- سوراج ۽ قطع تعلقات.
خاڪسار
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري
سيد پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچي.
23 جنوري 1921ع
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فتويٰ انجمن علماءَ سنڌ
درباره آنکسان کہ عمدََا
گزشتہ شريک شدند
سوال
ڇا ٿا فرمائين علماءَ ڪرام انهن مسلمانن جي باري ۾ جيڪي گذريل جشن ۾ عهدا شامل ٿيا باوجود علماءَ ڪرام هند جي متفقه فتويٰ هئي ته صلح جشن ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ حرام آهي ۽ انهيءَ پنهنجي ڪئي تي نادم ۽ توبهه تائب به نه ٿيا آهن.
جواب
انهن مسلمانن کي گهرجي ته پنهنجي انهيءَ ناجائز ۽ فاسقانه فعل تي علانيته اظهار ندامت ڪن ۽ بارگاهه الاهيءَ توبهه تائب ٿين. ٻيءَ صورت ۾ مسلمان انهن کي نفرت جي نگاهه سان ڏسن ۽ انهن کي بڇڙو سمجهن ۽ انهن کان قطع تعلقات ڪن. مثلن سلام ڪلام وغيره وغيره. جيڪڏهن اهڙن مسلمانن مان ڪي مسلمان ڪنهن اسلامي منصب وارا هجن مثلن قاضي يا پيش امام وغيره ته مسلمانن تي لازم آهي ته انهن کي انهن منصبن کان معزول ڪن ڇو ته هو شرعن اهڙي منصب جا لائق نه آهن. والله اعلم بالصواب.
(1) مولوي سيد تاج محمد امروٽ (2) هٰذا هوالحق سيد امام صاحبزاده پيرجهنڊي (3) اسد الله الحسيني (ٽکڙ) (4) من اتبع غير سبيلا المومنين نولہ ما تولي ونصفہ جهنم ساعت مصيرا- حامد الله عفي عنه (لاڙائي)، (5) الجواب صحيح- صديق (6) قال النبي صلي الله عليہ وسلم من فارق الجماعتہ سبرا فقد خلع رقبة الاسلام عن عنقہ العبد- محمد عاقل لاڙڪاڻو (7) ذلک کذلک دين- وفائي (8) فقير- عمر سرهندي مٽياري، (9) فقير عبدالرحمان (10) محمد نورالحق مدرس ڳوٺ پير جهنڊه (11) ما قال المحققون فهو حق موولوي محمد واهڙائي مقيم ٽنڊه سائينداد (12)صحيح احقه العباد-امين ٽنڊو غلام حسين خان (13) صحيح العبد سليمان (لاڙائي)، (14) الجواب صحيح عبدالڪريم مقيم گهٽگهڙ تعلقه قنبر (15) خليفه حاجي محمد هالا نوان (16) مولوي عبدالله هالا پراڻا (17) هي قول سارو حق آهي. جنهن کان اسان کي انڪار نه آهي. مولوي عبدالله سانگهڙ (18) مولوي خوش- ميرو خان لاڙڪاڻو (19) الجواب صحيح محمد اڪرم انصاري هالاڻي (20) هٰذا هوالحق غلام محمد ٽنڊه محمد خان (21) هٰذا هوالحق- محمد صديق مورائي (22) هي جواب صحيح آهي عبدالخالق ڪنڊيارو. (23) مولوي محمد اسماعيل ڳڙهي حسن تعلقه ٺل (24) مولوي نور-ٽنگواني ڪنڌڪوٽ (25) مولوي احمد- مراد پور ٺل (26) مولوي غلام رسول ساڪن رئيس قائم خان تعلقه قنبر (27) ختمت علي ختم العلماءَ لافهم واجب الاتباع المسڪين- سليمان، ٿرڙي محبت، ميهڙ (28) صحيح مولوي دين محمد مقام بٺي تعلقه ميرا خان (29) صحيح- يوسف ويٺل نٻون تعلقه ميرپور بٺورو (30) صحيح مولوي شيخ نور محمد مٽياري (31) جڏهن ان مسئلي بابت اجتماع ڪري علمائن فتويٰ ڏني آهي سا دل و جان سان قبول آهي- معين الدين کياري والا ضلع نوابشاهه (32) نور”ولد ميان حامد الله علامه لاڙ“ (33) مولوي حافظ نور محمد ڳڙهي ياسين (34) صحيح ابو الحبيب مٺل شاهه ٺلاه شريف باقراڻي روڊ (35) مولوي سرور بخش مقيم ٺل سرحد سنڌ (36) مولوي حبيب الله مدرس مدرسه کاڻ تعلقه دادو (37)مولوي محمد هاشم- اسحاق ديرو تعلقه ڳڙهي ياسين (38) صحيح مولوي الاهي بخش معلم ٻانها تعلقه ميهڙ (39) مولوي عبدالخالق مورائي حال مقيم ٺل اپر سنڌ (40) مولوي الاهي بخش گوٺي (41) مولوي در محمد مدرس ص 9 مدرسه مراد پور تعلقه ٺل (42) مولوي غلام رسول شهر پيربخش قنبر (43) مولوي ابوالفيض غلام محمد سونو جتوئي تعلقه لاڙڪاڻو (44) مولوي حاجي احمد-مولوي ملا ابرو تعلقه ڏوڪري (45) مولوي عبدالله الهالائي مدرس مدرسه محمد ۾ هالا ڪهنه (46) صحيح مولوي-صالح عباسي، مقيم دادو(47) مولوي شيخ عبدالقدوس حيدرآباد سنڌ (48) مولوي سيد حزب الله شاهه ڳوٺ نور- شجراه تعلقه شڪارپور(49) صحيح (پير سيد) فخرالدين گهوٽڪي (50) مولوي عبدالڪريم- شهر حاجي خان تعلقه شڪارپور (51) مولوي سيد عابد شاهه- نور محمد شجراه-تعلقه شڪارپور (52) مولوي عبدالڪريم دين پور تعلقه ٺل (53) مولوي محمد يوسف معلم مدرسه ڀان تعلقه سيوهڻ (54) صحيح مولوي غلام فريد ڳوٺ نور محمد پريد تعلقه قنبر (55) صحيح مولوي نبي بخش عودي اپر سنڌ.
هفتيوار الامين، نمبر2، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 26 جنوري 1920، جلد 5. ص: 10
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جلسو عام خلافت اسلامي
نصرپور سنڌه
جنهن صورت ۾ يورپ جون بعض عيسائي حڪومتون مقامات مقدسه ۽ خليفتہ المسلمين جي پٺيان هٿ ڌوئي لڳيون آهن ۽ خود مڪه معظمہ مديني منوره، بيت المقدس قسطنطنيہ جهڙن مقدس اسلامي شهرن لاءِ ساڳيون چالبازيون ۽ حرفتون هلايون وڃن ٿيون جهڙيون مصر سان کيڏيون ويون هيون تنهن صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو اهو مذهبي فرض آهي ته هو اهڙي نازڪ آزمائش جي وقت اسلامي عزت ۽ اقتدار قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ باقاعده هر ممڪن تجويز اختيار ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي غيرت جو ثبوت ڏين.
هينئر موجوده حالتن ۾مسلمانن جو پهريون فرض آهي هر طرح تن، من ۽ ڌن سان مدد ڪري جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌه ۽ خلافت بيت المال کي وڌائڻ ۽ زور وٺائڻ لاءِ هر ڪنهن ضلعي جي هر هڪ تعلقي ۽ هڪ ڳوٺ ۽ واهڻ ۾ مٿيئن جماعت جون شاخون قائم ڪن.
اسان جي قديم اسلامي شهر نصرپور تعلقه ٽنڊه الهيار ضلعي حيدرآباد سنڌه جا مسلمان اها ضرورت گهڻي وقت کان محسوس ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ هاڻي پنهنجي فرائض جي ادائيگي لاءِ ارادو ڪيو اٿن ته هتي نصرپور ۾ انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو ماهه پهرين جمعرات تاريخ 2 شعبان هجري 1338 مطابق تاريخ 22 اپريل 1920ع خميس ڏينهن شام جوجناب حضرت پير شاهه محمود شاهه صاحب جيلاني رحمت الله عليہ جن جي درگاهه شريف تي منعقد ڪجي.
هن مبارڪ موقعي تي جناب حضرت پير ميرحافظ حاجي سيد اسد الله شاهه صاحب زميندار ٽکڙ ۽ حيدرآباد جا مشهور محبان اسلام جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايڊيٽر الامين، ڊاڪٽر شيخ نور محمد صاحب ۽ اسان جا وطن دوست هندو ليڊر ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام ۽ مستر نرسنگ لال ۽ ٻيا حضرات پڻ مهرباني فرمائي اسان جي استدعا تي اچڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيا آهن.
سڀني عام خاص هندو مسلمانن ڀائرن کي استدعا ٿي ڪجي ته هن جلسي تي شريڪ ٿي نصرپور جي مسلمانن کي ممنون ڪندا.
خميس ڏينهن شام کان رهائش ۽ خوراڪ جو عام بندوبست رکيو ويندو.
الملتمس
مولوي تاج محمد قاضي عبدالرحمان قريشي
مسٽر محمد يوسف خليفہ جمع خان عباسي.
تاريخ: 22.04.1920
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دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميہ صوبه سنڌ
مئڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي، مورخہ 7 مئي 1920ع
جناب من سيّد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب زميندار
اسلام عليڪم- ڪثرت راءِ سان فيصلو ڪيو ويو آهي ته خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي جنرل ميٽنگ حيدرآباد سنڌ ۾ ڪجي تنهنڪري اوهان جي خدمت ۾ اطلاع ٿو ڏجي ته تاريخ 22، 23 مئي 1920 بروز ڇنڇر ۽ آرتوار جلسو مسٽر نور محمد صاحب وڪيل جي جاءِ تي ٿيندو ۽ هيٺين تجويزن تي غور ڪيو ويندو.
هي جلسو تمام ضروري آهي ۽ گهڻين اهم ڳالهين جو فيصلو ڪرڻو آهي. تنهنڪري ضرور توهين شريڪ ٿي ممنون فرمائيندا. تاڪيد- فقط والسلام.
(1) جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ جي لاءِ قاعدا.
(2) چنده جمع ڪرڻ ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيون ٺاهڻ ۽ ٻين ضروري ڳالهين لاءِ وفد ٺاهڻ گهرجن ۽ انهن جي گذاري لاءِ ڪهڙو انتظام ڪيو وڃي.
(3) انهيءَ تحريڪ کي ڪامياب ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪرڻ گهرجي ته ديسي شيون ڪم آڻجن ۽ سنڌ جي هندن کي زور وٺرائجي.
(4) عملدار جي خلافت جي تحريڪ ۾ حصي وٺندڙن کي تڪليف ٿا ڏين تن جو ڇا بندوبست ڪرڻ گهرجي؟
(5) هندستان کان نڪري اسلامي ملڪن ڏي هجرت ڪرڻ.
(6) رمضان شريف جو سمورو مهينو چنده گڏ ڪجي ۽ ان کي بيت المال جو مهينو ڪري ملهائجي ۽ ڪوشش ڪجي ته پنهنجو حصو (5 لک) پورو ڪري ڏئي.
(7) گورنمينٽ کان قطع تعلق ڪرڻ.
نوٽ: حالتون ڏينهون ڏينهن وڌيڪ نازڪ ٿينديون ٿيون وڃن. اسان جي درخواستن تي ڪو به خيال ڪو نه ڏنو ٿو وڃي. جيتري قدر اسان گهڻا عرض ڪيا اوتري قدر خلافت اسلام کي تباهه ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ٿي رهي آهي. ڪم ڪرڻ جو وقت آيو آهي توهان ضرور شريڪ ٿي پنهنجو فرض ادا ڪندا ۽ پنهنجي اچڻ جو اطلاع مسٽر نور محمد وڪيل کي ڏيندا. 20 تاريخ اندر، ته هن سان گڏ ٽڪيٽ پڻ موڪلجي ٿي جو رڳو توهان جي لاءِ آهي ٽڪيٽ کانسواءِ جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ جي اجازت نه آهي.
حڪيم شمس الدين
جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري
الوحيد پريس، مئڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي، تاريخ 7 مئي 1920.
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ڍورو نارو ۾ خلافت جلسو
زير صدارت پير آف غلام مجدد صاحب.
27، 28 شعبان 17، 18 مئي 1920ع تي ڪيترائي مولوي، ايڊيٽر، ماڻهو گڏ ٿيا، ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ويا. جيڪي خليفه المسلمين، خلافت جي حفاظت، انگريزن جي غلط پاليسي وغيره بعد، هيٺين ماڻهن پنهنجي اسڪول گرانٽن ۽ عهدن ۽ ڪرسين تان استعيفائون ڏنيون.
گرانٽس وٺڻ کان انڪار ڪندڙ هيٺان آهن:-
1. مولوي لعل محمد صاحب، انڙپور.
2. ميان خير محمد مانجهو.
3. ميان شفيع محمد مانجهو.
4. حاجي خير محمد، مٽياري.
5. حافظ محمد، مٽياري.
6. لعل خان لغاري
7. ملا خان محمد گهموري، عمرڪوٽ.
8. مولوي محمد طاهر، ڦلهڏيون.
9. مولوي محمد قاسم عزيز مگري
10. مولوي نور محمد ڪونجي گر.
11. مولوي محمد عثمان.
12. محمد حسن چبل، عمرڪوٽ.
13. مولوي ميان حاجي عبدالحڪيم، عمرڪوٽ.
14. حافظ حامد الله ڏيپو
15. حافظ متارو ساڍر، عمرڪوٽ.
16. حسين ماڻبو ڳوٺ عبدالڪريم پلي.
17. عمر مچندو نڪر جو ڳوٺ.
18. ميرو خان نڪر پٿورو.
19. محمد سليمان آزاڙو.
20. محمد يوسف رحم خان لغاري.
هيٺين صاحبن ميمبرن ڪرسين ۽ آفرين نامه ڇڏڻ جو اعلان ڪيو.
1. ميان جلال شاهه ويٺل غلان نبي شاهه، لوڪلبورڊ جي ڪرسي.
2. وڏيرو سمون خان ڪانڀو خان ڪليڪٽر جي ڪرسي.
3. آغا محمد علي جان ڪرسي
4. وڏيرو خدبخش ڀرڳڙي ڪرسي.
5. ميان محمد هاشم ولد محمد اسماعيل ويٺل نوهين عمرڪوٽ اسڪول ڪميٽيءَ جي ميمبري ۽ ڪليڪٽرجاتي آفرين نامه- ٻيو ڪليڪٽر ٿرپارڪر کان مليل ٻيو سپرنينڊنٽ کان مليل، ٽيون ڊپٽي ڪليڪٽر تاره کان مليل.
42 زميندارن اعلان ڪيو ته جڏهن علماءَ ۽ ليڊر حڪم ڏيندا تڏهن ڍلن ڏيڻ کان انڪار ڪنداسون.
سب انسپيڪٽر پوليس سي آءِ ڊي استعيفيٰ لکي ڊي آءِ جي کي موڪلي.
اٽڪل ٻن سئو ڄڻن لکي ڏنو ته هجر ڪرڻ لاءِ ۽ جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ تيار آهيون. هڪڙي هندوءَ نالو لکايو ته هو به جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ تيار آهي.
الامين نمبر 15، حيدرآباد سنڌ، 31 مئي 1920ع، جلد 5، ص 5 کان 6.
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از دفتر ”سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي“
24 جون 1920ع
جي ايم سيد ڏانهن خط
ته 3 جولاءِ 1920ع تي ڇنڇر ڏينهن خلافت آفيس الوحيد پريس ۾ ميٽنگ ۾ شرڪت ڪري.
حڪيم شمس الدين
جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري
تجويزون:
1. قطع تعلقات کي ڪيئن ڪامياب ڪجي؟
2. ان لاءِ پير صاحبن ۽ علماءِ جون فتوائون.
3. تبليغي ڪميٽيءَ جي رپورٽ.
4. سوديشي ڪاميابيءَ لاءِ تجويز.
5. سنڌ مان ڪي صاحب ڪراچيءَ ۾ هي خلافت جي ڪم ۾ مدد ڏني.
6. ابتدائي تحريڪ خلافت کان وٺي اڄ تائين جي مظالم جي پوري رپورٽ ٺاهجي.
7. هر هڪ ضلعي ڪميٽيءَ جا ميمبر هڪ لک هجن ۽ 4 في چنده ڏين.
8. سنڌ جي ظلم روڪڻ لاءِ اپاءَ.
9. تبليغي ماڻهن جون پگهارون.
10. هجرت ڪميٽيءَ جو ٺهراءُ، کين مدد لاءِ.
11. مولوي عبدالخالق ۽ مولوي عبدالغفور جو خط جيڪب آباد جي مظلومن جي امداد.
12. هڪ مصيبت زده ترڪ جي امداد.
13. منظم ڪميٽيءَ جي فيصلي جي اشاعت ۽ تعميل لاءِ ضلع ڪانفرنسون.
14. نظامِ تبليغ.
الوحيد، 24 جون 1920ع.
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سنڌ خلافت جلسه
26 شوال 24 جون خلافت جو جلسو ڳوٺ حيات خان رند تعلقه ٺل ۾ مولانا تاج محمود صاحب امروٽي وارن جي زير صدارت هڪ عاليشان پيماني تي ٿي گذريو ان جلسي ۾ قريب 2 هزار ماڻهو جمع هئا ۽ ماڻهن ۾ ڏاڍو اسلامي جوش هو. الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان بلند آواز هئا. صدر صاحب جي تقرير کانپوءِ هيٺان ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.
الوحيد 2 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 3.
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مهاتما گانڌي ينگ ”انڊيا“
مهاتما گانڌي لکيو آهي ته مان جيڪر خوشيءَ سان شهزادي جي مرحبا ڪريان پر سرڪار ان جو اهو فائدو وٺي ثابت ڪندي ته هندو واسي سرڪار مان خوش آهن. ان ڪري اسان کي شهزادي جي مرحبا ۾ ڪو به بهرو وٺڻ نه گهرجي.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 60، 11 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 6.
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اسلامي دنيا
وزير علي بيگ نالي هڪ اسان جي ملڪي مسافر ابي سينا آفريقه مان اخبار وڪيل کي هڪ خط لکيو ته هجرتي جيڪڏهن ابي سينا هجرت ڪري اچن ته آءُ هر طرح مدد ڪندس ۽ روزگار جا موقعا آهن. پاڻ ته يارنهن سالن کان واپار ڪري ٿو.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 60، 11 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 4.
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خلافت جلسو
19، 20 شوال تي ماڏي تعلقه خيرپورناٿن شاهه ۾ خلافت جلسه پير سيد عبدالله صاحب جي زير صدارت ٿي گذريو. ڪم جو انتظام مولانا محمد صالح صاحب بلڪل چڱو رکيو هو. جابلو ماڻهو ۽ ٻي تر جي خلق قريب ٻه هزارن جي آيل هئي. قطع تعلقات ۽ سوديشي ۽ هجرت، هندو مسلم ايڪتا تي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيا. مولانا محمد سليمان واعظم ۽ مولوي محمد صديق پير صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون.
تعلقه ڪنڌڪوٽ ضلعي جيڪب آباد ۾ هڪ ٻروچن جي ڳوٺ ۾ مسلمانن خلافت جو جلسو ڪرائڻ چاهيو پر وڏيري شير محمد بجاراڻي کين ڌمڪائي جلسو بند ڪرائي ڇڏيو.
الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 41، 13 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 4.
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ٻٽ سرائڻ تعلقه سيهڙ ۾ خلافت جو جلسو
17،18 شوال جي تعلقي ميڙ شهر ٻٽ سرائڻ ۾ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو پير سيد عبدالحق صاحب سجاده نشين درگاهه پير جو ڳوٺ نئون ديرو جي صدارت ۾ ٿي گذريو. ماڻهو تقريبن 3 هزارن ۾ آيل هئا. ڪم ڪار جو انتظام پير سيد شاهه دوران شاهه صاحب سجاده نشين ٻٽ سرائي ۽ وڏيري ميان عبدالرحمان صاحب جي سپرد هو ۽ وڏيري صاحب مهمانن جي خدمت ڪئي ۽ آرام جو پوري جان شان سان انتظام رکيو هو ۽ پوري سرجوشيءَ سان جلسي جي آخري ڪارروائي تائين معزز مهمانن جي خاطرداري ۾ بيٺو هو. ان موقعي تي مولانا سيد تاج محمد صاحب ۽ رئيس جان محمود خان مهاجر ۽ پير سيد تراب علي شاهه ۽ جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ۽ ٻيا علماءَ ڪرام ۽ بزرگ موجود هئا. قطع تعلقات سرديشي، هجرت ۾ ڪامورن جي ظلمن تي اظهارِ نفرت تي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيا ۽ زوردار تقريرون ٿيون.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 41، 13 جولاءِ 1920ع.
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حڪيم مولوي معاذ جو مضمون
هجرت ڪرڻ لاءِ سبب
انسان ۽ ان جي زندگيءَ جو مقصد اسلام ۽ ان جون ذميواريون، هڪ وڏو مضمون. هجرت ۽ عالمن جون فتوائون، مخالفن جون نيتون.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 64، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 1 کان 2.
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”خط“ خلافت جي خادمن سان ظلم (ايڊيٽر ڏي)
موري جي خلافت ڪميٽي سٺو ڪم ڪري رهي آهي پر، منڪر خلافت مٿن سختيون ڪري رهيا آهن.
لکندڙ: حاجي محمد صديق حڪيم
سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي مورو
ضلعي نوابشاهه سنڌ.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 64، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 2.
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هجرت
سنڌي مهاجرن جو قافلو جنهن ۾ اٽڪل 50 مرد 200 عورتون ۽ ٻار هئا سو لاهور ۾ آچر رات دير سان پهتو جو واٽ تي سندن مرحبا ٿيندي رهي ۽ دير ٿي وئي. شهرن (ملتان) جا وڏا ننڍا گڏ ٿيندا رهيا ، مهاجرن لاءِ طعام کنيو آيا.
خلافت جلسو
ڳوٺ ڪنڊي شريف تعلقه دادو ۾ مولانام حمد هاشم جي صدارت ۾ جلسو ٿيو. اٽڪل 7 سئو ماڻهن شرڪت ڪئي. خلافت جي اهيمت تي صدر صاحب تقرير ڪئي. قطع تعلقات هجرت، مظالم جيڪب آباد تي اظهار نفرت جا ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا ۽ ڪيترن هجرت لاءِ نالا ڏنا. زوردار دعائون گهريون ويون ۽ ماڻهو زارون زار روئي رهيا هئا.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 62، 14 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1
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فرام المهاجرين ۽ مهاجرن کي اعانت
مولوي معاذ نوابشاهه جو مضمون، جنهن ۾ سنڌ ۽ اهل سنڌ کي سلام ۽ تعريف ڪئي وئي آهي. سنڌ واسين کي همٿايو اٿس ۽ هجرت کان وري موٽي سنڌ جي زمين تي رهڻ جو ارادو به ظاهر ڪيو اٿس. يعني سنڌ کي وسارڻ جي نٿو ڪري ۽ ٻين کي به سنڌ جي اهميت ۽ سنڌ واسيبن جي باري ۾ ٻڌائي ٿو.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 44، 18 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1
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سنڌ جون خبرون
تعلقه جوهي جي هيٺين مولوين صاحبن قطع تعلقات جي سلسله ۾ ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ وٺڻ کان استعيفائون ڏني آهي. جيئن ته:
1.مولوي محمد حسن صاحب
2.مولوي محمد حمزه ڊگهه بالا
3. مولوي دين محمد صاحب
4. مولوي محمد علي جمالي
5. مولوي خان محمد ڳوٺ ٺوڙه.
ڳوٺ سبزل خان گبول جي هڪ مسلم صاحب حبيب الله به ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفا ڏني.
تعلقي شڪارپور ڳوٺ ڊکڻ منگر واهه جي مسلمانن هڪ جلسو سڏايو جنهن ۾ مولانا عبدالڪريم چشتي خلافت ۽ موجوده حالت تي دردناڪ واعظ فرمايو، ماڻهن ۾ روڄ هو ۽ دعا هئي.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 70، 24 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 4.
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ملا اسڪول گرانٽ کان استعيفا
ضلعي لاڙڪاڻه جي تازو هيٺين صاحبن ملا اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفائون ڏنيون آهن.
1. حافظ شير محمد ڳوٺ پوراچو تعلقه ميهڙ.
2. حاجي غلام رسول ميو خان جلباڻي تعلقه وارهه.
3. ملا گل محمد تعلقه وارهه دڙو سيهڻ ميهڙ.
4. ابراهيم شدو جهتيال دڙو سيهڻ ميهڙ.
5. حاجي الهه آندو مهرو
6. دين محمد، باڊهه
7. الهه بخش، پپري
8. مولوي الهه بخش پٽ سرائي
9. ابراهيم، ميهجر ابريجو
10. سيد مولوي غلام شاهه تعلقه دادو.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 72، 29 جولاءِ 1920ع. ص 1.
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جوش عدم تعاون ۽ استعيفائون
حيدرآباد سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس جي موقعي تي هيٺين صاحبن عملي ڪم ڏيکاري حيرت ۾ وڌو.
1. سيد عبدالحڪيم شاهه زميندار اعظم ٽکڙ، پروانه ڪرسي
بندوق- 12 آفرين نامه ۽ هڪ گورنر صاحب جو انهن کان دستبردار ٿيو.
2. رئيس در محمد خان زميندار قنبر ڪرسي ۽ پروانه بندوق.
3. قاضي ميان عبدالحڪيم صاحب بئنچ مئجسٽريٽ زميندار ڪوٽڙي.
4. سيد نبي بخش شاهه زميندار اعظم ڪرسي، تعلقه هالا.
5. سيٺ عبداللطيف صاحب، سيلا نائيج، مئجسٽريٽ حيدرآباد سنڌ.
6. مراد علي خزانچي پٿورو استعيفا ملازمت
7. ميان محمد صادق تپيدار تعلقه حيدرآباد 12 ورهين جي ملازمت کان استعيفا.
8. مير محمد ڪيهر خان بلوچ آبڪاري جمعدار، 20 سالن جي نوڪري 60 رپيا پگهار ماهوار تان دستبرداري.
9. حاجي امام بخش صاحب زميندار تعلقه لاڙڪاڻو ڪرسي ۽ ٻيا عهدا.
10. مسٽرامام الدين پوسٽر ماستر ڳڙهي ياسين حال موڪل تي نوڪري تان استعيفا.
11. محمد خان زميندار لاڙڪاڻو، پروانو ڪرسي، لوڪلبورڊ جي ميمبر ۽ ليسن.
12. ماستر ڪرم الله حيدرآباد، 15 ورهين جي نوڪري 63 پگهار کان استعيفا.
13. ربڏنه بيلف سول ڪورٽ حيدرآباد.
14. جمال الدين پيرزاده اورنگ آباد تعلقه ڳڙهي ياسين، پٽيوالا سول ڪورٽ حيدرآباد.
15. بچو جمع شيدي انجمن شيڊ جي نوڪري 60 رپيا ماهوار پگهار کان دستبرداري ۽ هجرت جو اعلان.
16. مولوي عبدالحڪيم ملان اسڪول جي گرانٽ کان استعيفا.
17. ميان محمد هاشم مخلص پنهنجي ڀائٽي پاران سندس لوڪلبورڊ ميونسپل جي ماستري کان بيزاري جو اعلان.
18. ملا محمد لائق تعلقه سنجهورو گرائونڊ ملا اسڪول.
19. محمد اسماعيل تعلقه ميهڙ.
20. محمد عثمان تعلقه ٽنڊوباگو گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.
21. جان محمد صاحب تعلقو ڇاڇرو.
22. مولوي نور سومرو، نظاماڻي ٽنڊو، گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.
23. ملا محمود تعلقه ميرپور ماٿيلو، گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.
24. طيبُ تعلقه سڪرنڊ ڳوٺ پيرو لکمير گرانٽ ملا اسڪول.
25. علامه نورالحق صاحب.
پنجاب يونيورسٽي جي سندات
منشي فاضل ۽ مولوي فاصل جون واپس ڪيون. هڪ بچي شيدي ريلوي نوڪري ڇڏي هجرت جو ارادو ۽ غريب هئڻ ڪري کين سيد ميان حاجي نور محمد ۽ زميندار بقاپور لاڙڪاڻو هڪ سئو رپيا ۽ وڏيري سان گل محمد ڦل، زميندار لاڙڪاڻو پنجاهه رپيا ۽ مستري عظيم غلام حسين سيد حيدرآباد 60 رپين ڏيڻ جو اعلان ڪيو.
الوحيد 1، نمبر 72، 29 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 4.
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ايڊيٽر ڏي خط سيد تاج محمود صاحب امروٽي
جناب ايڊيٽر صاحب الوحيد….
مهاجرن جي هڪ اسپيشل ٽرين شڪارپور مان تاريخ 13 آگسٽ مطابق 27 ذوالقعد جمعي ڏينهن پشاور ڏانهن رواني ٿيندي، ٽڪيٽون جاري ڪيو ويون آهن ۽ اسپيشل لاءِ درخواست ڪيل آهي. هر هڪ مهاجر کان 15 رپيا ٽڪيٽ جا ورتا ويندا ۽ وڌيڪ پاڻ سان 60 رپيا کڻڻ علاوه کڻڻ گهرجن.
(سيد) تاج محمد (از امروٽ شريف)
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 73، 31 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 2.
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الوحيد کي شيخ عبدالمجيد جي تار
جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب حيدرآباد سنڌ خلافت ڪاميٽي جي سيڪريٽري کان هيٺين تار پهتي.
”ضمانت جي واسطي مهرباني فرمائي پنجاهه روپيه چندو منهنجي طرفان ۽ 60 رپين جو هڪ زيور منهنجي اهليه جي طرفان قبول ڪيو. هڪ فنڊ جاري ڪيو، ڪو به ڊپ نه ڪيو. خدا مهربان آهي.“
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر73، 31 جولاءِ 1920ع، ص 3.
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سنڌ ۾ ٽيون يوم الخلافت
آچر 1.8.1920
سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪانفرنس جون هدايتون
1. آچر ڏينهن سڀ ڪم بند رکجو.
2. ٿي سگهي ته سڄو ڏينهن روزو رکجو.
3. لفظن، خيال يا فعل ۾ ڪا به زبردستي يا ڪو زور نه ڏيکاريو.
4. ماڻهن کي اخلاق طور سمجهايو پر دٻاءُ نه آڻيو ۽ ڪو ڪم بند ڪري. هڙتال خوشي سان ٿيڻ گهرجي.
5. احڪم العالمين جي درٻار ۾ دل سان دعائون گهرجو ته قوم جي بهبودي کپي ۽ دنيا تي رحم ڪري.
6. ڪراچي ۾ جلسو، اچڻ جي هدايت.
7. عام جلسن ۾ ترڪ موالات بنسبت ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيا وڃن.
8. حڪومت سان تعاون ڪري سندن حڪمن جي تعميل ڪئي وڃي ۽ حالات خراب ٿيڻ نه ڏين.
9. ڪو به جلوس ٻاهر نه ڪڍيو وڃي.
10. ترڪ موالات بنسبت اهو ئي ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيڻ ۾ ايندو جو مهاتما گانڌي ۽ خلافت ڪميٽي شايع ڪيو آهي.
11. اعزاز ۽ خطاب ڇڏي ڏيو.
محمد خان
الوحيد- 1.8.1920
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حاجي عبدالله هارون کي تارون
مولانا شوڪت علي کان هڙتال بابت
”خدا جي واسطي سخت ڪوشش ڪجو، اسلام کي بي عزتيءَ کان بچايو. 1 آگسٽ جو ڏينهن ڪامياب ٿيڻ گهرجي ۽ ڪا به دو طرفي نه ٿيڻ گهرجي.“
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 87، پهرين آگسٽ 1920ع، ص1.
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پنڊت امرسين صاحب
خلافت-هندو مسلم اتحاد قلع تعلقات وغيره.
سنڌ ۾ گشت جو……
هي صاحب 26 جولاءِ صبح جو حيدرآباد کان ميهڙ طرف روانو ٿيو ۽ 27 تاريخ شام جو 5 بجي کان 12 بجي رات تائين ميهڙ تعلقي جي تيوڻن جي ڳوٺ ۾ جو قاضي ميان شفيع صاحب جي زير صدارت جلسو ٿيو ان ۾ پنڊت صاحب قطع تعلقات ۽ هندو مسلم اتحاد جي ضرورت تي دلچسپ تقريرون ڪيون. مولانا مولوي محمد صديق جا مورائي ۽ مولي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ به پنهنجي عمدين تقريرون سان حاضرين جي دلين تي اسلام جي فرائض نسبت چڱو اثر وڌو.
بدين
پنڊت امرسين صاحب وري خير سان 30 جولاءِ تي بدين پهتا جتي جمعي ڏينهن جناب پير عبدالستار جان صاحب سرهندي جي زير صدارت پنڊت صاحب قطع تعلقات ۽ سرديشي تي زوردار تقريرون ڪيون. ساڳئي شهر ۾ ڇنڇر ڏينهن وري ڀڳت ليمچند صاحب جي زير صدارت هڪ عام جلسو ٿيو جتي پنڊت امرسين ”هوم رول“ تي عمدي تقرير ڪئي.
ماتلي
21 آگسٽ هڙتال ڏينهن صبح جي پهر ۾ پنڊت صاحب جن ماتليءَ ۾ پهتا جتي مولوي عطاءَ الله صاحب جي مدرسي ۾ چڱو تعداد ماڻهن جو کين ملڻ آيو. اتي ٿورو وقت ترسي هڙتال بنسبت ماڻهن کي مرڪزي خلافت ڪميٽي جي اعلان مطابق هدايتون ڏئي پنڊت صاحب جن ان ئي ڏينهن هڪدم اچي ساڳيءَ ٻيڙيءَ ۾ ٽنڊه محمد خان ۾ پهتا.
ٽنڊو محمد خان
هتان صبح جي پهر ۾ بلڪل سويل پير محبوب شاهه صاحب جن گرفتار ٿي حيدرآباد موڪليا ويا هئا. ڦليلي جي ڪپ تي مختيارڪار صاحب مسٽر جشن مل بي آرام ۽ بي قرار ويٺل هو. پنڊت صاحب جن ٻيڙيءَ تان لهندي ئي ماڻهن جي هڪ ٽولي جا اتي پير صاحب جن جي گرفتاريءَ جي غم ۾ ويٺل هئي تنهن سان همدردي ظاهر ڪئي ۽ انهن کي فرمائش ڪيائون ته جيئن پير صاحب جن خوشيءَ سان خلافت جي نيڪ ڪم خاطر پنهنجي سر تي صداقت ۽ سچائي سان مصيبتون هموار ڪيون آهن تيئن کين به گهرجي ته ڪو گوڙ شور نه ڪن بلڪه خدا جي عبادت ڪري اهو ڏينهن عام هڙتال جو ڏينهن ڪري ملهائين. اتي هڪدم مختيارڪار حواس باخته ٿي پنڊت صاحب جن کي تنبيهه ڪئي ته وڌيڪ نه ڳالهاءِ نه ته هڪدم گرفتار ڪيو ويندين ۽ تڙ تڪڙ ۾ ٻه ٽي ڀڳا، ٽٽا الفاظ ڳالهائيندي مختيارڪار هڪ ڳنڍي ڇوڙ جي عادتن موافق پنڊت صاحب جا کيسا کولي سندس ڪاغذ ڪڍي پڙهڻ لڳو. جي هنديءَ ۾ هئڻ سبب هو ڪجهه سمجهي نه سگهيو ۽ پنڊت صاحب کي موٽائي ڏئي ککو وکو ٿي پوليس وارن کي وٺي ويو. ايتري ۾ پنڊت صاحب هٿ منهن ڌوئي وري وڃي پنهنجي جاءِ تي آگبوٽ ۾ ويٺو ۽ مختيارڪار هڪ پوليس نائڪ ۽ ٽي سپاهين سان اچي وارو ٿيو ۽ انهن چار باهٿيار پوليس وارن کي حڪم مليو ته هن پنڊت تي حيدرآباد تائين پهرو ڏيندا وڃن ۽ اتي کيس چائڙيءَ ۾ پوليس جي حوالي ڪن.
پنڊت صاحب گرفتار؟
پوليس جو حوالدار جيڪو مسلمان هو تنهن انهيءَ حڪم جي تعميل ڪرڻ کان انڪار ڪيو ۽ چيائين ته جيڪڏهن ائين ڪرڻو آهي ته باقاعده اسان کي ڪيفيت سان چالان لکجي ملي. مختيارڪار کي ته مجال نه هئي جو اهڙو بي قاعده چالان لکي سو چپ ڪري واڇون ٽيڙي بيهي رهيو ۽ پوليس وارن کي فقط پنڊت صاحب حيدرآباد تائين پهري ڏيڻ لاءِ حڪم ڪيائين ۽ انهي وچ ۾ ماڻهو به جام اچي آگبوٽ وٽ مڙيا سو پنڊت صاحب پوين 8،9 منٽن ۾ بندوقن ۽ ڪوچن جي پهري اندر بيهي بلند آواز ٻيڙيءَ تان سڀني حاضرين کي هدايت ڪئي ته خدا جي عبادت روزه نماز ۾ پڪو اعتقاد رکن ۽ اهو سمورو ڏينهن سانت سان گذارين ۽ سڀ ڪم ڪار بند ڪري خدا جي در دعا گهرون ته خليفته المسلمين سان بي انصافيءَ جو صلح اتحادي نه ڪن. اتي جڏهن ”الله اڪبر“ ۽ ”بنده ماترم“ جي نعرن جي اندر آگبوٽ هلڻ لڳو تڏهن ويچارو مختيارڪار مس مس آرام ۾ اچي سانت سان ويو.
حيدرآباد سنڌ
شام جو ساڍي پنجين بجي حيدرآباد پهتو، پوليس کائنس رخصت ٿي وئي.
ڪراچيءَ ۾ پوليس
حيدرآباد ۾ عام جلسن ۾ آچر ۽ سومر ڏينهن تقرويرون ڪري اڱاري تي پنڊت صاحب ڪراچي پهتو.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 75، 4 آگسٽ 1920ع. ص 4
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قابل تقليد مثال
مولوي ميان غلام محمد صاحب ملڪاڻي سنڌ جي پهرين خلافت ڪانفرنس جو صدر هو مگر ان کانپوءِ هن تحريڪ ۾ ڪو نمايان عمل حصو ڪو نه هو هئائون پر اسلامي درد جو ثبوت پنهنجن صاحبزادن جي طوهرن تي ڏنو. تاريخ 31 جولاءِ 1920ع جي تقرير خطي تي اٽڪل ٻه هزار ماڻهو گڏ ٿيا هئا. سندن رهڻ ۽ مهمان نوازيءَ جو حق مولوي صاحب جن حسن انتظام ۽ فراخدلي سان ڪيو هو. ان مجمع ۾ مولوي عبدالرزاق صاحب بوجڪاڻي، مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب ڪنڍي وارو، مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب ٿرڙي وارو، مولوي عبدالرحيم صاحب سنڌ مدرسي وارو ۽ قاضي خدابخش نيز ڪيترا علماءَ موجود هئا ۽ مسئله خلافت ۽ ترڪ موالات تي تقريرون ڪيون ويون. مولوي غلام محمد صاحب پاڻ به تقرير ڪئي.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 75، 4 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.
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هجرت جو ارادو معطل رکو
جان محمد جوڻيجي جو خط
جلال آباد مان رئيس المهاجرين جان محمد جوڻيجي لکيو آهي ته اسان سڀني سنڌي ڀائرن جي خدمت ۾ عرض ٿا ڪريون ته هن وقت شدت گرميءَ جي ڪري اوهان کي گهرجي ته ارادي هجرت کي معطل ڪرڻ فرمايو ته اوهان لاءِ بهتر آهي. رستي ۾ گرميءَ سببان بلڪل گهڻي تڪليف آهي.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع ص 3.
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سيٺ عبدالله هارون پير صاحب گرفتاريءَ تي تارون موڪليون.
بقي پير صاحب جهنڊي وارن پير صاحب محبوب شاهه ڏانهن سينٽرل جيل حيدرآباد ته اوهان جو ٻڌي سخت صدمو پهتو آهي. اوهان بردباريءَ کان ڪم وٺي خلافت جو ڪنڌ مٿي کنيو آهي.
اوهان جي جيل وڃڻ تي مهاتما گانڌي سنڌ جي ماڻهن کي هن پهرين گرفتاريءَ لاءِ مبارڪباد ٿو چوي.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع.
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شيخ الهند مولانا محمود الحسن صاحب جو واجب العمل
اعلان
1.سرڪاري عزتن ۽ خطابن کي موٽائي ڏئيئ
2. ملڪ جي نين ڪائونسلن ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ کان انڪار ڪري.
3. فقط پنهنجي ملڪ جي ٺهيل شين جو استعمال ڪري.
4. سرڪاري اسڪولن ۽ ڪاليجن ۾ پنهنجي ٻارن کي داخل نه ڪري.
5.ان کانسواءِ جي تجويزن وقت به وقت شايع ٿينديون رهن انهن تي عمل ڪن پر هيٺين شرطن جو به لحاظ ڪرڻ گهرجي.
1. شريعت جي حڪمن جي تابعداري ڪئي وڃي ۽ مٿين حڪمن تي عمل ڪرڻ وقت خلاف شرعي حڪمن جي ڪو ڪم نه ڪيو وڃي.
2. جن ڪمن مان فساد ۽ خلل پوڻ جو انديشو هجي ته ان کان بچجي.
3. حضرت عثمان رضه جي هيٺين ارشاد کي فائديمند سمجهجي.
”جڏهن ماڻهو چڱو ڪم ڪن ته انهن سان چڱي ۾ شريڪ ٿئي جي برو ڪم ڪن ته انهن جي برائي کان ڀڄي پري ٿئي.“
محمود حسن ديوبندي
3 ذالقعد 1338هه
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 76، 5 آگسٽ 1920ع. ص 1.
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خاص خط
جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ.
بمبئي خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جو فيصلو ٿيو ته ترڪيءَ سان صلح بعد هتان جي مسلمانن جي شرطن ڏانهن حڪومت جو ڪو به ڌيان نه آهي ان لاءِ ترڪِ موالات جي سلسلي ۾ 28، 29 آگسٽ 1920ع تي حيدرآباد ۾ خلافت جو جلسو ٿيندو، جنهن ۾ مسلمانن سان گڏ هندن کي به شرڪت ڪرڻ جي دعوت ڏني وئي ته جيئن انهن جو به سهارو رهي. وغيره.
مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.
17 آگسٽ 1920ع
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچي
(حڪيم) شمس الدين
جوائنٽ سيڪريٽري
الوحيد 17 آگسٽ 1920ع ڪراچي.
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هجرت
ڪراچي مان 30 جهازن جا ملازم هجرت ڪري ويا آهن جن جو لاهور جي اسٽيشنز تي استقبال ڪيو ۽ اهي ماڻهو قدري هيثيت وارا هئا.
همعصر زميندار مان معلوم ٿئي ٿو ته هن وقت تائين سنڌي ماهجرن جا ڪم پيش 4 قافلا لاهور جي اسٽيشن تان لنگهيا آهن جن مان رئيس جان محمد جي قافلي کانسواءِ 3 قافلا هن مهيني آگسٽ جي 15،16،18 تاريخن ۾ پشاور ڏانهن روانا ٿي ويا.
سنڌي مهاجرن جي چوٿين قافله جي لاهور ۾ چڱو استقبال ٿيو ان قافله ۾ 80 ماڻهو هئا جن ۾ 32 عورتون به هيون. هڪ رات ساري انهن کي لاهور ۾ ترسايو ويو ۽ مولانا ظفر علي خان صاحب ۽ ٻيا رضاڪار سندن خدمت ۾ هئا. شام جو انهيءَ ئي ڏينهن ۾ هڪ شاندار جلوس نڪتو. سنڌي مهاجرن جي متعلق لاهور جي ڊپٽي ڪمشنر مولانا ظفر علي خان ڏانهن هڪ حڪم ڪڍيو جنهن جو مطلب هو ته سنڌي مهاجر جي پشاور وڃي رهيا آهن تنهن ڪري خلافت ڪميٽي لاهور کي تنبيهه ڪجي ٿي ته هو مهاجرن کي اطلاع ڏئي ته سرحد بند آهي ۽ انهن کي افغانستان وڃڻ جي ارادي کان بند رکڻ گهرجي. ان تي مولوي ظفر علي خان جواب ڏنو ته پنجاب خلافت ڪميٽي کي ڪهڙو آهي جو امن پسند مهاجرن کي روڪي.
الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 93، 25 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.
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سنڌ خاص پراونشل ڪانفرنس
حيدرآباد
29 آگسٽ 1920ع
قطع تعلقات جو رستو مهاتما گانڌيءَ جي مقرر ڪيل منزلن موجب بحالي
هيءَ ڪانفرنس اهم هئي. قطع تعلقات ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيو. مخالف ۽ موافق ڌرين وارن پنهنجا ذرين خيال پيش ڪيا. تجويز لوڪمانيه بال گنگاڌر تلڪ جي افسوسناڪ قضيه ٿي هئي. جا ياد غم لاءِ هن ڪانفرنس جي حاضرين اٿي بيهي پاس ڪئي. اهڙيءَ طرح ڪيترن ئي جهڙوڪ تر سنڌاس وڪيل ۽ گوپالداس وڪيل تقريرون ڪيون.
الوحيد، جلد 1، نمبر 96، 31 آگسٽ 1920ع، ص 3.
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مولوي صاحب کي سزا
نوشهري جي مولوي محمد سلطان صاحب کي پشڊاور جي سيشن جج ست سال سخت پورهئي سان قيد جي سزا ڏني.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 90، 3 سيپٽمبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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خلافت بيت المال سيپٽمبر تائين.
ڪل جوڙ 48650-6-11
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 91، 4 سيپٽمبر1920ع- ص 4.
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پوليس جو تنگ ڪرڻ
مولوي عبدالحسين صاحب چوٽيارين واري کي پوليس وارو فقير محمد نالي انسپيڪٽر پوليس نوابشاهه جي چوڻ سان سندس جاچ لاءِ آيو ۽ مولوي صاحب کي ڪيترن ئي سوالن ڪرڻ سان خوامخواهه تنگ ڪيائين.
الوحيد جلد 1، نمبر 92، 5 سيپٽمبر 1920ع- ص 3.
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دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ
مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.
11 سيپٽمبر 1920ع جي ايم سيد ڏي خط
چندي سميت رسيدون ڏياري موڪلڻ لاءِ.
ٻيو ته جن ملن گرانٽون ڇڏيون آهن، انهن بندوبست متعلق مشوري متعلق.
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري
11 سيپٽمبر 1920ع.
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دفتر سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽيءَ کان جي ايم سيد ڏي خط
مورخه 15 سيپٽمبر 1920ع
ته 14 سيپٽمبر 1920ع سومر تي 5 بجي شام جو دفتر ۾ ميٽنگ ۾ شرڪت ڪري.
هيٺيون تجويزون هيون.
ڪائونسلن جو بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ.
قومي تعليم لاءِ مدرسا کولڻ
پنهنجو پنچائتون ٺاهڻ
سوديشي اسٽور کولڻ.
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري
15 سيپٽمبر 1920ع.
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سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي منتظمه مجلس جو جلسو
سنڌ پراونشل خلافت جي منتظمه جماعت جو جلسو 26، 27 سيپٽمبر 1920ع سندس دفتر ۾ پهرين ڏينهن سيٺ امين الدين صاحب پنهنجي زير صدارت ۽ ٻي ڏينهن سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون صاحب جي زير صدارت منعقد ٿيو.
پهريون سيڪريٽري صاحب مسٽر عرفان منتطمه ڪميٽيءَ جي گذشته اجلاس حيدرآباد جي ڪارروائي پڙهي ٻڌائي تنهن کانپوءِ پير ميان محبوب شاهه صاحب ۽ پير غلام مجدد صاحب سرهنديءَ جا همدردي ۽ ڪم ڪرڻ لاءِ آمادگي ڏيکارڻ جا آيل خط پڙهيا ويا ۽ هيٺيان ريزوليشن پاس ٿيا.
1.هيٺين صاحبن جو وفد سنڌ ۾ ڪائونسلن جي سڀني اميدوارن کي وڃي ملي ۽ استدعا ڪري ته هو پنهنجي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿين.
1. سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون، 2. مولانا تاج محمود صاحب، 3. مولانا محمد صادق صاحب 4. پير تراب علي شاهه صاحب 5. مولوي سيد اسدالله شاهه صاحب 6. پير محبوب شاهه صاحب 7. پيرزاده غلام مجدد صاحب 8. مسٽر امين الدين 9. مسٽر عبدالجبار صاحب (سيڪريٽري وفد) انهيءَ وفد کي اختيار آهي ته پاڻ سان پير صاحب ضرورت وقت شامل ڪري سگهون ٿا. اهو وفد آڪتوبر جي پهرين تاريخن ۾ حيدرآباد ۾ گڏ ٿي ڪم کي شروع ڪري.
ٺهراءُ نمبر2: پهرين نومبر جي ڏينهن سنڌ جي مختلف شهرن ۽ ڳوٺن ۾ جلسا منعقد ڪري اميدوارن کي دستبرداريءَ لاءِ عرض ڪيو وڃي ۽ ووٽرن کي ووٽن نه ڏيڻ جي هدايت نه ڪئي وڃي ان کان اڳ ۾ اشتهار شايع ڪيا وڃن ۽ مولانا شاهه عبدالعزيز ۽ جمعيت العلماءِ ۽ هند جي فتويٰ ترڪ موالات جو ترجمو ڇپائي شايع ڪرايو وڃي.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 3: تبليغ جو ڪم شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب جي حوالي ڪيو وڃي، ۽ انهن کي اختيار ڏجي ته ڪنهن به مبلع (پروپيگنڊا ڪندڙ کي)ڪاروبار ڪميٽيءَ جي منظوريءَ جي اميد تي مقرر ڪري سگهي ٿو.
ٺهراءُ نمبر4: ملان اسڪولن جي اصلاح لاءِ مولانا صادق صاحب کي سندس سفر جو خرچ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ مان ڏنو وڃي جو مولانا صاحب انهيءَ اصلاح لاءِ هڪ پنهنجي تجويز ڪاروبار ڪميٽيءَ کي پيش ڪري منظورڪرائي. مسٽر محمد خان ان ريت جي به خلاف ويو. باقي ٻين سڀني منظور ڪئي.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 5: سوديشي جو ڪم مسٽر عبدالجبار جي سپرد ڪيو وڃي ۽ هو ان ڪم لاءِ اسڪيم تيار ڪري ميٽنگ ۾ منظوريءَ لاءِ پيش ڪري.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 6: هن ڪميٽيءَ جو خيال آهي ته مولانا محمد صادق صاحب ۽ سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون صاحب، کڏي محله ۾ ميمڻ جماعت ۽ مسٽر محمد خان غير ميمڻ آبادي ۽ ڊاڪٽر احمد صاحب خوجن ۾ اها ڪوشش ڪن ته سندس سپرد ڪيل حدن جا ماڻهو پنهنجا مقدما امينن جي معرفت فيصلو ڪرائين ۽ ڪورٽن ۾ نه کڻي وڃن.
حوالہ- الوحيد نمبر 118، 29 سيپٽمبر 1920ع، صفحو نمبر 2.
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شاهه جي ڀٽ تي تبليغي وفد
خلافتين جي تقرير
ڪائونسلن جا اميدوار به فقيرن کان دعائون ڪرائڻ ويا پرخلافت وارن جو وفد به خير سان ميلي ۾ پهچي ويو. شيخ عبدالمجيد مولوي عبدالخالق حڪيم محمد معاز مسٽرخدابخش مسٽر مخلص صاحب انهيءَ وفد ۾ هو. اربع جي شام ۽ صبح جو درگاهه شريف تي ميلي جي انبوهه ۾ خوب ليڪچر ڏنائون ۽ خلافت جي دردناڪ احوال ٻڌائڻ تي مسلمانن سخت گريهه زاري ڪيو، ڏاڍا اثرا جهڙا نظم به پڙهيا ويا ۽ ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ۽ ترڪ موالات جا هزارن جي تعداد ۾ اشتهار ورهايا ويا.
تبليغي وفد جو پروگرام ٺاهيو ويو ۽ جيڪي سنڌ ۾ ڪم ڪندا اهي وفد جا هيٺيان ميمبر مقرر ڪيا ويا.
جيڪب آباد:
مولوي عبدالخالق ۽ حڪيم فتح- شڪارپوري
سکر:
مسٽر خدابخش بي اي ميرالهه بخش ٽالپر، منشي فيض محمد
نوابشاهه:
حڪيم مولوي محاذ، مولوي گل محمد صاحب
ٿرپارڪر:
سيد مصطفيٰ ڪمال، قاضي ڪبير محمد
لاڙڪاڻو:
مولوي صاحب، مولوي نورالحسن
حيدرآباد:
مولوي محڪم الدين، شيخ محمد حسن
ڪراچي:
شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب، مولوي محمد هاشم مخلص
الوحيد نمبر 148، 4 نومبر 1920ع، ص 4.
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سنڌ جون خبرون، 14 نومبر تي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ تي تقريرون
شڪارپور ۾ اميدوار به تڏهين بي آرام ٿي ڪم ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ ڪو رياست جو پير اچي نه لٿو آهي جو ڳجهيءَ طرح ماڻهو کي ووٽ ڏيڻ جي هدايت ڪري رهيو آهي. اميدوارن کي پگهاردار مقرر ڪيا آهن جي وطن جي ناوفادار فرزندن جي ناپاڪ حمايت ۾ سرگردان آهن پر هو ڏهن ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ڪندڙن جو ڪم به نهايت ڪاميابيءَ سان هلي رهيو آهي ۽ گهڻي اميد ووٽن ڏيڻ جي آهي.
ميان جي ڳوٺ ۾ شيوا منڊلي قائم ٿي آهي جنهن ۾ مسلمانن کي ميمبر ڪرڻ جو به سوال ويچار هيٺ آهي في الحال ان شيوا منڊلي جي واسطي هڪ سوديشي ڪارخانو کولڻ جو ارادو ڪيو ويو آهي جنهن جي سرانجام لاءِ هيٺين ڪميٽي چونڊي وئي اهي.
1. سيٺ شيوڪرام، 2. سيٺ خشومل 3. حڪيم جشومل 4. ڪريم بخش 5. حڪيم سگنومل.
سنڌو ديارٿي مجموٽيءَ جي روهڙي لوڪل ڪاميٽي وارن پنهنجي نئين جاءِ کولڻ جو مهورت گذريل سومر تي ڪيو ساڌو واسواڻي پريزيڊنٽ ٿاڦيو ويو، جنهن سيڪريٽريءَ جي رپورٽ پڙهڻ بعد شاگردن کي هڪ بالڪل سندر ليڪچر سادگي ۽ سوديشيءَ تي ڏنو ويو. شاگرد هن ليڪچر کان متاثر ٿيا ۽ وري شام جو 4 بجي شاگردن کي شاگردن جا فرض ۽ قطع تعلقات تي ليڪچر ڏنو ويو.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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ٺٽي ۾ جلسه خلافت:
تيرهين تاريخ شام جو ستين وڳي، قاضين جي تلاءَ واري ميدان ۾ جلسه خلافت منعقد ٿيو. پير صاحب آقار غلام مجدد سرهندي صاحب جن جي اچڻ جو بڌي اڳينءَ رات کان به وڌيڪ ماڻهو آيا هئا ۽ هندو ڀائرن جو تعداد به اٽڪل چار يا پنج سئو هو. پير صاحب جن کانسواءِ حيدرآباد مان مسٽر عبدالجبار سيٺ امين الدين ۽ ميان محمد هاشم مخلص به ۽ قرآن ڪريم جن جي قرات ۽ سيد محمد زمان شاهه خلافت ڪميٽي جي سيڪريٽريءَ ۽ ٻين محمد باقر صاحب قريشيءَ، مسٽر عبدالجبار جي صاحبزاده جي نظمن پڙهڻ بعد صدر صاحب جي حڪم سان قاضي عبدالرحمان ۽ صاحبزاده جي نظمن پڙهڻ بعد صدر صاحب جي حڪم سان قاضي عبدالرحمان ايڊيٽر الوحيد اٿي ترڪ موالات تي تقرير ڪئي. سرڪار جي انصاف مان اسان جو اعتبار ڪيئن ۽ ڇو نڪتو ۽ پنهنجن حقن حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ ڇا ڪرڻ گهرجي انهن ڳالهين کي حاضرين جي ذهن نشين ڪري مسٽر عبدالرحمان پوءِ ترڪ موالات جي سڀني درجن يعني سرڪاري عزتن ۽ عهدن ڇڏڻ ڪائونسلن جي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ سرڪاري ۽ مددي اسڪولن مان ٻارن کي اٿارڻ پنهنجن اسڪولن ۽ ڪورٽن کي قائم ڪرڻ بنسبت تفصيل سان بيان ڪري حاضرين کي اپيل ڪئي ته هر طرح جي قربانين ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار رهن.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 1.
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سنڌ جون خبرون
تاريخ 10 نومبر ڳوٺ ميرپور تعلقو ٺل ۾ سيد متل شاهه جي زير صدارت ترڪ موالات لاءِ جلسو ٿيو. شهر ۽ آسپاس هندو مسلمان چڱي تعداد ۾ آيل هئا پهريائين حڪيم قادر بخش جمعيت علماءِ هند جي فتويٰ پڙهي ٻڌائي وئي پوءِ مولوي عبدالخالق صاحب مورائي صاحب اٽڪل ٻه ڪلاڪ تقرير ڪئي جنهن چڱو اثر ڪيو جلسي جي پڇاڙيءَ ۾ شهر ۾ خلافت ڪاميٽي قائم ٿي جنهن جا هيٺيان عهديدار چونڊيا ويا.
پريزيڊنٽ پير متل شاهه، سيڪريٽري حافظ محمد بخش، خزانچي حڪيم احمد صاحب.
نصرپور ۾ شام جو 14 نومبر سيد مصطفيٰ ڪامل ۽ ٻين صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون عام ماڻهن ڪائونسل کي بائيڪات ۽ امير وارن کي ووٽ نه ڏيڻ جو انجام ڪيو ۽ فارمن تي به صحيح ڪيائون.
ڳوٺ ڪيساهند تعلقه بدين ۾ ترڪ موالات تي شهر جي ماڻهن هڪ جلسو ڪيو جنهن ۾ پير ارشاد علي شاهه ميان ابراهيم ڪاڍيارو شاهبندري به هو ماڻهن کي ووٽ نه ڏيڻ بابت تقريرون ڪري سمجهايو ويو، ماڻهو چڱي تعداد ۾ آيل هئا.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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ترڪ موالات جي ڪاميابيءَ تي خاص ناز
بمبئي 15 نومبر مسٽر محمد عارف ملا رانديري واري بمبئي ڪائونسل جي اميدواريءَ تان هٿ کنيو آهي ۽ احمد آباد جي ڪمشنر کي اهڙو اطلاع ڏنو اٿس ته ظالماڻوصلح جا شرط انگريزن اسان جي خليفت المسلمين سان ڪيا آهن ۽ ترڪ موالات بابت جيڪا فتويٰ عالمن سڳورن شايع ڪئي آهي تنهن کي غور رکي. آءُ ڪائونسل ۾ وڃڻ نٿو گهران پنهنجي حد اندر ووٽرن کي به ملا صاحب لکيو آهي ته مون کي بنهه هاڻي علمائن جي فتويٰ ڏسڻ جو موقعو مليو جنهن موجب منهنجو ڪائونسل ۾ وڃڻ شريعت جي برخلاف ٿيندو تنهنڪري شڪرانا رب جا، جو آءُ هينئر چونڊن کان اڳ ئي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿي اوهان کي ۽ پاڻ کي هڪ غظيم گناهه کان بچايان ٿو.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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سنڌ جون خبرون، جلسه خلافت
ڳوٺ مدد تعلقو بدين ۾ هڪ عظيم الشان جلسو ٿيو، جنهن ۾ هڪ جلسو خلافت ٿيو جنهن ۾ هزار کان به وڌيڪ ماڻهو آيل هئا. مولوي شيخ غلام حسين صاحب ڏاڍي وڻندڙ تقرير ڪئي، جنهن هندن مسلمانن تي ڏاڍو اثر ڪيو. ان جلسي ۾ ڪيترائي ٻاهر جا زميندار هاري حاضر هئا. قومي تعليم جي تقرير ايترو اثر ڪيو جو هيٺين صاحب استعيفائون ڏنيون. 1. مولوي محمد هاشم، 2. حافظ محمد عمر ڳوٺ بهاري زنگيجو، 3. محراب خان اسڪول بورڊ ميمبري ڦٽي ڪئي. اهڙيءَ طرح 28 ڇوڪرا انهيءَ ڳوٺ جي اسڪول مان اٿاري ويا ۽ ڳوٺ عمر دل تعلقه بدين مان پڻ 3 ڇوڪرا في الحال لوڪل بورڊ اسڪول مان نڪتا آهن.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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سنڌ جون خبرون، 14 نومبر تي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ تي تقريرون ٿينديون: خلافت ڪميٽي
مبارڪپور تعلقه ٺل ۾ 11 نومبر پير ميان جان محمد صاحب جي زير صدارت خلافت جلسو منعقد ٿيو. مولانا در محمد صاحب مرادپوري ۽ مولوي عبدالخالق صاحب مورالائي ڪائونسل جو بائيڪاٽ تي پرزور تقريرون ڪيون ۽ مسٽر ڪريم بخش ٽانوري سوديشيءَ ۽ قومي تعليم ۽ هندو مسلم ايڪتا تي ڳالهايو ان کانپوءِ مبارڪپور ۾ خلافت ڪميٽي قائم ڪئي وئي جنهن جا هيٺان عهديدار چونڊيا ويا. پريزيڊنٽ وڏيرو غلام قادر ڀٽا، سيڪريٽري مولوي عبدالرحيم صاحب، نائب سيڪريٽري ايم ڪريم بخش ٽانوري.
ميان جي ڳوٺ شڪارپور ۾ ڪائونسل کي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ واري وفد جي نهايت ڪاميابي ٿي. مولانا عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي جي پرائچ تقرير تي حاضرين جلسه يڪ آواز ٿي چيو ته ڪنهن کي ووٽ ڪو نه ڏينداسون ۽ فارمن تي به ڪيترن دستخط ڪري ڏنو پر پوءِ ٻئي ڏينهن اميدوارن جا چيلا آيا جن ۾ هڪ وڪيل به هو جن خوب ووٽرن کي ڊيڄاريو ۽ ليلايو ۽ ڦيرائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي پر ماڻهو پنهنجي قول تي بيٺا آهن. آهي ڪو جو انهن وڪيلن اميدوارن کان پڇي ته ڇو اهڙي ووٽرن سان هلت ۽ دست اندازي ڪري مجبور ڪري رهيا آهن.
الوحيد، 14 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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ڪراچيءَ ۾ ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ جو پرچار
مسٽر هرچند راءِ جي غلط هلت سبب مسٽر قاضي عبدالرحمان ايڊيٽر الوحيد هيٺيون ٺهراءُ ميٽنگ ۾ پيش ڪيو.
”هن ڪراچيءَ جي رهواسين جي عام ميٽنگ ڪراچي ميونسپالٽي جي اختياري وارن ۽ ميونسپالٽيءَ جي پريزيڊنٽ، نيٽ آنربل مسٽر هرچند راءِ هلت کي نندي ٿي جو هنن سڀاڻي ڪائونسل بائيڪاٽ جي باري ۾ پبلڪ ميٽنگ ڪرڻ لاءِ ميونسپالٽي جي کليل رام باغ تلاءَ واري ميدان جي ڪم آڻڻ جي اجازت نه ڏني آهي. انهيءَ عجب بهاني تي نه ڪراچيءَ جي ڪليڪٽر کي شايد اها ڳالهه نه وڻي ته ڪائونسلن جي چونڊن واري ڏينهن اهڙي پبلڪ ميٽنگ ٿئي هڪ خيالي ڊپ جي ڪري متان پبلڪ جي امن ۾ ڪو خلل پوي. ٺهراءُ يڪ راءِ پاس ٿيو ۽ ميٽنگ جي سڀاپتيءَ جي صحيح سان ڪراچي ميونسپالٽي جي پريزيڊنٽ کي موڪليو ويندو.“
الوحيد، 17 نومبر 1920ع، ص 3.
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The Sub Provincial Khilfat Committee
جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبہ سنڌ ڪراچي
7 ڊسمبر1920ع- مکرمي اسلام عليڪم.
گذارش هيءَ آهي ته اوهان کي معلوم هوندو ته انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس جو هلندڙ اجلاس ناگپور ۾ 26 ڊسمبر تي ٿيندو جي نهايت اهم قومي ۽ ملڪي مسائل تي غور ڪيو ويندو. ترڪ موالات جي منزلن ۽ قدمن تي وڌيڪ ويچار ڪيو ويندو ۽ تحريڪ خلافت جا دشمن سرگرم ڪوششون ڪري رهيا آهن ته ڪثرت راءِ سان ترڪ موالات منظور ڪرائجي يا قدمن ۾ ڦيرگهير ڪئي وڃي. مسلمان مذهبي حڪمن موجب ترڪ موالات تي عمل ڪرڻ لاءِ ٻڌل آهن ۽ جيسين خلافت جو فيصلو اسان جي خواهش ۽ مذهبي حڪمن موجب نه ٿيندو تيسين ان قدم تان نه هٽنداسين. ان لاءِ ضروري آهي ته اسين ڪافي تعداد ۾ اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيون. ۽ پنهنجي رٽ بحال ڪرايون. ان کانسواءِ ڪانگريس جي اغراض و مقاصد ۽ ديگر قوانين جي جوڙجڪ تي به غور ڪيو ويندو. خلافت ڪانفرس جو جلسو به انهن ئي تاريخن ۾ اتي ٿيندو ان لاءِ منهنجو عرض آهي ته هن ۾ شريڪ ٿي ممنون فرمائيندا. خرچ اٽڪل سئو رپيه کن اچي ويندو.
سفر جا رستا ٻه آهن، پهريون راجا جي گاڏيءَ ۾ رواڙ ۽ اجمير کان ٻيو سمنڊ جي رستي ڪراچيءَ کان بمبئي ۽ اتان ريلوي ۾ ناگپور.
فقط والسلام
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري
الوحيد، 7 ڊسمبر1920ع
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The Sub Provincial Khilfat Committee
جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبہ سنڌ ڪراچي
14 ڊسمبر1920ع،
ڪراچي.
مخدوم بنده- اسلام و عليڪم
سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽيءَ جي منتطم ڪاميٽيءَ جو جلسو آچر ڏينهن 19 ڊسمبر 11 بجي مهل خلافت آفيس ۾ ٿيندو مهرباني ڪري ضرور اچي شامل ٿيندا.
هيٺين ڳالهين تي غور ڪيو ويندو.
1. بيت المال ۾ حساب، 2. بيت المال گڏ ڪيئن ڪجي؟ 3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ مرڪز ماتحتي، 4. قومي تعليم لاءِ روپيه ڪيئن گڏجن. 5. هيٺين صاحبن جو مستقل وفد ٺاهڻ.
1. پير تراب علي شاهه، 2. پير علي انور شاهه صاحب 3. مسٽر عبدالجبار صاحب.
6. تبليغ ۽ سوديشي جي رپورٽ، 7. جيڪي ماڻهو بنا سند خلافت جي نالي سان چنده جمع ڪن ٿا انهن کي ڪيئن روڪجي. 8. ضلعي اپر سنڌ ۾ ڪڏهن ۽ ڪٿي جنرل ميٽنگ ڪجي. 9. پئنچائتون ۽ ناگپور ڪانگريس لاءِ نمائندا موڪلڻ.
والسلام
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري
الوحيد، 14 ڊسمبر 1920ع.
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جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي
جناب من اسلام علڪيم
اوهان کي معلوم هوندو ته هندستان جي سڀني وڏين جماعتن جهڙيءَ طرح انجمن علماءَ هند- خلافت ڪانفرنس انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس- مسلم ليگ وغيره ۽ ملڪ جي وڏن وڏن اڳواڻن پوريءَ طرح فيصلو ڪيو آهي ته جنهن صورت ۾ انگريزي سرڪار خلافت ۽ پنجاب جي ظلمن جي متعلق اسان سان انساف نٿي ڪري اهڙيءَ حالت ۾ اسان عدم تعاون يا ترڪ موالات ڪرڻ گهرجي ۽ انهيءَ سلسلي ۾ سڀني کان اڳ ۾ ۽ سڀ کان ضروري ڳالهه هن ڪونسلن کي بائيڪاٽ ڪرڻ ۽ انهن ۾ نه وڃڻ آهي. تنهنڪري اسان جو مذهبي ۽ ملڪي فرمان آهي ته ڪونسل جي ڪنهن به اميدوار کي اصل ووٽ نه ڏيو ۽ يقين سمجهوته ته جيڪو اميدوار بيهي ٿو ۽ اوهان کان ووٽ گهري ٿو سو مذهب ۽ ملڪ جي عام راءِ جي خلاف آهي. هاڻ رٿ هي آهي ته 5 نومبر 1920ع جمعي ڏينهن جتي ڪٿي هر هنڌ جلسا ڪري جن ماڻهن جا ووٽ آهن تن کي سمجهايو وڃي ته انهن کي به ووٽ نه ڏيڻ گهرجي.
ڀائرو! عوام ڪريو ڪريو هيئر اسان جي موت ۽ حياتيءَ جو سوال آهي، ڏسڻو آهي ته ڪير پنهنجي خدا جي خوش ڪرڻ ۽ پنهنجي پياري ديس جي ڀلائي لاءِ رڳو ايتري ٿوري کان ٿوري قرباني ڪري ٿو.
ٻي هيءَ ڳالهه به تمام ضروري آهي ته خلافت جهڙي خالص مذهبي ڳالهه ۾ حصو وٺندڙن بيگناهه ماڻهن تي سنڌ ۾ وقت به وقت ڪامورن جيڪي بيجا ظلم ۽ انڌير ڪيا آهين، کين جيلن ۽ ٻيون طرح طرح جون تڪليفون ڏنيون آهن انهن مطلومن سان همدردي ظاهر ڪجي.
هندو ۽ مسلمان ڀائرن جي خدمت ۾ عرض آهي ته مذهب ۽ ديس جي هن ڀلائيءَ واري ڪم ۾ ڪنهن به قسم جي غفلت يا سستي نه ڪندا!
هجتي جتي جلسا ٿين اتان جلسن جو مفصل احوال اسان ڏانهن ۽ اخبار الوحيد جي ايڊيٽر ڏانهن اچڻ گهرجي.
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي
ڪراچي
الوحيد پريس 1920ع
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سن ۾ هڙتال
جي ايم سيد جو خط- جنرل سيڪريٽريءَ خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچيءَ کي ته، 19 مارچ 1920ع جمعي تي سن ۾ هندو فراد مسلمانن پنهنجا دڪان بند رکيا مسجدن ۽ مندرن ۾ ترڪي جي حق ۾ دعائون گهريون ويون.
هيءُ خط سنڌيءَ ۾ نقل ڪيل آهي
اصل تي صحيح جي ايم سيد انگريزيءَ ۾.
الوحيد، 1920ع
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جمعيت اسلاميه خلافت صوبه سنڌ ڪراچي
ضروري گذارش
برادرم اسلام
هيءَ ڳالهه پڌري آهي ته هن گذريل جنگ جي شروعات کانپوءِ جڏهن ترڪيءَ جنگ ۾ شامل ٿي تڏهن هندستان جي مسلمانن لاءِ اهو نهايت نازڪ وقت هو ڇو ته هڪ طرف خدا تعاليٰ پاڪ ۽ اسلام جا احڪام ته وري ٻئي طرف ظاهري حڪومت جا فرمان! هڪ طرف مسلمانن جو خلافت ترڪيءَ سان لاڳاپو ته ٻئي طرف ٻين سان جسماني تعلقات هئا!! اهو مسلمانن لاءِ عجيب ڪشمڪش جو وقت هو، خود سرڪار انهيءَ حالت کان واقف هئي. اهو ئي سبب هو جو سرڪار مسلمانن جي انهيءَ ڇڪتاڻ ۽ پريشانيءَ کي ٽاڙي کين انجام ڏنو ته هيءَ مذهبي جنگ نه آهي مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين کي نه رڳو حملي کان بچايو ويندو پر انهن مقامن جي عزت ۽ حرمت اسلامي قواعدن پٽاندر رکي ويندي ۽ خلافت کي وار ويسو به نه ٿيندو ۽ ترڪيءَ کان ڪو به ملڪ کسيو نه ويندو. وغيره وغيره. اهڙي قسم جي حرڪتن جي معرفت سرڪار مسلمانن کي ڀلائي وڌو ۽ هنن انهن ڪوريئڙي جي تندن جهڙن وعدن کي مضبوط سمجهي پورو اعتبار ڄمايو ۽ پنهنجي جان ۽ مال ڏيڻ ۾ ڪنهن قسم جو عذر نه ڪيائون. اها امداد اهڙي حد کي پنهنجي جو خود سرڪار کي مڃڻو پيو ته انهن وعدن جي ڪري هند جي مسلمانن سرڪار کي چڱي مدد ڏني جنهنڪري نه رڳو هندستان ۾ امن قائم رهيو پر خود انهن مسلمانن پنهنجي ڀائرن جو خون وهائي برطانيا کي اها فتح ڪري ڏني جا شايد ٻئي ڪنهن طرح ممڪن نه ٿئي ها.
جڏهن جنگ ختم ٿي ۽ مسلمانن اکيون کوليون ته انهن کي صاف نظر آيو ته جنگ ۾ باوجود ايڏي امداد ڪرڻ جي به فقط سندن مذهبي جذبات جو خون ٿئي ٿو پر ساڻن ڪيل انجامن جي به کليءَ طرح ابتڙائي ڪئي وڃي ٿي، تڏهن هنن جلسنجي معرفت سرڪار کي ڪيل انجام ياد ڏياري پنهنجي مذهبي جذبات جي پائماليءَ کان آگاهه ڪيو ۽ هنن انصاف ٿيڻ لاءِ ولايت تائين پنهنجا نمائندا موڪلي پنهنجي دلي ارادن کي ظاهر ڪيو ۽ گهڻيون دانهون فريادون زاريون نيازيون ڪيون پر ڪو نه ٻڌڻ نه آيون، هنن پنهنجي مرضيءَ موجب سلطان المعظم خليفتھ المسلمين کي مجبور ڪري اسلام جي برخلاف صلح جي شرطن تي دستخط ورتي جنهن صلح کي مسلمان ڪڏهن به جائز سمجهي نٿا سگهن. انهيءَ ڪري لاچار سڀني مسلمانن گڏجي سرڪار سان ترڪ موالات يعني لاڳاپن ٽوڙڻ يا عدم شرڪت عمل يعني گڏجي ڪم نه ڪرڻ جو ٺهراءُ مقرر ڪيو ۽ سڄي هندستان جي وڏن وڏن علمائن ان جي فرض هجڻ جي فتويٰ ڏني ۽ هندو ڀائر به خاص مسلمانن سان همدردي ڏيکارڻ لاءِ ان فيصلي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءڀ تيار ٿيا ۽ وري اڳتي هلي انڊين نيشنل ڪانگريس ۽ مسلم ليگ اهو ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيو. جنهنڪري مذهبي لحاظ کانسواءِ هندستان جي سڀني قومن تي انهيءَ ٺهراءَ يعني ترڪ موالات تي عمل ڪرڻ هڪ زبردستي قومي فرض ٿي چڪو آهي. انهيءَ ترڪ موالات جي تجويز جا گهڻا ڀاڱا آهن جي عام طور مشهور آهن پر هن وقت مکيه سوال هيءُ آهي ته ايندڙ نومبر جي ڪائونسل جي ميمبريءَ لاءِ چونڊون ٿيڻيون آهن تنهن بابت رٿ آهي ته ڪو به مسلمان خواهه هندو اميدوار ڪو نه بيهي ۽ نه وري ڪنهن اميداور کي ڪو ووٽ ڏئي. الحمدالله جو انهي تحريڪ تي عمل ڪرڻ جون خبرون سنڌ کان ٻاهران گهڻي انداز ۾ اچي رهيون آهن جو ڪيترا صاحب ترڪ موالات جي مدنظر ڪري ڪائونسل جي اميدواريءَ تان دستبردار ٿي رهيا آهن. اگرچه سنڌ ۾ ٻن ٽن هندو صاحبن کانسواءِ ڪنهن مسلمان اهڙو قدم ڪو نه کنيو آهي. پر اوهان اسلامي ڀائرن ۾ اميد آهي ته توهان اميدوار ڀائرن کي سمجهايو ته هو دستبردار ٿين ۽ ٻين ووٽرن صاحبن جي قومي جمعيت ۽ اسلامي همدرديءَ ۾ اميد آهي ته هو ترڪ موالات جي مذهبي اصول کي مدنظر رکي ڪنهن به اميدوار کي ووٽ نه ڏيندا ۽ پنهنجي سڀني مسلمان ڀائرن کي ان حقيقت کان واقف ڪندا رهندا.
سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي ياد رکڻ گهرجي ته هن صوبه ۾ ٻين علائقن بنسبت گهڻا مسلمان اميدوار بيهڻا آهن ۽ مسلمانن جي ڪثرت آبادي ڪري وري ووٽر به مسلمان گهڻائي آهن تنهنڪري ساري هندستان ۾ سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي وڌيڪ اسلام ۽ قوم جي عزت کي برقرار رکڻ فرض آهي. تنهنڪري يقين آهي ته سنڌ جا مسلمان خدا تعاليٰ ۽ رسول اڪرم ﷺ جن جي حڪمن جي پيروي ڪرڻ ۾ ڪا ڪوتاهي نه ڪندا يعني ترڪ موالات جي متي موجب ڪنهن به ڪائونسل ۾ اميدوار نه بيهندا ۽ نه وري ڪنهن اميدوار کي ووٽ ڏيندا.
(2)
ترڪ موالات جو نظامِ عمل
اي ايمان وارو! اوهان لاءِ هينئير ٻيو ڪو به چارو رهيل نه آهي سواءِ انهيءَ جي ته خلافت ڪانفرنس- انجمن علماءِ هندو ڪانگريس ۽ مسلم ليگ جي پاس ڪيل ترڪ موالات جي تجويز قبول ڪري حال في الحال هيٺين ڳالهين تي هڪدم عمل ڪريو.
(1) سڀ خطاب ۽ اعزازي عهدا هڪدم ڇڏي ڏجن ۽ مقامي جماعتن (ميونسپالٽين ۽ لوڪلبورڊن وغيره) جي سرڪاري مليل ميمبرين کان هڪدم استعيفا داخل ڪرڻ گهرجي.
(2) سرڪاري درٻارين ۽ ٻين سرڪاري ۽ غير سرڪاري مجلسن ۾ (جي سرڪاري حاڪم ڪن ۽ انهن جي اعزاز واسطي ڪيون وڃن) شامل ٿيڻ کان صاف انڪار ڪيو وڃي.
(3) ٻارن کي انهن اسڪولن ۽ ڪاليجن مان آهستي آهستي اٿاريو وڃي جي سرڪار جي ملڪيت آهن يار سرڪاري انتظام هيٺ آهن يا سرڪار کان امداد حاصل ڪن ٿا. ۽ انهن جي بجاءِ مختلف صوبن ۾ قومي اسڪول يا ڪاليج قائم ڪيا وڃن.
(4) سرڪاري ڪورٽن کي آهستي آهستي بائيڪاٽ ڪري انهن جي بجاءِ خانگي پئنچاتي ڪورٽون قائم ڪيون وڃن ۽ انهن ڪورٽن جي امداد سان خانگي جهڳڙن جو فيصلو ڪيو وڃي.
(5) عراق عرب ۾ فوجي، منشيگيري ۽ مزدوري جي نوڪريءَ لاءِ رنگروٽن جي طور ڀرتي ٿيڻ کان صاف انڪار ڪيو وڃي.
(6) نين ڪائونسلن جي ميمبريءَ جي اميدواري لاءِ جيڪي درخواستون ڏنيون ويون آهن اهي سڀ واپس ورتيون وڃن ۽ ووٽرن کي گهرجي ته اهڙن اميدوارن کي ووٽ ڏيڻ کان انڪار ڪن جيڪي ڪانگريس جي هن هدايت جي ڪا به پرواهه نه ڪري هن هوندي به پنهنجي مٿي ميمبر چونڊجڻ جي ڪوشش ڪن.
(7) سموري ڌارئي ملڪ جي مال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪيو وڃي ۽ جنهن حالت ۾ ترڪ موالات جي هيءَ تحريڪ هڪ ترتيبوار نموني تي ماڻهن کي قرباني سيکارڻ واسطي اختيار ڪئي وئي آهي جنهن کانسواءِ ڪا به قوم حقيقي ترقي نٿي ڪري سگهي ۽ پڻ جنهن حالت ۾ هر مرد، عورت ۽ ٻار کي ان تحريڪ جي مهڙيءَ منزل ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ جو وجهه ڏيڻو آهي، ان ڪري هيءَ ڪانگريس سڀني کي هدايت ڪري ٿي ته جيسين هندستاني واپارين جي سرمايه سان قائم ٿيل انتظام ڪپڙي جي ضروريات کي پورو ڪري ته بس سوديشي مال ئي واپرائين، اگرچه هندستان ۾ هن وقت ايترو ڪافي سٽ ۽ ڪپڙا تيار نه آهن جو ملڪ جي پورٽ ڪري پر ڪانگريس خاص انهيءَ مقصد کي مدنظر رکندي هدايت ڏئي ٿي ته جلدي اهڙا وسيلا اختيار ڪيا وڃن جنهن ڪري وري ڪپڙي اڻڻ جي برباد ٿيل دستڪاري جيئري ٿئي. لکين ڪوري جو پنهنجو هنر ڇڏي ويٺا اهن وري پنهنجي اباڻي ڪم کي اختيار ڪن.
فتويٰ جمعيت علماءِ هندو درٻاره ترڪ موالات
هيءَ اها فتويٰ آهي جا جمعيت علماءِ هند ڪلڪته جي اجلاس ۾ گهڻي غور ۽ ويچار کانپوءِ شايع فرمائي هئي.
جنهن حالت ۾ ترڪيءَ سان صلح ڪرڻ ۾ يورپ جي بادشاهنن کلي کلائي بي انصافي ڪئي آهي ۽ اسلامي جذبات کي پائمال ڪيو آهي ۽ انگريزي وزيرن پنهنجي صاف ۽ پڌرن وعدن جي ابتڙائي ڪئي آهي ۽ خلافت جي اقتدار کي وڃائن ۽ خليفتھ المسلمين جي مذهبي طاقت جي پاڙ پٽڻ ۾ اسلام سان پورو مذهبي تعصب ۽ حسد ڏيکاريو آهي. تنهنڪري مسلمانن تي اسلام جي تابع هجڻ واري حالت ۾ لازم ٿي چڪو آهي ته هو هنن اسلام جي دشمنن سان ترڪ موالات ڪن.
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي
الوحيد، 1920ع
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خلافت ڪاميٽي
پهرين وقتي صدارت رئيس غلام ڀرڳڙيءَ جي ٿي.
حيدراباد 1920ع ۾ جي ميٽنگ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ 5،6،7،8،9 فيبروري پير محمد رشد الله الله جهنڊواري جي صدارت ۾.
ورڪنگ ڪاميٽي.
ميان عبدالجبار جي لائيف ۾
شيخ عبدالمجيد صدر ٿيو.
بابا مير محمد بلوچ =
حاجي عبدالله هارون =
علي محمد مري =
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خلافت- محبوب شاهه ۽ محمود شاهه
انهيءَ وقت خلافت جو دور ختم ٿي، مسلم ليگ ۾ ضم ٿي چڪو هجي، خلافت جيڪا 1914ع جي قيصر وليم جي لڙائي کان شروع ٿي، 1920ع يا 1921ع ڌاري عروج تي پهتي، جنهن ۾ مولانا محمد علي جوهر، مولانا شوڪت علي جوهر، مولانا ابوالڪلام ”آزاد“ مولانا عبدالباري لکنوي، ڊاڪٽر سيف الدين ڪچلو ۽ ٻيا نامور ليڊر شامل هئا. هڪ ٻئي سان هم خيال، همسفر ۽ همرڪاب هوندا هئا.
اسان جي سنڌ سونهاريءَ مان، پير محبوب شاهه راشدي جيڪو نهايت رعبدار۽ هيبتناڪ مقرر جي علاوه وڏو عالم پر خلوص، ديانتدار بي باڪ ص 147 ۽ جذباتي هئڻ سان گڏ سجاده نشين راشدي خاندان جي پير سائين رشد الله صاحب، جهنڊي واري جو ننڍو ڀاءُ پڻ هيو. راشدي خاندان جي افراتفريءَ جي وقت، جيئن اسپين جي دارالحڪومت ۽ الحمرا جي محلاتن مان، عرب سڳورا موثر مسلمان ، عيسائين کان شڪست کائي، آفريڪا جي ريگزارن، سمنڊ جي ڪنارن ۽ ڪوهسارن ۾ ڦهلجي ويا هئا. اهڙي طرح راشدي خاندان جا فرد به ”ڪنگريءَ“ جي ڪوس کانپوءِ، پير سائين پاڳاري، روضي ڌڻي جي جاهل حرن کان دهشت زده ٿي، سڄي سنڌ جي چپي چپي تي ڦهلجي ويا.
پير محبوب شاهه به اپر سنڌ کي ڇڏي، ٻارچاڻي ۽ ماتلي ۾ اچي قيام پذير ٿيو هيو ۽ تحريڪ خلافت ۾ اچي شموليت ڪئي هئائين. (ص 148، ڪيئي ڪتاب) پير محمود شاهه راشدي، خلافت جي وقت ۾ ماتليءَ جي سڄي شهر کي الله اڪبر جي فلڪ شگاف نعرن سان گونجائيندو رهندو هيو. وقت بي وقت جو ڪو به خيال نه هوندو هيس. پوءِ چاهي صبح هجي يا ٻپهر، شام هجي يا رات چونڪ، گهٽي ۽ گهٽي ۾ تقريرون ڪندو ۽ الله اڪبر جا نعرا فضا ۾ بلند ڪندو، زمين وارن کي هوشيار ڪندي جاڳائيندي وڃي آسمانن تائين پڄائيندو هيو. ماتليءَ جي رهواسين ۾ ڪي مخلص ته ڪي جذباتي ته ڪي وري کيس جنوني ۽ پاڳل ڪري سمجهندا هئا. پاڻ سڀني کان بي نياز ٿي، پنهنجي ئي ڌن ۾ مڱن ۽ مست رهندو هيو، پاڻ شرعي بندشن ۾ رهي، باقاعدگي سان نماز پنجگانه ۽ ٽيهه ئي روزا رکندو رهيو پير محبوب شاهه راشديءَ سان محبتن ۽ صداقت، اندر رهندي سندس ڪڪڙن وڙهائڻ تي، ساڻس شديد اختلاف ڪندو هيو، پير محمود شاهه راشديءف کي پير محبوب شاهه راشدي مسڪرائيندي ۽ کلندي چوندو هيو ته، ”جيڪڏهن تون اهي تقريرون ۽ نعرا ڇڏين ته پوءِ آءُ به ڪڪڙن وڙهائڻ ڇڏي ڏيندس“ پر نه پير محمود شاهه راشدي نعرا هڻن ڇڏي نڪي ئي پير محبوب شاهه ڪڪڙ وڙهائڻ ڇڏيا.
پير محبوب شاهه ٻين انقلابي خلافي ساٿين سان گڏ، جيل ياترا به ڪري آيو هيو، انهن ساٿين ۾ ساڻن گڏ پير غلام مجدد سرهندي، شيخ عبدالمجيد سنڌي، شيخ عبدالجبار وڪيل حيدرآبادي، مولوي خير محمد نظاماڻي شعلي نوامقررجيڪو انهيءَ وقت نوخيز ۽ ڇوڪرو هيو، علاوه ازين ٻيا به ڪيترائي عالمي دين مولانا ۽ مولوي انهيءَ خلافتي ٻيڙي ۾ شامل سفر هوندا هئا، جن جي وڏي فهرست ٿي سگهي ٿي. اسين به تنهن وقت، استاد محترم جناب مولوي عطاءُ الله صاحب جن جي مدرسي ۾ پڙهندا هئاسين ۽ اتي انگريزي ٽوپلا، جيڪي ڪيترن ئي قسمن جا هوندا هئا، تن کي فوٽبال وانگر، سڄي شهر ۾ گڏيندا رهندا هئاسين.
ٻئي پاسي هندو ڪانگريسين به خلافتين سان گڏجي تمام گهڻيون قربانيون ڏنيون، جيل ويا گوليون کاڌيون ۽ ڳڻڻ کان ٻاهر موت جو شڪار ٿيا، جنهنڪري ئي انگريز سامراج، پنهنجا بوريا بستر ٻڌي هندن ۽ مسلمانن کي پاڻ ۾ وڙهائي نه ڏيڻ جهڙي آزادي ڏيئي يورپ روانو ٿيو.
ص (5)، ڪيئي ڪتاب. 1920ع.
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جلسو عام خلافت اسلامي
نصرپور سنڌ
مڪرمي سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب
جنهن صورت ۾ يورپ جون بعض عيسائي حڪومتون مقامات مقدمه ۽ خليفته المسلمين جي پٺيان هٿ ڌوئي لڳيون آهن ۽ خود مڪه معظم مديني منوره، بيت المقدس قسطنطنيه جهڙن مقدس اسلامي شهرن لاءِ ساڳيون چالبازيون ۽ حرفتون هلايون وڃن ٿيون. جهڙيون مصر سان کيڏيون ويون هيون تنهن صورت ۾ مسلمانن جو اهو مذهبي فرض آهي ته هو اهڙي نازڪ آزمائش جي وقت اسلامي عزت ۽ اقتدار قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ باقاعده هر ممڪن تجويز اختيار ڪري پنهنجي اسلامي غيرت جو ثبوت ڏين.
هينئر موجوده حالتن ۾ ملسمانن جو پهريون فرض آهي ته هر طرح تن، من ۽ ڌن سان مدد ڪري جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ ۽ خلافت بيت المال کي وڌائڻ ۽ زور وٺائڻ لاءِ هر ڪنهن ضلعي جي هر هڪ تعلقي ۽ هر هڪ ڳوٺ ۽ واهڻ ۾ مٿئين جماعت جون شاخون قائم ڪن.
اسان جي قديمي اسلامي شهر نصرپور تعلقي ٽنڊه الهيار ضلعي حيدرآباد سنڌ جا مسلمان اها ضرورت گهڻي وقت کان محسوس ڪري رهيا آهن ۽ هاڻي پنهنجي فرائض جي ادائيءَ لاءِ ارادو ڪيو اٿن ته هتي نصرپور ۾ انهيءَ مقصد لاءِ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو مان پهرين جمعرات تاريخ 2 شعبان هجري 1338 مطابق تاريخ 22 اپريل 1920ع خميس ڏينهن شام جو جناب حضرت پير شاهه محمود شاهه جيلاني رحمت الله عليه جن جي درگاهه شريف جي منعقد ڪجي.
هن مبارڪ موقعي تي جناب حضرت پير مير حافظ حاجي سيد اسدالله صاحب زميندار ٽکڙ ۽ حيدرآباد جا مشهور محبان اسلام جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايڊيٽر الامين، ڊاڪٽر شيخ نور محمد ۽ اسان جا وطن دوست هندو ليڊر ڊاڪٽر چوئٿرام ۽ مسٽر نرسنگ لال ۽ ٻيا حضرات پڻ مهرباني فرمائي اسان جي استدعا تي اچڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيا آهن.
سڀني عام خاص هندو مسلمانن ڀائرن کي استدعا ٿي ڪجي ته هن جلسي تي شريڪ ٿي نصرپور جي مسلمانن کي ممنون ڪندا.
خميس ڏينهن شام کان رهائش ۽ خوراڪ جو عام بندوبست رکيو ويندو.
(الملتمس)
مولوي تاج محمد قاضي عبدالرحمان قريشي
مسٽرمحمد يوسف خليفه جمع خان عباسي
Bhoat Electric Printing Works Karachi.
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خلافت جا ڏينهن هيٺين هنڌن تي ملهايا ويا
امروٽ، ٺلاهه، ٽنڊوالهيار، ٽنڊو محمد خان، ڳڙهي ياسين، دادو، ڊڀرو، ڊکڻ، حيدرآباد، رتوديرو، روهڙي، رڪن، ماتلي، ميرپورخاص، نوابشاهه، لاڙڪاڻو، سکر، شڪارپور، هالا پراڻا ۽ ڪراچي.
الوحيد جا مختلف پرچا.
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1918ع ڌاران مسلم ليگ ۽ ڪانگريس جا اجلاس هڪ هنڌ ڪٺا ٿيندا هئا، يا ساڳي قسم جا ٺهراءَ پاس ڪندا هئا.
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از خلافت ڪاميٽي شڪارپور
جناب عالي-
هن وقت سخت ضرورت هئي ته شڪارپور ۾ خلافت ۽ ترڪ موالات وغيره مذهبي ۽ قومي تحريڪن جي زندهه ڪرڻ لاءِ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪئي وڃي تنهن لاءِ هي فيصلو ٿيو آهي ته 28 فيبروري جي ڪانفرنس ڪئي وڃي جنهن لاءِ اوهان کي هن دعوت نامي جي ذريعي عرض ٿو ڪجي ته اوهان مذهب۽ قوم جي ڪري هن ڪانفرنس ۾ ضرور پنهنجي تشريف آريءَ کان اسان کي مشڪور ڪريو اسان کي يقين آهي ته اوهان هن استدعا کي قبول فرمائيندا ۽ پنهنجي اچڻ جو اطلاع جلد موڪليندا. شڪارپور ۾ سردي آهي تنهنڪري بستري آڻڻ جي تڪليف ڪندا. خورش ۽ رهائش جو بندوبست ڪيو ويو آهي.
نوٽ: اوهان کانسواءِ جيڪڏهن ڪو به ڪانفرنس ۾ اچڻ چاهي ته ان لاءِ هن ريت ٽڪيٽون آهن.
0-0-3، 0-0-2، 0-0-1، 0-8-0، 0-4-0
فقط ٻن ۽ ٽن روپين واري جي مهرباني ڪئي ويندي.
مولوي عبدالڪريم چشتي
سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪانفرنس
(Mulchand Virumal Shyan Sundar Press Shikarpur)
شڪارپور (سنڌ)
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وندي ماترم الله اڪبر
786
بخدمت والا مرتبت جناب عمده ارباب ايمان زبده اصحاب
عرفان مولانا ابوالحسن حاجي تاج محمد صاحب قبلا دام محمد
اسان شڪارپور واسي نهايت خلوص ۽ دلي ارادن سان حضور جي تشريف آوري جو خيرمقدم ڪندي پنهنجي سرور جو اظهار ٿا ڪريون ته هن ڪفر ۽ اسلام جي ڪشمڪش ۾ اوهان جهڙو قابل ۽ احترام وجود ۽ ايمان جو پتلو سلف جو نمونو اسان جي رهنمائيءَ لاءِ هن اسان جي پياري ننگر جي هن خلافت جي اجلاس ۾ رونق افروز ٿيو. اسان يقين سان ٿا چئون ته اوهان جهڙو وجود هن وقت ۾ سچ پچ موجود فخر ۽ ناز آهي. اوهان جي توصيف ايتري نه آهي. جا زبان ادا ڪري سگهي. يا قوم صفح تحرير تي بيان ڪري سگهي.
توهان هن سنڌه ملڪ ۾ خلافت حقه جي جا خدمت ڪئي آهي ۽ مادر هند کي غلاميءَ جي ناپاڪ زنجيرن کان ڇڏائڻ لاءِ جا ڪوشش ڪئي آهي سا ڪنهن فرد کان مخفي نه آهي. اسان جي پروردگار کان دعا آهي ته اوهان جو وجود تادير اسان تي سايه فگن رهي. اسان هٿ ادب جا ٻڌي عاجزانه عرض ٿا ڪريون ته اسان کان اوهان جي خدمت هرگز کما حق نه ٿي سگهي تنهن لاءِ معافي جا طلبگار آهيون.
اوهان جو نيازمند
حڪيم عبدالڪريم ”چشتي“
ناظم جمعيت خلافت
شڪارپور سنڌه.
(Mulchand Virumal Shyan Sundar Press Shikarpur)
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پروگرام اجلاس دوم
خلافت ڪانفرنس شڪارپور
وقت ساڍي 3 بجي شروع.
1. تلاوت قرآن شريف
2. گيت
3. ٺهراءُ- تلڪ مهراج ۽ مولانا شيخ الهند جو (از صدر).
4. مسئله گوڪشي
محرڪ- قاضي اسد الله شاهه.
موئيد- شيخ عبدالعزيز
موئيد- مولوي محمد عاقل
5.ميونسپل چونڊ
محرڪ- مولوي عبدالخالق
موئيد- پنڊت امرسين
6. سوديشي پرچار
محرڪ- شيخ عبدالعزيز
موئيد- سيٺ نارائڻ داس
موئيد-مولوي در محمد
7. دٻاوجي پاليسي
محرڪ- پنڊت امرسين
موئيد- مستر ليلارام ڦيرواڻي
8. قومي تعليم
محرڪ- سيد اسدا الله شاهه
موئيد- ميان محمد خان
موئيد-سوامي پرياگ ڀارتي
موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه
موئيد-شيخ عبدالعزيز
9. ميان محبوب جي گرفتاري.
محرڪ-سيٺ گهنشامداس
موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه
10. مشرڪي ڪانفرس
محرڪ- ميان محمد خان
موئيد- مولوي دين محمد وفائي
11. سال اندر سوراج
محرڪ-سيد نارائڻ داس
موئيد-شيخ عبدالعزيز
موئيد- پنڊت امرسين
موئيد-محمد حسن شاهه
موئيد- پير علي انور شاهه
موئيد- سوامي پرياگ ڀارتي
موئيد- مولوي مير محمد
موئيد- مولوي دين محمد
12.خلافت ڪاميٽي جي متنظم جماعت جو اعلان.
13. دعا (پرارٿنا)
نيازمند
”چشتي“
(مسٽر مولچند ويرومل شام سندر پريس شڪارپور ۾ لکيدر تي ڇپيو.)
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اخبارن لاءِ اطلاع.
(جناب ڪمشنر صاحب بهادر سنڌ جن جو جاري ڪيل)
جيڪي ماڻهو سرڪار جي خلاف بد دلي پئدا ڪرڻ تي بيٺا آهن اهي ماڻهو اڪثري پيا ظاهر ڪن ته برٽش فوج پاڪ شهرن مڪي ۽ مديني تي بم گولن، توپن ۽ بندوقن سان حملو ڪيو هو ۽ ته هوائي جهازن تان مديني تي بم گولا وسائين. هي بيان بلڪل ڪوڙا آهن. خود ترڪي سولجرن هڪڙو توپ جو گولو هلايو هو جو ڪعبي مقدس تي پيو ۽ پاڪ قالين جلد ئي ساڙي ڇڏيائين ۽ 9 ڄڻا جيڪي نماز ۾ مشغول هئا ماري وڌائين. اهو مرتداڻو بي حرمتي جو ڪم خود ترڪي لشڪر ڪيو هو. مديني ۾ عربن هڪڙي ترڪي دستي کي گهيري ۾ وٺي بند ڪري وڌو هو پرشهر کي ڪو ضرور نه پهچايو ويو ۽ ترڪن شهر عربن جي حوالي عارضي صلح ٿيڻ تائين ڪو نه ڪيو هو. حجاز ۾ ڪنهن به برٽش يا انڊين لشڪر هيل تائين جنگي ڪارروائي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي نڪي ڪو به برٽس فوجي دستو مڪي يا مديني ۾ داخل ٿيو آهي. اهي هنڌ بلڪل عرب قبضي هيٺ آهن.
اهڙيون ڳالهيون اهي ماڻهو ٿا ڪن جن کي ڄاڻ آهي ته اهي ڪوڙيون آهن ۽ اهي ڪوڙ ماڻهن کي سرڪار جي خلاف ڇيڙڻ ڪاتر ٿا هڻن.
D. MacLACHLAN,
Sindhi Translator to Government.
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پريس نوٽ
جيئن ته ڪي شرارتي ۽ بدانديش ماڻهو سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي دلين تي انگريز سرڪار جي برخلاف بداثرن پيدا ڪرڻ جي مراد سان ڪيترا بهتان ۽ ڪوڙا افواهه جاري ڪري رهيا آهن. تنهنڪري ضرور ٿيو آهي ته سڀني وفادار ۽ صلح پسند مسلمانن کي خبردار ڪجي ته اهڙن نسورن ڪوڙن تي ڪو ويساهه نه ڪن.
اهي شورشون اٿاريندڙ ماڻهو ائين پيا چون ته حجاز جا مقدس مقامات انگريز سرڪار جي قبضي هيٺ آهن. اها ڳالهه بلڪل ڪوڙي آهي. صلح جي شرطن موافق حجاز تي اتي جي بادشاهه جو پشت بيت الله شريف جو خدمتگار آهي ان جي حڪومت قائم ٿيل آهي ۽ انهيءَ مقدس ملڪ جي انتظام ۾ ڪنهن به غير مسلم جي دست اندازي نه رهندي.
وري اهي فتنا ئي بهتان پيا اڏائين جيڪي انگريزي توپن ڪعبته الله شريف تي گولا اڇلايا. اها ڳالهه به سراسر ڪوڙي آهي. انگريز سرڪار حجاز ۾ وڙهڻ لاءِ ڪو به لشڪر ڪو نه موڪليو هو. بلڪل ترڪن جي لشڪر ڪعبته الله شريف تي جنهن جو محافظ مڪي جو شريف آهي توپ جو گولو اڇلايو هو جنهنڪري غلاف مبارڪ به سڙيو ۽ 9 ماڻهن جيڪي نماز ۾ مشغول هئا سي به مئا.
ٻئي پاسي وري اهو ڪوڙ اٿاريو اٿن جي مديني منور تي هوائي جهازن مان گولا ڪيرايا ويا هئا. اهو به سرار واهيات آهي. ترڪن جي لشڪر کي عربن جي لشڪر مديني ۾ بند ڪري چوڌاري گهيرو ڪيو هو پر حضرت رسول الله جي روضي مبارڪجي عزت ڪري عربن مديني تي توپ زني ۽ گولا بازي هرگز نه ڪئي جنهن جو نتيجو اهو ٿيو ته عارضي صلح ٿيڻ تائين ترڪن جو مديني تي قبضو رهيو باوجود يڪ هنن کي اٽڪل ٻه ورهيه کن ڪا به مدد ڪا نه پهتي هئي.
وري انهن شرارتي ماڻهن هئن به عام طرح به هل پکيڙيو آهي ته انگريز سرڪار مسلمانن جي مذهبي آزادگي ۾ دست اندازي پيئي ڪري ۽ مسلمانن کي قرآن شريف پڙهڻ کان منع ڪئي اٿس ۽ مسلمانن کي جمعي جي ڏينهن جمعي نماز پڙهڻ بدران آرتوار جي ڏينهن نماز پڙهڻ جو حڪم ڏنو اٿس. اهي سراسر ڪوڙيون ۽ کوٽيون ڳالهيون آهن. سرڪار ته نه ڪو اهڙو حڪم ڪڍيو آهي ۽ نه ڪو ڪڍڻ واري. اها ڳالهه ڌيان ۾ رهي ته سرڪار نه ويتر ڪن ورهين کان اهو حڪم جاري ڪيو آهي ته جمعي ڏينهن جمع نماز پڙهڻ لائي سڀني مسلمان ڪامورن کي اجازت ڏني وڃي جو حڪم اڃا تائين قائم آهي ۽ عمل ۾ پيو اچي. انگريز سرڪار پنهنجي رعيت جي مذهبي ڪمن ۾ ڪڏهن به دست اندازي ڪا نه ڪئي آهي ۽ اهڙين ڳالهين ۾ هميشه ڪشاده دلي ۽ غير واسطيداري ڏيکاري آهي، انهن اصولن تي انگريز سرڪار آئينده به ائين ئي مستقيم رهندي جيئن هيل تائين پئي ڪيو اٿس.
تنهنڪري سنڌ جي سڀني وفادار مسلمانن لاءِ شايان آهي ته اهڙن باطل بهتانن ۽ افواهن تي ڪو گوش نه ڏين ۽ اٿلندو حتي الامڪان پنهنجي اڻ پڙهيل سادن مسلمان ڀائرن کي انهن شرارتي ماڻهن جي ڦندي کان محفوظ رکڻ لاءِ انهن ڪوڙن افواهن جو اثر دفعه ڪن.
P.R CADEEL,
ڪمشنر صاحب بهادر ممالڪ سنڌ.
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مورو ۾ جلسو خلافت
31 ڊسمبر 1921ع جي موري ۾ جلسو جمعي نماز بعد ٿيو. قاضي نبي بخش صدارت ڪئي. خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي زير سايه ٿيو قاضي فيض محمد ترڪ موالات، سوديشي ۽ ڪاسب سڀاڻي تقرير ڪئي.
ٺهراءَ:
1.الوحيد جي ايڊيٽر قاضي عبدالرحمان کي بيڏوهي ٺهرائڻ ۽ سندس عزيزن سان همدرديءَ جو اظهار.
2. مولانا محمود الحسن جي وفات تي اظهار افسوس ۽ ان جي پوين سان همدردي
3. نواب شاهه مان راءِ جي خلافت چونڊجي آيل اميدوارن کي قوم جو عيوضي نه سمجهڻ.
الوحيد، نمبر 194، 5 جنوري 1921ع، ص 2
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نوابشاهه ۾ جلسو
5 جنوري 1921ع تي چڪري نوابشاهه ۾ جناب ڀائي نارائڻ داس صاحب جي صدارت هيٺ جلسو ٿيو. قاضي خدابخش مورائي (بي-اي عليگ) ”ڪانگريس ۾ ڇا ٿيو“ تنهن بابت ڳالهايو. ان بابت سپاپتي صاحب، حڪيم عبدالخالق مورائي، هندو مسلم ايڪتا، سوديشي ۽ نئونيشا تي ماڻهن کي سمجهاڻيون ڏنيون.
الوحيد، نمبر 200، 10 جنوري 1921ع، ص 2.
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دفتر جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه صوبه سنڌ
428 مڪلوڊ روڊ ڪراچي.
23 جنوري 1921ع
جناب من، اسلام عليڪم
جمعيت خلافت اسلاميه وصبه سنڌ جي منتظم ڪاميٽي جو جلسو ڇنڇر ڏينهن تاريخ 5 فيبروري 1921ع، 11 بجي صبح جو خلافت ڪاميٽي جي آفيس ۾ ٿيندو. مهرباني فرمائي اچي جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.
هيٺيان ڪم سرانجام ڪيا ويندا.
1. بيت المال جو حساب ڪتاب
2. بيت المال ڪيئن ڪجي
3. حيدرآباد ۽ لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ماتحت آفيس (سب مرڪز) خلافت جا ٺاهڻ.
4. قومي تعليم فنڊ ۽ ان جي گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪهڙا اپاءَ ۽ تجويزون اختيار ڪجن.
5. هميشه لاءِ وفد مقرر ڪرڻ جو ڪم ڪندو رهي.
6. تبليغ ۽ سوديشي رپورٽون.
7. ڪيئن ماڻهن کي روڪجي جي سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي نالي پئسا گڏ ڪن ٿا.
8. جنرل ڪاميٽيءَ ڪوٺائڻ لاءِ تاريخ ۽ هنڌ مقرر ڪرڻ.
الوحيد، 23 جنوري 1921ع
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سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي جنرل ميٽنگ
تاريخ 26، 27 فيبروري 1921ع جي لاڙڪاڻي ۾ ٿيندي، تنهن ۾ ويچار ڪرڻ لاءِ مضمون.
1. حساب ڪتاب.
2. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي روان ۾ ڦير گهير ٿيڻ بابت
3. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪاميٽي جي ڪم ڪندڙ ڪاميٽي ٺاهڻ.
4. سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪانفرنس.
5. سنڌ پراونشل ڪاميٽي ۽ ان کي مئنجينگ ڪاميٽيءَ مان جن ميمبرن بهرو وٺڻ ڇڏيو آهي تن جي بدران ٻين ميبرن جي چونڊ بابت.
6. سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي ميمبرن مان جن ڇڏيو آهي تن جي جاءِ تي ٻين ميمبرن جي چونڊ بابت.
7. سينٽرل خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئي کي چئجي ته آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس گهرائي.
8. تعليم لاءِ فنڊ ۽ اسڪول.
(1) هاءِ اسڪولن جي کولڻ بابت
(2) ملان اسڪولن کي گرانٽ ڏيڻ بابت
(3) ٻين اسڪولن کي گرانٽ ڏيڻ بابت
9. سنڌ مدرسه جي بورڊ بابت.
10. سوديشي.
(1) ائٽ سنڌ ۾ ڪيئن پکيڙجن.
(2) ديسي ڪپڙي ۽ سامان جا انشورنس کوليا وڃن.
(3) ڳوٺن ۾ اڻڻ جي ڪم کي همٿائجي.
11. الوحيد پريس کي ضمانت ڀري ڏنل پئسن بابت
12. بيت المال چندو ڪيئن ڪجي.
(9) قومي دارالقضائون برپا ڪرڻ.
(10) مجاهدن جون جماعتون تيار ڪرڻ.
(11) سرڪاري دٻاءَ کي ڪيئن منهن ڏجي.
(12) ميرپورخاص ۾ سنڌ پراونشل ڪانفرنس
سان گڏ سنڌ خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪجي يا نه ڪجي.
13. مولانا محمد صاحب جون تجويزون ملان اسڪولن بابت
14. هميشه لاءِ مبلغين مقرر ڪرڻ.
15. مرڪزي خلافت ڪاميٽي بمبئيءَ جا جاري ڪيل نوٽ ڪيتري قيمت جا وڪري ڪري گهرايا وڃن.
16. ڪانگريس مقاصد-سوراج ۽ قطع تعلقات.
نوٽ: وڌيڪ مضمونن جي لاءِ سيڪريٽري کي خبر ڏيڻ گهرجي.
اوهان مهرباني ڪري ضرور لاڙڪاڻي ۾ اچي شامل ٿيندا.
ڀارت اليڪٽرڪ پرنٽنگ ورڪس ڪراچي.
محمد خان
سيڪريٽري سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪميٽي
الوحيد، 26 فيبروري 1921ع
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دفتر استقباليه ڪميٽي آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪراچي
جناب معظم و محترم، اسلام عليڪم و برڪات
اميد آهي ته اوهين خيريت سان هوندا، توهان کي اها ڳالهه معلوم ٿي وئي هوندي ته 1، 2، 3 جولائي 1921ع بمطابق 24، 25، 26 شوال 1339ع جمعي ڇنڇر آچر ڏينهن آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس جو جلسو ٽي ڏينهن برابر ڪراچ شهر ۾ ٿيندو ۽ مخدوم قوم فرائي ملت حضرت مولانا محمد علي صاحب جلسي جي صدارت قبول فرمائي آهي ۽ اميد آهي ته هندستان جا مسلمان ۽ هندو مشهور ۽ وڏا وڏا اڳواڻ تشريف فرما ٿيندا. اڄڪلهه خلافت اسلاميه ۽ ملڪ جي بهبودي جي متعلق گهڻيون ضروري ڳالهيون اهن جن تي هن اجلاس ۾ خاص طرح ڪيو ويندو. انهيءَ ڪري انهيءَ همدردي کي مدنظر رکي جا اوهان وقت به وقت هن مقدس منهنجي تحريڪ ۽ ملڪ جي ڀلائي جي متعلق ظاهر فرمائي آهي اوهان جي خدمت ۾ درخواست اهي ته ضرور هي وڏي عظيم الشان جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿي اسان کي شڪرگذارفرما ٿيندا.
توهان جي رهڻ جو بندوبست استقباليه ڪميٽي ڪندي هر هڪ ماڻهوءَ جي کاڌي لاءِ به هر هڪ ڏينهن لاءِ هڪ رپيه ڏيڻ تي ڪميٽي بندوبست ڪندي ۽ جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءِ ڊيليگيٽ (نمائنده) جي فيس ٻه رپيا ٽنهين ڏينهن لاءِ مقرر ڪئي وئي آهي هن ڳالهه جو خاص طرح خيال رکندا ته اوهان جي تشريف آوري جو اطلاع گهٽ ۾ گهٽ پنج ڏينهن پهريان يعني 26 جون 1921ع تائين اسان کي پهچي وڃي ته اوهان جي سهوليت ۽ آرام جو بندوبست ڪجي جيڪڏهن اوهان غفلت ۽ سستي ڪري ايتري وقت ۾ اطلاع نه ڏنو ته لاچار اوهان کي تڪليف ٿيندي ۽ پوءِ ان جي ذميواري اسان تي نه آهي. فقط والسلام.
1. محمد خان
2. ڊاڪٽر اي ايم احمد
3. آرکي- سرهوا.
سيڪريٽري استقباليه ڪميٽي آل انڊيا خلافت ڪانفرنس ڪراچي.
ڀارت اليڪٽرڪ پرنٽنگ پريس ورڪس ڪراچي، ص 2، 1921ع
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جوهيءَ ۾ خلافت جلسو
جوهي ۾ خلافت جلسو جمعي ڏينهن ٿيو، هندو مسلمان آيل هئا، مولانا حسين صاحب اسلام حڪمن جو وعظ فرمائيندي ماڻهن کان نماز پڙهڻ جو انجام ورتو.
مولوي حمزه صدر خلافت ڪميٽي جوهي مسئلي خلافت جي سمجهاڻي ڏني.
مولوي دين محمد صاحب نائب صدر مجلس خلافت جوهي ترڪ موالات کي قرآن ۽ حديث جي دليلن سان مسٽر دين محمد ايڊيٽر الوحيد، سيد جمال الدين بخاري ۽ مولوي عبدالڪريم چشتي کي جيل ۾ وڃڻ لاءِ مبارڪبد چئي وئي.
الوحيد، نمبر 160، 5 جنوري 1922ع، ص 4.
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تاجدار افغانستان جو شاهي فرمان
هندو مسلم اتحاد جي شاندار فتح
تاجدار افغانستان هندو رعيت جي منظوري هيٺيون فرمان جاري ڪيو آهي.
(1) ڪنهن به هندوءَ کي زبردستي سان مسلمان نه ڪيو ويندو.
(2) هر هڪ هندوءَ کي پنهنجي مذهبي رسمن ادا ڪرڻ ۾ آزادي آهي. هندن جا جهڳڙا سندن شاسٽرن موجب طئي ڪيا ويندا.
(3) هندو عورتن جي پوري حفاظت ڪئي ويندي ۽ سلطنت ۾ جتي رهڻ گهرن اتي رهي سگهن ٿيون.
(4) هندن جا ڌرم شالا جي خراب حالت ۾ آهن تن جي مرمت ڪئي ويندي ۽ هندو مسافر انهن ۾ رهي سگهن ٿا.
(5) گئوڪش عام طور بند ڪئي وئي آهي ۽ ڪنهن کي به اجازت ڪانهي جو هو ڪٺل ڳئون جو گوشت به کائي سگهي.
(6) هندو افغانستان ۾ جتي وڻين اتي زمين خريد ڪري سگهن ٿا.
(7) مسلمانن وانگر هندن کان به برابر ڍلون ورتيون وينديون ۽ هنن کان وڌيڪ ڍل ڪا نه وٺبي.
(8) جو هندو مرد يا عورت مسلمان ٿي ويو آهي سو پنهنجي عورت يا مڙس کي مسلمان ٿيڻ لاءِ مجبور ڪري نٿو سگهي.
(9) جيڪڏهن ڪو ڇوڪر پنهنجي پيءُ جي زندگي ۾ مسلمان ٿئي ٿو سو پنهنجي ملڪيت تي ڪو حق رکي نٿو سگهي هن جو پنهنجي ڪمايل ملڪيت تي پورو حق آهي.
(10)هندن کي افغانستان ۾ پنهنجي آمد ورفت تي پوري آزادي حاصل آهي.
(11) سرڪاري نوڪريون هندن ۽ مسلمانن واسطي برابر کليل آهن ۽ هنن جي برابري جي حق جو لحاظ رکيو ويندو.
(12) افغاني حڪومت جهڙيءَ طرح مسلمانن جي بهبوديءَ جو خيال رکي ٿي تهڙي طرح هو هندن جو به برابر خيال رکندي.
(13) امير جي ڪائونسل ۾ هندن جي فائدي لاءِ هر هڪ ضلعي مان هندن جا عيوضي چونڊيا ويندا. جلال آباد ۽ غزني ۽ قنڌار جي ضلعن مان هندن جو هڪ يا ٻه عيوضي چونڊيا ويندا.
الوحيد، نمبر65، 10 سيپٽمبر 1922ع، ص 4.
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راڄنيتي ڪانفرنس قنبر
9، 10، 11 سيپٽمبر 1922ع جي قنبر ۾ تعلقي راڄنيتي ڪانفرنس منعقد ٿي سکر ۽ شڪارپور ۽ لاڙڪانه ضلعي جا مکيه ڪم ڪندڙ ۽ معزز مولوي صاحبان ۽ پير صاحب ڪانفرنس ۾ شامل هئا. اٽڪل 3 هزار ماڻهو موجود هئا. ڪانفرنس جو پريذيڊنت جناب مولانا صاحب ميان عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي چونڊيو ويو. صدر جي صدارتي خطبي کانپوءِ شريمتي رمنتي ديوي ۽ ٻين هندن مسلمانن اثرائتيون زبردست تقريرون ڪيون هيٺيان ٺهراءَ ڪانفرنس ۾ پاس ڪيا ويا.
1. ته قطع تعلقات جي مٿان عمل ڪندي ضرور سوراج ۽ خلافت جا مسائل حل ڪري سگهنداسين.
2. ته ملتان جي فساد تي دلي دک جو اظهار.
3. ته سکن سان موجود تڪليفن تي همدردي کين اهنساتي عمل ڪرڻ ۽ قربانين تي مبارڪباد ڏيڻ.
4. ته قيد پيلن اڳواڻن کي مبارڪباد.
5. غازي ڪمال کي سندس سوڀ تي مبارڪ
6. فلسطين تي يهودين کي حڪومت ڏيارڻ تي سياسي نقطي نظر سان اعتراض. صدر جي آفرين تقرير تي قومي نعرن سان ڪانفرنس ختم ٿي.
الوحيد، نمبر 73، 20 سيپٽمبر 1922ع. ص 4.
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جيڪب آباد ۾ جلسو
جامع مسجد ۾ جمعي نماز بعد زير صدارت جناب مولانا حاجي خادم حسين صاحب جي جلسو ٿيو، جنهن ۾ مولانا عبدالنبي شاهه ۽ مولوي در محمد صاحب ٺل ۽ مولوي رحيم بخش صاحب ۽ ٻيا ڪيترائي بزرگ موجود هئا.
مولوي در محمد صاحب ڪانفرنس کي تقرير ڪئي. مولانا خادم حسين صاحب ٿوري تقرير ڪرڻ کانپوءِ خليفتھ المسلمين لاءِ دعا گهري.
الوحيد، نمبر 154، 29 ڊسمبر 1922ع، ص 4.
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ٽنڊو باگو
اتي غلام شاهه جو ميلو لڳندو آهي، خلافت جي زماني ۾ ملان ميلن ۾ به ويا. ڊسمبر 1922 ۾ ميلو ٿيو. ٽيهه ماڻهو خلافت پاران ويا. وڃي خلافت ۽ اسلام جي تبليغ ڪيائون.
سيد مير قنبر علي شاهه
مولوي عبداللطيف گولاڙي وارو
مولوي محمد اڪرم
مولوي محمد سعيد
الوحيد، 28 ڊسمبر 1922ع. ص 4.
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شڪارپور اليڪشن
شڪارپور ميونسپل جي اليڪشن ۾ محمدن جي 11 سيٽن تي ڪجهه خلافتي اليڪشن لڙيا پر کٽي نه سگهيا.
الوحيد، 22 جنوري 1923ع. ص 5.
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جمعيت خلافت صوبه سنڌ جي جنرل باڊيءَ جي ميٽنگ
25 جنوري 1923ع 4 بجي شام جو خلافت آفيس ڪراچيءَ ۾ زير صدارت سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون ٿي، گيا خلافت ڪانفرنس جي ٺهرائن کي عملي صورت ۾ آڻڻ لاءِ مکيه ڳالهين تي ڪميٽي ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ۽ تفصيلي رپورٽ ۽ ان تي ڪيئن ڪم ڪجي ان لاءِ هڪ سب ڪميٽي ٺاهي ويئي.
1. گيا خلافت جي ٺهراءَ موجب ته ملڪ کي سول نافرماني لاءِ تيار ڪرڻ جي خيال سان ٽن مهينن اندر ڏهه لک رپيا گڏ ڪجن. ۽ 25 هزار والنٽيئر مسلمان ساري هندستان مان ڀرتي ڪجن انهيءَ ٺهراءَ تي عمل ڪندي جنرل باڊي صوبه سنڌ مان پنجاهه هزار رپيا گڏ ڪرڻ ۽ ٻه هزار خلافت والنٽيئر ڀرتي ڪرڻ جو ٺهراءُ پاس ڪيو. اهو ڪم شوال مهيني جي پهرين تاريخ مطابق 20 مئي 1923ع تائين ضلعي خلافت ڪاميٽين کي پورو ڪرڻو پوندو.
2. ٺهراءُ ٿيو ته صوبه سنڌ مان خلافت جا 4 آنا چندو ڏيندڙ پنجاهه هزار ميمبر ڪرڻ گهرجن.
3. پروفيسر جهمٽ مل جي قيد ٿيڻ ڪري ڊاڪٽر وطڻ مل کي ورڪنگ ڪاميٽي ۽ آل انڊيا خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جو ميمبر چونڊيو ويو.
4. ٺهراءُ پاس ٿيو ته هي مجلس خلافت صوبه سنڌ انگريزي مال جي بائيڪاٽ جي متعلق خلافت ڪانفرنس گياجي ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي ان تي عمل ڪندي.
5. هي مجلس صوبه سنڌ جي امام الهند مولانا ابوالڪلام آزاد کي اسير فرنگ مان آزاد ٿي اچڻ تي مبارڪباد ٿي ڏجي.
الوحيد، نمبر 183، 31 جنوري 1923ع، ص 4.
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ميان جو ڳوٺ تعلقه شڪارپور
14 فيبروري جمعي نماز بعد زير صدارت مولانا مولوي محسن الله ٿيو. مولوي محمد هاشم ۽ شيخ شفيع محمد تقريرون ڪيون.
جنوبي ريگستاني
23 فيبروري تي مجلس قائم ٿي زير صدارت مولوي حاجي گل محمد هيٺان ريزوليوشن پاس ٿيا.
1. انگريز نمائندن جي نالائق روش کي ننديو ويو.
2. انگريز حڪومت جي اسلام سان دشمني حقارت ڪئي وئي.
3. خليفه المسلمين ۽ غازي مصطفيٰ لاءِ دعا گهري وئي.
4. انگورا ليجز لاءِ نالا لکيا ويا.
5. عشره ملائڻ لاءِ تاڪيد رکيو ويو.
الوحيد، نمبر 205، 2 مارچ 1923ع، ص 4.
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پرائي شادي ۾ ملان!
ٽنڊه سائينداد ۾ شادي جي موقعي تي
خلافتي هلچل وارا: پير محمد حسين جان سرهندي، پير محمد اسماعيل جان سرهندي، مولوي عبدالرزاق بوبڪائي، حاجي سيد اشد شاهه، مولوي احمد هالاڻي، مولوي غلام احمد، مولوي لعل محمد ۽ محمد عثمان.
برخلاف
آيا- انگريزي ڪپڙي پائڻ تي بحث هليو، برخلاف ڌر جو خيال ته ڪپڙا پائڻ حلال آهن، بحث ٿيو، پر برخلاف ڌر موٽي وئي.
الوحيد، 15 اپريل 1923ع.
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سجاول جلسو
19 شعبان المعظم 1341هه جمعي رات سجاول ۾ زير سايه خلافت ڪميٽي هڪ جلسو منعقد ٿيو. ميان حاجي محمد سليمان تقرير ڪئي. مولوي محمد عثمان بٺورائيءَ به تقرير ڪئي. آخر ۾ ڊاڪٽر ميان اڪبر علي خان هيٺيان ٺهراءَ پيش ڪيا، جيڪي مڙني منظور ڪيا.
1. هي جلسو متفقه راءِ ٺهراءُ پيش ٿو ڪري ته جيڪڏهن عيسائي قوم کي مسلم قوم ۾ باقي اميد آهي ته جنهن نالائق پادري اسان جي سرور ڪائنات صلي الله عليه وسلم جي شان ۾ ناپاڪ حملا ڪيا آهن تنهن کي ۽ ان جي تائيد ڪندڙمعلونن کي ڪيس هلائي سخت سزا ڏئي.
2. هي جلسو فدائي ملت ميان نبي بخش سابق ايڊيٽر شيرالوحيد کي سندس حق جي حمايت تي ثابت قدم رهي دليرانه روش تي دلي مبارڪباد ڏئي ٿو ۽ سرشتي جي انهيءَ انصف جي خون جي نفرت جي نگاهه سان ڏسي ٿو.
الوحيد، نمبر 242، 18 اپريل 1923ع، ص 4.
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خلافت جو مقدس جهنڊو
سکر ضلعي ۾
اميرالمومنين جو پنهنجي پيار ۽ محبت منجهان هندستان جي مسلمانن جي همت افزائيءَ لاءِ علم مبارڪ تحفي طور عنايت فرمايو آهي. تنهن سکر ضلعي ۾ 17 اپريل تي نازول فرمايو ۽ هيٺين جاين تي مسلمانن کي زيارت ڪرائي وئي. امروٽ، ڳڙهي ياسين، شڪارپور، خيرپور، ڏهرڪي، ميرپورماٿيلو، گهوٽڪي، پنوعاقل، چڪ، روهڙي، سکر، سڀ ڪنهن هنڌ هزارن جي تعداد ۾ مسلمان خواهه هندن مبارڪ جهنڊي جو استقبال ڪيو.
الوحيد، نمبر 250، 27 اپريل 1923ع، ص 4.
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از دفتر مرکزی خلافت کمیٹی
بمبئی 14 جولائی 1923ع
برادرم السلام علیٰکم
17 جولائی کو ملحنامھ لوزن پر دستخط ہوجائینگے اس لحاظ سے یھ قرار پایا ہے کھ سارے ہندستان میں ہندو مسلمان متفقھ طریقھ پر عیدالضحیٰ کے روز جشن منائیں (عید غالبن 25 جولائی کو ہوگی(۔ عید کے روز سھ پہر میں جھنڈوں کے ساتھھ جلوس نکالے جائیں اور جلسھ کر کے حسب ذیل مضامین کی تجاویز پاس کی جائیں۔
(الف) حضرت خلیفتھ المسلمین اور غازی مصطفیٰ کمال پاشا کو مبارکباد۔
(ب) اپنے مطالبات متعلق ازدئے جزیرتہ العرب یعنی عرب شام و فلسطین کا پرزور الفاظ میں اعادہ۔
(ج) اس امر کا عہد و پیمان کہ ہندوستان کے ہندو مسلمان باہم متفق اور متحد رہکر حصول سوراج کی جدوجہد کو جاری رکھینگے۔
رات کے وقت ہر ہر جگھ چراغاں کی جائیگا۔ اور عید سے تین روز تک انگورہ خلافت فنھ جمع کیا جائیگا۔ آپ سے امید ہے کھ موقع کی اہمیت کا لحاظ رکھتے ہوئے ہر ممکن طریقھ سے اس جشن صلح کو پوری طرح کامیاب بنائینگے۔
ہم ہیں آپ کے بھائی
مختار احمد انصاری (صدر)
معمدین اعزازی
سید محمود
معظم علی
ٌعثمان سوہانی
خلافت پریس بمبئی نمبر11
14 جولائی 1923ع
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لاڙڪاڻي ۾ آرين جي ميٽنگ جو تبليغي وفد پاران جوبي سلسلو
زير صدارت پير حاجي مٺل شاهه جي جيڪو جلسو ٿيو ان جي جواب ۾ ٻيءَ رات آرين ۽ هندن جو جوابي جلسو منعقد ٿيو. جنهن جي اشتهار ۾ هنن ڄاڻايو هو ته مسلمانن کي جلسي جي پڇاڙيءَ ۾ سوال جواب جو موقعو ڏنو ويندو. انهيءف جلسي ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ لاءِ مولانا دهلوي، مولانا وفائي، مولانا چشتي ۽ شهر جا معزز سيٺ حاجي خداداد، مسٽر نظر علي خان افغان، مدرسي جو انچارج ۽ ٻيا سون جي تعداد ۾ مسلمان الله اڪبر جا نعرا هڻندا وڃي شريڪ ٿيا. مولوي وفائي صاحب مسلمانن کي چيو ته اسان جواب ڏيڻ کانپوءِ ڪڏهن به هي جلسو براخوست ٿيڻ نه ڏينداسون. تنهنڪري مسلمان صبح تائين اتي ڄميا رهيا. پوءِ مولانا وفائي چيو ته مسلمانو اوهان کي مبارڪ هجي جو اسان جي ويدڪ اعتراض جو ڪو به آرين جواب ڪو نه ڏنو.
ٻئي ڏينهن جمعي ڏينهن گهاڙ ڀڪ تي ڪکن واري ميدان تي جمعي نماز جو انتظام ڪيو ويو. اعتراض ويدن تي هئا. مولانا چشتي اڍائي ڪلاڪ سياسي نقطه نظر سان جواب ڏيڻ شروع ڪيو.
الوحيد، نمبر 28، 14 فيبروري 1927، جلد ڇهون، ص 6.
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ٻي گڏجاڻي
*وفائي، رئيس رضا محمد، مولوي محمد عثمان، مولوي غلام فريد، پير صاحبڏنو، سيد سردار علي شاهه، معاذ.
ٺهراءُ: 1. سائمن ڪميشن کي مقرري کي هندستان جي بيعزتي سمجهي ٿي.
(الف) ڪميشن سان سهڪار ڪندڙ اسان جا عيوضي آهن.
(ب) 11 نومبر 1928ع تي ڪراچي ۾ اچڻ وقت ڪارن جهنڊن سان ان جو استقبال ڪيو وڃي.
2.اهل سنڌ تعليم ڏي توجهه ڏئي.
3. اهل سنڌ پنهنجي ملڪ جون ٺهيل شيون واپرائي.
4. لائڊ بئراج سکر جي شاخن نڪرڻ ڪري جيڪي مسجدون شهيد ٿي چڪيون آهن ۽ جن مسجدن، قبرستانن يا فرقن جي ملحلت کي سروي ۾ وڏو خطرو آهي، ان جي حفاظت ڪئي وڃي.
الوحيد، تاريخ پهرين آڪٽوبر 1928ع. ص 1
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گهوٽڪي ۾ عظيم الشان خلافت جو جلسو
بئراج ۾ مسجدن شهيد ٿيڻ ۽ سائمن ڪميشن جي برخلاف ٺهراءُ
(از نامه نگار الوحيد)
9 مارچ سنه 1928ع تي نماز جمع بعد زبردست جلسو ٿيو. چئن هزارن کان مٿي ماڻهو هئا. مولوي محمد هاشم وعظ نهايت موثر ڪيائين. تنهن کانپوءِ هيٺيان ٻه ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.
1. هي جلسو انهن مسجدن جو احوال ڏاڍي رانج ۽ بي چيني سان ٻڌي ٿو جو بئراج جي رٿيل واهن ۾ اچڻ ڪري شهيد ڪيون ويون آهن. يا انهن جي شهيد ٿيڻ جو امڪان آهي ۽ گورنمينٽ جي انهيءَ خود سرانه ۽ مجرمانه طرز عمل تي نفرت ۽ حقارت جو اظهار ڪري ٿو جا طرز مسلمانن جي متوا ثر درخواست کان چشم پوشي ڪندي انهن جي خالص مذبي جذبات کي پائمال ڪندي مذڪوره مساجدن جي شهادت کي به روڪڻ ڪري ظاهر ڪيو آهي تنهن ڪري هي جلسو اعلان ٿو ڪري ته اڃا به گورنمينٽ غفلت جون اکيون کولي ۽ سمجهي وڃي ۽ آئينده لاءِ اهڙي بڇڙي فعل کان باز اچي نه ته خطرناڪ نتيجن لاءِ گورنمينٽ پاڻ ذميوار رهندي.
2. هي جلسو مجلس خلافت جي فيصلي کي قبوليت جي نظر سان ڏسي ٿو جو هن سائمن ڪميشن جي مقاطع بابت ڪيو آهي ۽ اعلان ٿو ڪري ته هن کي سائمن ڪميشن ۾ اعتماد ڪو نه آهي. آزادي درخواستن سان يا نيزارين ڪرڻ سان نه بلڪه خورداري جرئت ۽ قرباني سان حاصل ٿي سگهي ٿي تنهنڪري هي جلسو مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته اهي جنهن به دنياوي طاقت جي اڳيان سر جهڪائڻ جي بجاءِ پنهنجي خدا جي حضور ۾ سر جهڪائين ۽ پنهنجي دست بازو ايثار ۽ قربانيءَ تي ڀروسو رکي ميدان عمل ۾ شجاعانه ۽ سرفروش نه اڳتي وڌن.
الوحيد، جلد ستون، نمبر 60، 14 مارچ 1928ع، ص 3-4
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سنڌ پراونشل خلافت ڪائونسل سکر
پهرين گڏجاڻي 27 آڪٽوبر 1928ع.
صدارت: مولانا حسين احمد مدني.
شرڪت ڪندڙ(ٻاهريان): ڊاڪٽر انصاري، آزاد، مولانا ظفر علي، مولانا احمد علي، مولانا حبيب الرحمان لڌيانوي،
ٻه هزار ڊيليگيٽ ۾ سکر، لاڙڪاڻو، جيڪب آباد
شرڪت ڪندڙ: عبدالله هارون، سيٺ مير محمد بلوچ، مولانا محمد صديق، علي اڪبر شاهه، سيد هدايت الله شاهه، چشتي، مولانا تاج محمود امروٽي چيئرمين استقباليه ڪميٽي مرحبائي.
مولوي چشتي تقرير ڪئي.
الوحيد، تاريخ 28 آڪٽوبر 1928ع، ص 1.
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ميهڙ م خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو
تاريخ 12 مئي تي جامع مسجد ميهڙ ۾ خلافت جو عظيم الشان جلسو وڏيري محمد رضا خان جي صدارت هيٺ ٿيو، جو برابر 4 ڪلاڪ هليو. مولانا چشتي صاحب شڪارپوري مسلمانن جي موجوده حالت جو نقشو ڇڪيو ۽ حضور صہ جن جي زندگيءَ تي روشني وڌي. علم ۽ تنظيم لاءِ زور ڀريو. مسلمانن کي هندو مهاسڀا جي ڪمن ڪوششن ڏانهن متوجهه ڪيائين، جيڪب آباد واري واقعي متعلق افسوس ظاهر ڪيائين ۽ مسلمان اخبارن جي حالت ٻڌايائين جو هندن جي چالبازي جي پروپيگنڊا ۾ ڦاسي مسلمانن جي خلاف نڪته چيني ڪن ٿيون.
ٺهراءُ: (1) هي جلسو جيڪب آباد جي واقعي تي پنهنجي رنج جو اظهار ٿو ڪري ۽ بيگناهن جي گرفتاري تي صدا احتجاج بلند ٿو ڪري ۽ مڪمل جاچ لاءِ اپيل ٿو ڪري. (2) هي جلسو خيرپور رياست جي موجوده بد انتظامي تي افسوس ٿو کائي ۽ سرڪار کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته ناڪام ڪائونسل جو خاتمو ڪيو وڃي ۽ وزارت جي رواج کي قائم ڪيو وڃي.
الوحيد، جلد اٺون، نمبر 109، 15 مئي 1929ع، ص1
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خيرپور ناٿن شاهه ۾ ڪامياب جلسو
17 مئي جمعي ڏينهن جامع مسجد خيرپورناٿن شاهه جي جامع مسجد ۾ پير سيد علي شاهه صاحب راشدي جي زير صدارت شاندار جلسو ٿي گذريو. شهر ۽ ٻهراڙيءَ جا سوين ماڻهو شريڪ هئا. مولوي ميان شفيع محمد جلسي جو مقصد ٻڌايو. مولانا چشتي صاحب عشق رسول ۽ موجوده حالتن ڏانهن اشارو ڪندي تعليم ۽ تنظيم جي دلچسپ ۽ موثر تقرير فرمائي. پئسن جي صورت ۾ مولانا کي نذرانه ملي رهيا هئا. هڪ شخص مسلمان ٿيو جنهن جو نالو مولانا صاحب پنهنجي همنام رکيو. (ناظم)
ڳڙهي ياسين ۾ جلسو
17 مئي تي ڳڙهي ياسين ۾ زير صدارت مولوي حافظ نور محمد مسلمانن جو عام جلسه منعقد ٿيو. حافظ صاحب ۽ حڪيم حبيب الله خان سيڪريٽري خلافت موجوده حالت تي تقريرون فرمايون. وڌيڪ حڪيم صاحب رياست خيرپور جا حالت ٻڌائيندي هيٺيان ٺهراءَ پيش ڪيا جي پاس ٿيا.
(1) رياست ۾ بدامنيءَ تي افسوس ۽ ڪائونسل کي ٽوڙڻ ۾ وزارت کي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ استدعا (2) جيڪب آباد جي حادثي تي افسوس ۽ سرڪار کي چڱيءَ ريت جاچ لاءِ درخواست ڪئي وئي ته جيئن بيگناهه گرفتاريون نه ٿين.
الوحيد، جلد اٺون، نمبر 114، 23 مئي 1929ع، ص 2
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سنڌ ۾ هڪ نئين فتني جي ابتدا
علماءَ اسلام کي خيال رکڻ گهرجي
دين کي دنيا تي وڪڻڻ
سنڌ ۾ نئون مهدي پئدا ٿيندو ڇا؟ گهنڊ يا تعلقي سڪرنڊ ضلعي نوابشاهه ۾ ڪشمور جو هڪ پير صاحب اٽڪل 5 سالن کان رهندڙ آهي. اڳ هو لاڙ ۾ رهندو هو ۽ ٽنڊه سومره جا اڪثر نظاماڻي هن جي والد بزرگوار جا عقيدتمند هئا ۽ موجوده پير صاحب کان بيزار آهن. پير صاحب جا مريد گهڻو ڪري بعد نماز وڏي سڏ سرود سان هن ريت فڪر ڪندا آهن. ”رب ساءَ“ لا الھ الا الله هاڻي معلوم ٿيو آهي ته پير صاحب جي خليفي علي اڪبر شاهه نالي مولوي محمد صديق مورائيءَ کي 300 رپيا ڏنا هئا ۽ مولوي صاحب کان دستاويز به لکايو ويو هو ته ڪو ڪتاب لکي ڏيندو. خير مولوي صاحب ته عرصه 2 سالن ۾ ڪتاب لکي نه سگهيو، هاڻي مولوي صاحب کان پئسن جي تقاضا ٿي رهي آهي. هاڻي اٽڪل 3 ڏينهن ٿيندا ته وري مولوي فيض الڪريم ٺارو شاهي کي ان ڪتاب بابت 70 رپيا ايڊوانس ڏني وئي آهي ۽ 230 رپيا مولوي صاحب کي ڪتاب تيار ڪري ڏيڻ وقت ڏنا ويندا. دستاويز جو مولوي فيض الڪريم کان لکايو ويو آهي ان ۾ گهڻا شرط آهن ۽ موٽا موٽا هي آهن ته اهو ذڪر بعد نماز رحماني آهي يا شيطاني. قبر کي سجده جائز ڪري ڏيندو. مرشد جي صورت هر وقت خيال ۾ رکڻ ۽ مڙس لاءِ سونا زيور يا پٽ جا ڪپڙا جائز آهن يا نه. وڏو هي امر آهي ته ثابت ڪندو ته مهدي ۽ مجدد ضرور گهنڊ يا مان ٿيندو موجب حديث (قيد) وغيره وغيره اها آهي. علماءَ امت ۽ پيران طريقت جي روش ان لاءِ علماءَ کي خيال رکڻ گهرجي. (خاطو)
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 18 جنوري 1930ع، ص 4.
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ايڊيٽر- شيخ عبدالمجيد
ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو عظيم الشان جلوس ۽ خالقڏنه هال ۾ زبردست ۽ پرجوش جلسو.
پنجن هزارن مسلمانن جو شاندار اجتماع
ميمڻ، بوهره، پٺاڻ، سنڌي، پنجابي، گجراتي مسلمانن جو عجيب مجمع
ساردا ائڪٽ، سيلڊ براج،
مولوي عبدالحئي جي يل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي بابت ضروري ٺهراءُ
مسلمان قانون شڪنيءَ لاءِ تيار
سوين مسلمانن جو خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شرڪت ٿيڻ
ٺهراءُ ٻيون: ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو حڪومت بمبئيءَ جي انهيءَ پاليسي تي پنهنجي نفرت ۽ ناراضگيءَ جو اظهار ڪري ٿو. جنهنڪري براج جي حدن ۾ لينڊ ايڪريزشين ايڪٽ جي نالي هيٺ 7 مسجدون خريد ڪيون ويون آهن ۽ وڌيڪ مسجدون خريد ڪرڻ جي ڌمڪي ڏني وئي آڱهي. هي جلسو مسلمانن کي درخواست ڪري ٿو ته جيستائين بمبئي حڪومت هن ڳالهه جو اعلان نه ڪري ته حڪومت کي ڪنهن به ائڪٽ جي ماتحت مسجدن جي خريد ڪرڻ جو ڪو حق ڪو نه آهي ۽ جيستائين انهن مسجدن کي پڪو نه ڪرايو ويو آهي جن کي واهن جي وچ ۾ ان ريت ڇڏيو ويو آهي جي پاڻيءَ جي اچڻ کانپوءِ ڪري پونديون تيستائين مسلمان انگريزي مال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪن ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ صوبه سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽي جي سڀني تدبيرن جي مددگاري ڪن.
محرڪ: شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد
موئد: حافظ محمد محسن
موئد: سيٺ غلام حسين غفور ڀائي.
شيخ صاحب تحرڪ ڪندي هڪ پرزور مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن ۾ فرمايائين ته 1927ع ۾ جڏهن سرڪار کان سوال پڇيو ويو ته براج ۾ مسجدون ڪيتريون آيون آهن ته سرڪائو سجي جواب ڏنو هو ته چار پر هاڻي 1929ع ۾ سر غلام حسين جي زماني ۾ جواب مليو آهي ته ڪل 7 مسجدون بئراج جي حوالي ٿيون آهن جي لينڊ ايڪويزيشن جي قانون هيٺ خريد ڪيون ويون آهن. گويا اها هڪ مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين ۾ هڪ قانون جي بهاني ۾ دست اندازي ڪئي وڃي ٿي جيڪڏهن سرڪار زوري کسي يا زبردستي سان مسجدن تي قبضا ڪري ته اها هڪ سمجهه جهڙي ڳالهه آهي پر هي ڇا اهي جو قانون جو نالو وٺي مسلمانن کي اکين ۾ ڌوڙ وڌي وڃي ٿي. سرڪائو سجي هوم ميمبر گورنمينٽ بمبئيءَ جي صاف انجام ڪيو هو ته آئينده ڪا به مسجد بئراج جي زد ۾ ڪا نه آندي ويندي ۽ ان کانپوءِ جڏهن حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب قبلا هڪ مسجد لاءِ ڳڙهي ياسين تعلقي ۾ ستيا گره ڪري وڃي ويٺا هئا تڏهن به سکر جي ڪليڪٽر ڪن مسلمان معززن کي وچ ۾ وجهي ۽ پاڻ انجام ڪري مولانا صاحب کي جڏهن تسلي ڏياري ته مسجدن کي پڪو ٺهرايو ويندو ۽ حفاظت ڪئي ويندي تڏهن مولانا صاحب اتان اتي آيا پر انهن انجامن ۽ وعدن هوندي به پوءِ سرڪار اڃا سوڌو برابر مسجدون خريد ڪندي ۽ انهن کي شهيد ڪندي وڃي ٿي تنهنڪري ضرورت آهي ته اوهان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سال لاءِ انگريزي ڪپڙي جو بائيڪاٽ ڪري مسجدن جي حفاظت ڪريو! ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ ٿي هن جماعت جي طاقت وڌايو ته هو مسلمانن جي حقن لاءِ باقاعده لڙندي رهي وغيره وغيره.
حافظ محمد محسن تائيد ۾ مسجدن جي حرمت ۽ عزت لاءِ ڪي ورثيون پيش ڪيون ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءُ لاءِ پنهنجي تقرير ۾ زور ڏنائين.
غلام حسين غفور ڀائيءَ چيو ته ڪائونس جا مسلمان ميمبر بيڪار آهن نه ته سرڪار کي طاقت نه ٿئي جو مسجدن جو نالو وٺي. ڪانپور جو واقع سرڪار کان وسريو ڪو نه آهي هوندو پر هي سنڌ آهي جتي سرڪار مسجدن ۾ ائين دست اندازي ڪري رهي آهي پوءِ ٺهراءُ بااتفاق پاس ڪيو ويو.
3. ٺهراءُ: ڪراچي جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو قانون ساز اسيمبلي هند ۾ مولوي عبدالحي جي پاران پيش ٿيل بل جي تائيد ڪري ٿو جنهن جو مقصد آهي ته مسلمانن جو نڪاح ۽ طلاق ۽ ورثا جو فيصلو شريعت اسلاميه جي حڪمن موجب ٿئي.
محرڪ: سيٺ حاجي عبدالله هارون
موئد: مولوي دين محمد صاحب وفائي.
سيٺ صاحب تقرير جاري رکندي فرمايو ته اڄ اسان هن حد کي وڃي پهتا آهيون جو شرعي احڪامن جي جاري ڪرائڻ ۽ فيصلي لاءِ به اسيمبليءَ جا محتاج آهيون. پر حالت هيءَ اچي بڻي آهي جو هندو پنهنجن بيواهه زالن ۽ ڇوڪرين جي ورثي لاءِ هڪ قانون پيش ڪرڻ وارا آهن. جنهن موجب خوف آهي ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي پنهنجي راءِ تي ورثي جا حصا مقرر ڪيا ۽ اهي شريعت جي حصن جي برخلاف هوندا ۽ سرڪار اهو قانون به کڻي مسلمانن سان لاڳو ڪيو ته پوءِ سخت مشڪل ٿي پوندي. مثلن اسيمبلي بيواهه زال لاءِ اڌ املاڪ مقرر ڪري ۽ شريعت جو فيصلو آهي ته اولاد واري حالت ۾ بيواهه کي اٺين پتي ۽ بي اولاد وقت چوٿين پتي ڏجي پر اسيمبلي ساروا ائڪٽ وانگي کڻي اهو قانون مسلمانن سان به لڳائي ته وري ڪنڊا ڪڍڻا پون تنهنڪري مولوي عبدالحي جو قانون نهايت ضروري آهي ته مسلمانن جا فيصلا شريعت موجب ٿيڻ گهرجن. سيٺ صاحب ڪڇي ميمڻ جي هندو لاءِ وغيره جا مثال پيش ڪري قانون جي تائيد لاءِ اپيل ڪئي ۽ مسلمانن کي متفق ٿي قومي ڪمن ۾ حصا وٺڻ لاءِ چيو.
مولوي وفائي صاحب: ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي چيو ته مسلمان جن ملڪن ۾ رهن ٿا سي ٽن قسمن جا آهن. (1) جتي فقط اسلامي حڪومت آهي (2) جتي نج ڪافرن جي حڪومت ۽ سندن ملڪ آهي (3) اهي ملڪ جو پهريان ته مسلمانن جا هئا پر پوءِ انهن تي ڪافرن غلبو ڪري ۽ حڪومت ڄمائي هجي.
پهرين قسم جي ٻن ملڪن بابت فقهي حڪم پڌرا آهن باقي پوئين قسم جي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن کي ڪيئن رهڻ گهرجي. جيئن هندستان آهي ان بابت صاف حڪم آهي ته اهڙي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن جو فرض آهي ته شيخ الاسلام يا شريعت جو قاضي مقرر ڪن جو سندن شرعي فيصلو ڪندو رهي پوءِ اگرچ ڍل محصول وغيره هو غير مسلم حاڪم کي ادا ڪندا اچن. تاريخ شاهد آهي ته جڏهن چنگيزن جو اسلامي ملڪن تي قبضو ٿيو هو تڏهن به مسلمانن چنگيزن سان اهو معاهدو ڪيو هو ۽ اندروني طرح اسلامي حڪمن جي هٿ هيٺ فيصلا ڪرائيندا هئا ۽ هن وقت به روس چين، جاوا (هالنڊ) جي حڪومتن ۾ مسلمانن جا سرڪاري طرح مقرر ٿيل قاضي آهن جي سندن فيصلا ڪن. فقط هندستان ئي آهي جنهن جي انگريزي راڄ ۾ مسلمانن کي ايتري مذهبي آزادي به ڪا نه ڏئي وئي آهي. اگرچ مرشد آباد (بنگال) جي فتح وقت انگريزن مسلمانن سان شرعي فيصلن ڪرڻ لاءِ قاضي مقرر ڪرڻ جو وعدو ڪيو هو. تاهم پورو نه ڪيائون تنهنڪري اسان کي مولوي عبدالحي لدهيانوي جي بل جي تائيد ڪرڻ گهرجي. پوءِ اگرچ شيخ الاسلام کڻي ڪو نه ملندو تاهم ڪجهه نه ڪجهه مذهبي آزادي ٿي پوندي وغيره ٺهراءُ پرجوش نعرن ۾ پاس ٿيو.
ٺهراءُ 4: ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو نجم الدين فنڊ جي غائب ٿي وڃڻ جي متعلق وزير تعليم جيڪي جواب ڏنا آهن. تن کي اڻپورو سمجهي گهر ڪري ٿو ته نجم الدين فنڊ جي پته ڪڍڻ لاءِ حڪومت بمبئي کي ڪامل تحقيقات ڪرڻ گهرجي. هن جلسي جي راءِ آهي ته جيستائين هي ظاهر نه ڪيو وڃي ته اهو فنڊ ڪنهن غبن ڪيو آهي تيستائين حڪومت مشين فنڊ جي جوابداري کان بري نه ٿي بڻجي سگهجي.
ٺهراءُ 5: ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو راجا رگهونند پاران هندستان ۾ گائوڪشي جي بند ڪرڻ بابت جو ٺهراءُ اسيمبلي هند ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي تنهن کي اسلام ۽ مسلمانن جي حقن ۽ پڌري دست اندازي سمجهه ٿو ۽ گورنر جنرل پاران انهيءَ بل جي پيش ڪرڻ جي اجازت ڏيڻ تي صدا ۽ احتجاج بلند ڪري ٿو ته اهڙي فتنه انگيز بل کي اسيمبليءَ ۾ بحث هيٺ آڻڻ کان روڪيو وڃي.
اهي ٻئي علماءَ صدر صاحب جي پاران شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب صدر جي اجازت سان پيش ڪيا جيڪي بااتفاق منظور ٿيا. ان کانپوءِ صدر صاحب ٺهرائن تي مختصر سمجهاڻي ڏيندي ماڻهن کي قرباني ڏيڻ لاءِ اپيل ڪندي جلسه برخواست ڪيو ۽ ڪيترا ماڻهو خلافت جا ميمبر بڻيا.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 21 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2.
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امروٽ شريف ۾ عاليشان جلسو
امروٽ شريف 17 جنوري جمعي ڏينهن مولانا ميان نظام الدين صاحب سجاده نشين جي صدارت جلسو ٿيو ڪيترا آدمي موجود هئا هيٺان ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.
1. ساردا ائڪٽ، مساجد براج، مولوي عبدالحي جي بل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي.
جلسي ۾ زوردار لفظن ۾ گورنمينٽ جو ڌيان ڇڪايائون ته جيڪڏهن مسلمانن جي مذهبي جذبات جو ڪو قدر نه ڪيو ويو ته پوءِ مسلمان مذهبي حفاظت لاءِ سڀ ڪجهه قربان ڪرڻ لاءِ تيار ٿي ويندا. خاطو
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 23، ڪراچي، 29 جنوري 1930ع، ص 4.
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ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو خالقڏنه هال ۾ عام جلسو
هندستان جي آزادي ۽ مسلم قوم جي حقن تي ولوله انگيز تقريرون، بوهرا قوم جي اڳواڻن جو اعلان ته هڪ سئو نوجوان بوهره اسلامي رضاڪارن جي جماعت ۾ شريڪ ٿيندا.
براج جي مسجدن جي حفاظت لاءِ وزير هند تي دعويٰ ڪرڻ جو فيصلو.
1. ضلع خلافت ڪميٽي ڪراچيءَ جي سايه هيٺ مسلمانن جو عام جلسو خالقڏنو هال ۾ 29 جنوري اربع ڏينهن مولوي محمد صديق جي صدارت ۾ ٿيو. شرڪت ڪندڙن مان هيٺين صاحبن جا نالا قابل ذڪر آهن.
مولوي محمد صديق، بابا حاجي مير محمد بلوچ، سيدٺ طيب علي، سيٺ محمد يوسف، سيٺ صادق علي، سيٺ امام بخش چانڊيو، قاضي خدا بخش وڪيل، ملا رجب علي بوهره، مولوي محمد عثمان بلوچ، سيٺ عبدالمنعم عرب، سيد عبدالباري عرب، حافظ محمد محسن، مولوي مصطفيٰ، سيٺ عثمان حامد وغيره.
ٺهراءَ: ڪراچي جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو تجويز ڪري ٿو ته.
1. ملڪ جي آئينده دستور سياسي ۾ مسلم قوم جي حقن جي حفاظت لاءِ.
2. قانون ساز مجلسن خود حڪومت جماعتن ۽ نوڪرين ۾ مسلم قوم جي حقن جي حمايت ۽ حفاظت لاءِ.
3. شريعت جي خلاف سرڪاري حڪمن ۽ قانون کي رد ڪرائڻ لاءِ جيئن ته ساردا ائڪٽ براج جون مسجدون وغيره سوالن لاءِ.
4. دين اسلام ۽ مسلم قوم کي بيجا حملن کان روڪڻ لاءِ.
5. نائيٽ اسڪولن جي قائم ڪرڻ لاءِ.
6. جمعيت رضاڪارن اسلام جي تنظيم لاءِ.
7. مسلمانن جي ٻين مذهبي ۽ سياسي فرائض جي بجاآوري ۽ حقن جي نگراني لاءِ مسلمان جمعيت خلافت ۾ هزارن جي تعداد ۾ شريڪ ٿي خلافت ڪميٽي کي مضبوط ۽ طاقتور ڪن جا ڪميٽي سرمايه گڏ ڪرڻ لاءِ مقرر ٿي آهي ان جي هر طرح سان مدد ڪن.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 25، 31 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2.
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امروٽ شريف ۾ خلافت جو جلسو
مجاهدن جي ڀرتي
بي خوني جهاز لاءِ مسلمانن جي بيقراري
جمعتھ الوداع جي موقعي تي نماز بعد ميان نظام الدين شاهه صاحب جي زير صدارت جلسو شروع ٿيو هزار کان زياده ماڻهو موجود هئا. هيٺين صاحبن تقريرون ڪيون.
1.مولوي محمد هاشم، 2. مولوي دين محمد وفائي، 3. مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب، 4. ميان هدايت علي شاهه. 5. سيد محبوب علي شاهه.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر51، 7 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.
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ايڊيٽر شيخ عبدالمجيد
ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو عظيم الشان جلوس ۽ خالقڏنه هال ۾ زبردست ۽ پرجوش جلسو.
پنجن هزارن مسلمانن جو شاندار اجتماع
ميمڻ، بوهره، پٺاڻ، سنڌي، پنجابي، گجراتي مسلمانن جو عجيب مجمع.
ناروا ائڪٽ، سيلد براج، مولوي عبدالحئي جي يل، نجم الدين فنڊ ۽ گئوڪشي بابت ضروري ٺهراءُ
مسلمان قانون شڪيءَ لاءِ تيار
سوين مسلمانن جو خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ ٿيڻ.
ٺهراءُ ٻيو- ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو حڪومت بمبئيءَ جي انهيءَ پاليسيءَ تي پنهنجي نفرت ۽ ناراضگيءَ جو اظهار ڪري ٿو. جنهنڪري براج جي حدن ۾ لينڊ ايڪريزشين ايڪٽ جي نالي هيٺ 7 مسجدون خريد ڪيون ويون آهن ۽ وڌيڪ مسجدون خريد ڪرڻ جي ڌمڪي ڏني وئي آهي. هي جلسو مسلمانن کي درخواستون ڪري ٿو ته جيستائين بمبئي حڪومت هن ڳالهه جو اعلان نه ڪري ته حڪومت کي ڪنهن به ائڪٽ جي ماتحت مسجدن جي خريد ڪرڻ جو ڪو حق ڪو نه آهي ۽ جيستائين انهن مسجدن کي پڪو نه ڪرايو ويو آهي جن کي واهن جي وچ ۾ ان ريت ڇڏيو ويو آهي جي پاڻيءَ جي اچڻ کانپوءِ ڪري پونديون تيستائين مسلمان انگريزي حال جو بائيڪاٽ ڪن ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ صوبه سنڌ خلافت ڪميٽي جي سڀني تدبيرن جي مددگاري ڪن.
محرڪ شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد
موئد- حافظ محمد محسن
موئد-سيدٺ غلام حسين غفور ڀائي
شيخ صاحب تحريڪ ڪندي هڪ پرزور مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن ۾ فرمائين ته 1927ع ۾ جڏهن سرڪار کان سوال پڇيو ويو ته براج ۾ مسجدون ڪيتريون آيون آهن ته سرڪارئوسجي سجواب ڏنو هو ته چار پر هاڻي 1929ع ۾ سر غلام حسين جي زماني ۾ جواب مليو آهي ته ڪل 7 مسجدون بئراج جي حوالي ٿيون آهن جي لينڊ ايڪوليزِيشن جي قانون هيٺ خريد ڪيون ويون آهن. گويا اها هڪ مسلمانن جي پاڪ جاين ۾ هڪ قانون جي بهاني ۾ دست اندازي ڪئي وڃي ٿي جيڪڏهن سرڪار زوري کسي يا زبردستي سان مسجدن تي قبضا ڪري ته اها هڪ سمجهه جهڙي ڳالهه آهي پر هي ڇا آهي جو قانون جو نالو وٺي مسلمانن کي اکين ۾ ڌوڙ ۾ وڌي وڃي ٿي. سرڪائوسجي هرم ميمبر گورنمينٽ بمبئيءَ جي صاف انجام ڪيو هو ته آئينده ڪا به مسجد بئراج جي زد ۾ ڪا نه آندي ويندي ۽ ان کانپوءِ جڏهن حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب قبله هڪ مسجد لاءِ ڳڙهي ياسين تعلقي ۾ ستياڳڙهه ڪري وڃي ويٺا هئا تڏهن به سکر جي ڪليڪٽر ڪن مسلمان معززن کي وچ ۾ وجهي ۽ پاڻ انجام ڪري مولانا صاحب کي جڏهن تسلي ڏياري ته مسجدن کي پڪو ٺهرايو ويندو ۽ حفاظت ڪئي ويندي. تڏهن مولانا صاحب اتا اٿي آيا پر انهن انجمان ۽ وعدن هوندي به پوءِ سرڪار اڃا سوڌو برابر مسجدون خريد ڪندي ۽ انهن کي شهيد ڪندي وڇي ٿي تنهنڪري ضرورت آهي ته اوهان گهٽ ۾ گهٽ هڪ سال لاءِ انگريز ڪپڙي جو بائيڪاٽ ڪري مسجدن جي حفاظت ڪريو! ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيءَ ۾ شريڪ ٿي هن جماعت جي طاقت وڌايو ته هو مسلمانن جي حقن لاءِ باقاعده لڙندي رهي وغيره وغيره.
حافظ محمد محسن تائيد ۾ مسجدن جي حرمت ۽ عزت لاءِ ڪي ورتيون پيش ڪيون ۽ مسجدن جي بچاءَ لاءِ پنهنجي تقرير ۾ زور ڏنائين.
غلام حسين غفور ڀائيءَ چيو ته ڪائونسل جا مسلمان ميمبر بيڪار آهن نه ته سرڪار کي طاقت نه ٿئي جو مسجدن جو نالو وٺي. ڪانپور جو واقع سرڪار کان وسريو ڪو نه آهي هوندو پر هي سنڌ آهي جتي سرڪار مسجدن ۾ ايئن دست اندازي ڪري رهي آهي پوءِ ٺهراءُ بااتفاق پاس ڪيو ويو.
3.ٺهراءُ
ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو قانون ساز اسيمبلي هند ۾ عبدالحئي جي پاران پيش ٿيل بل جي تائيد ڪري ٿو جنهن جو مقصد آهي ته مسلمانن جو نڪاح ۾ طلاق ۽ ورثا جو فيصلو شريعت اسلاميه جي حڪمن موجب ٿئي.
محرڪ سيدٺ عبدالله هارون
مويد- مولوي دين محمد صاحب وفائي.
سيٺ صاحب تقرير جاري رکندي فرمايو ته اڄ اسان هن حد کي وڃي پهتا آهيون جو شرعي احڪامن جي جاري ڪرائڻ ۽ فيصلي لاءِ به اسيمبليءَ جا محتاج آهيون. پر حالت هيءَ اچي بڻي آهي جو هندو پنهنجن بيواهه زالن ۽ ڇوڪرين جي ورثي لاءِ هڪ قانون پيش ڪرڻ وارا آهن. جنهن موجب خوف آهي ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي پنهنجي راءِ تي ورثي جا حصا مقرر ڪيا ۽ اهي شريعت جي حصن جي برخلاف هوندا ۽ سرڪار اهو قانون به کڻي مسلمانن سان لاڳو ڪيو ته پوءِ سخت مشڪل ٿي پوندي. مثلن اسيمبلي بيواه زال لاءِ اڌ املاڪ مقرر ڪري ۽ شريعت جو فيصلو آهي ته اولاد واري حالت ۾ بيوهه کي اٺين پتي ۽ بي اولاد وقت چوٿين پتي ڏجي پر اسيمبلي سارواائڪٽ وانگي کڻي اهو قانون مسلمانن سان به لڳائي ته وري ڪنڊا ڪڍڻا پون تنهن ڪري مولوي عبدالحق جو قانون نهايت ضروري آهي ته مسلمانن جا فيصلا شريعت موجب ٿيڻ گهرجن. سيٺ صاحب ڪڇي ميمڻ جي هندو لاءِ وغيره جا مثال پيش ڪري قانون جي تائيد لاءِ اپيل ڪئي ۽ مسلمانن کي منفق ٿي قومي ڪمن لاءِ حصا وٺڻ لاءِ چيو.
مولوي وفائي صاحبڍ
ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ڪندي چيو ته مسلمانن جي املڪن ۾ رهن ٿا سي ٽن قسمن جا آهن. (1)جتي فقط اسلامي حڪومت آهي (2) جتي نج ڪافرن يج حڪومت ۽ سندن ملڪ آهي (3) اهي ملڪ جو پهريان ته مسلمانن جا هئا پر پوءِ انهن تي ڪافرن غلبو ڪري ۽ حڪومت ڄمائي هجي.
پهرين قسم جي ٻن ملڪن بابت فقهي حڪم پڌرا آهن باقي پوئين قسم جي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن کي ڪيئن رهڻ گهرجي. جيئن هندستان آهي ان بابت صاف حڪم آهي ته اهڙي ملڪ ۾ مسلمانن جو فرض آهي ته شيخ اسلام يا شريعت جو قاضي مقرر ڪن جو سندن شرعي فيصلو ڪندو رهي پوءِ اگرچ ڍل محصول وغيره هو غير مسلم حاڪم کي ادا ڪندا اچن. تاريخ شاهد آهي ته جڏهن چنگيزن جو اسلامي ۾ ملڪن تي قبضو ٿيو هو تڏهن به مسلمانن چنگيزن سان اهو معاهدو ڪيو هو ۽ اندروني طرح اسلامي حاڪمن جي هن هيٺ فيصلا ڪرائيندا هئا ۽ هن وقت به روس چين، جاوا (هالينڊ) جي حڪومتن ۾ مسلمانن جا سرڪاري طرح مقرر ٿيل قاضي آهن. جي سندن فيصلا ڪن. فقط هندستان ئي آهي جنهن جي انگريزي راڄ ۾ مسلمانن کي ايتري مذهبي آزادي به ڪا نه ڏئي وئي آهي. اگرچه مرشد آباد (بنگال)جي فتح وقت انگريزن مسلمانن سان شرعي فيصلن ڪرڻ لاءِ قاضي مقرر ڪرڻ جو واعدو ڪيو هو. تاهم پورو نه ڪيائون تنهنڪري اسان کي مولوي عبدالحي لدهيانوي جي بل جي تائيد ڪرڻ گهرجي. پوءِ اگرچه شيخ الاسلام کڻي ڪو نه ملندو تاهم ڪجهه نه ڪجهه مذهبي آزادي ته ٿي پوندي وغيره ٺهراءُ پرجوش نعرن ۾ پاس ٿيو.
ٺهراءُ 4:
(4) ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو نجم الدين فنڊ جي غائب ٿي وڃڻ جي متعلق وزير تعليم جيڪي جواب ڏنا آهن تن کي اڻپورو سمجهي گهر ڪري ٿو ته نجم الدين فنڊ جي پته ڪڍڻ لاءِ حڪومت بمبئي کي ڪامل تحقيقات ڪرڻ گهرجي. هن جلسي جي راءِ آهي ته جيستائين هي ظاهر نه ڪيو وڃي ته اهو فنڊ ڪنهن غبن ڪيو آهي تيستائين حڪومت مشين فنڊ جي جوابداري کان بري نه ٿي بڻجي سگهجي.
ٺهراءُ 5:
(5) ڪراچيءَ جي مسلمانن جو هي جلسو راجا گهرنند پاران هندستان ۾ گائوڪشي جي بند ڪرڻ بابت جو ٺهراءُ اسيمبلي هند ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي تنهن کي اسلام ۽ مسلمانن جي حقن ۽ پڌري دست اندازي سمجهي ٿو ۽ گورنر جنرل پاران انهيءَ بل جي پيش ڪرڻ جي اجازت ڏيڻ تي صداءِ احتجاج بلند ڪري ٿو ته اهڙي فتنه انگيز بل کي اسيمبليءَ ۾ بحث هيٺ آڻڻ کان روڪيو وڃي.
اهي ٻئي ٺهراءَ صدر صاحب جي پاران شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب صدرجي اجازت سان پيش ڪيا جي بااتفاق منظور ٿيا. ان کانپوءِ صدر صاحب ٺهرائن تي مختصر سمجهاڻي ڏيندي، ماڻهن کي قرباني ڏيڻ لاءِ اپيل ڪندي جلسه برخواست ڪيو ۽ ڪيترا ماڻهو خلافت جا ميمبر بڻيا.
الوحيد جلد نائون، نمبر 14، 21 جنوري 1930ع، ص 2
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مجلس عاملہ خلافت ڪميٽي سکر ضلعي جي ميٽنگ
شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب کي گشت ڪرڻ جي استدعا
خلافت ڪميٽي سکر هڪ مهيني ۾ هڪ هزار مجاهد ڏيندي، امروٽ ۾ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جو قيام.
تاريخ 28 فيبروري 1930ع جو امروٽ شريف ۾ ميٽنگ ٿي، هيٺيان ميمبر ميٽنگ ۾ حاضر هئا. 1. مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب، 2. سيد محبوب علي شاهه، 2. مسٽر عبدالرحمان وڪيل 4. محمد ادريس 5. مولوي دين محمد وفائي صاحب 6. مسٽر عبدالرزاق پيرزاده 7. مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب سوائي 11 بجي مولوي عبدالعزيز صاحب جي زير صدارت ڪارروائي شروع ٿي ۽ ڪيترائي ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.
1.حضرت مولانا تاج محمود صاحب جي وفات تي غم جو اظهار.
2. صدارت جي عهدي تي مولوي عبدالعزيز چونڊيو ويو.
3. نائب صدر ميان نظام الدين شاهه صاحب.
4. مساجد براج جي حفاظت لاءِ مجاهدن جي اقرار نامه جو فارم ڇپرايو وڃي.
5. شاردا ائڪٽ جي برخلاف جدوجهد.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 53، 9 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.
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سکر بجلي گهر جي مسجد بابت گورنمينٽ جو پڌرنامو
خلافت ڪميٽيءَ سان جيڪي شرط ڪيائون تن جي پڌرائي
سکر بجلي گهر جي لڳ جو هڪ مسجد بئراج ولا جي زد ۾ اچي رهي هئي جنهن تي خلافت ڪميٽي جي پاران نوجوان والنٽيئر ستياگرهه ڪري رهيا هئا. جن بابت پوءِ سيد محمود علي شاهه ۽ حاجي شيخ عبدالمجيد سان مڪاني عملدارن جي ميٽنگ ٿي هئي، جنهن جو هي نتيجو نڪتو هو جو ستيا گرهه بند ڪيو ويو ۽ جن شرطن تي خلافت ڪميٽي عملدارن سان صلح ڪيو هو سي پردي ۾ رکيا ويا هئا ۽ وعدو ڪيو ويو هو ته سرڪار پريس نوٽ ۾ انهن جي پڌرائي ڪندي. اهو پڌرنامه هيٺ ڏجي ٿو.
پريس نوٽ
سکر جي نزديڪ هڪ مسجد جي ڊهڻ جي انديشه بابت گورنمينٽ لوڪل عملدارن کان پوري حقيقت حاصل ڪئي آهي جنهن بابت 14 جون تي هڪ پريس نوٽ ڪڍيو ويو هو.
حقيقت هن طرح آهي ته 5 جون 1930ع تي سيد محبوب علي شاهه سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي جي سرڪردگي هيٺ هڪ خلافيتن جو جو وفد ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ سکر وٽ ويو. هنن ظاهر ڪيو ته براج پاور هائوس جي نزديڪ رئيس ڪئنال تي هڪ ننڍي مسجد اهي جا واهه کوٽيندڙ مشين ڊاهي ڇڏيندي تنهنڪري جيڪڏهن مسجد مشين کان نه بچي ته پوءِ سرڪار نئين سر ٺهرائي ڏئي.
ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ هڪدم سرزمين تي ويو ڏٺائين ته ڪم ڪندڙ مشين مسجد کان اڃا ڪجهه مفاصلو پري هئي، جنهن بعد براج جي عملدارن سان صلاح مصلحت ڪري سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي کي احوال ڏنو ته:
1. مسجد واهه جي ڪناري تي جتي آهي اتي ئي رهندي ۽ ڪو به نقصان مسجد کي نه پهچندو.
2. کاٽي ڪرائيندڙ عملدار مسجد جي فرش کي 3 فوٽ اوچو ڪندا ۽ هڪ پڪو ٿلهو ٺهرائيندا. جيئن پاڻي جي پوسل مسجد کي ڪو به نقصان رسائي نه سگهي.
3. جيڪڏهن مسلمانن جي مرضي هوندي ته کاٽيءَ جا عملدار جڏهن فرش 2 فوٽ مٿي ڪندا تڏهن ڇت ڊهرائتي ڀتيون 4 فوٽ اوچيو ڪري پوءِ ڇت به ٺهرائي ڏيندا.
4. واهه کلڻ کانپوءِ واهه جي رستي تان عام ماڻهن کي مسجد ڏانهن وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏني ويندي.
5. جيسين واهه کلن تيسين واهه مان جو لنگهه آهي اتان مسجد ڏانهن وڃڻ جي اجازت ڏني ويندي. ان بعد ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي سان ٺهراءُ ڪيو ته کاٽي ڪندڙ مشين ڀلي مسجد جي ڀرسان لنگهي اڳتي وڃي ڪم ڪري ۽ مسجد کي ڪو به نقصان نه رسندو تنهنڪري ان موجب مشين کي مسجد جي پاسي کان لنگها يو پوءِ 11 جون تي جڏهن وري کوٽڻ شروع ڪيائين ته ماڻهن جو ميڙ گڏ ٿي ويو ۽ ستياگره شروع ڪيائون.
سپريٽنڊنگ انجنيئر هڪدم ڪم بند ڪرايو ۽ هڪدم هڪ ميٽنگ ڪوٺائي جنهن ۾ سپرنٽينڊنٽ انجنيئر کانسواءِ ايگزيڪييوٽو انجنيئر ۽ اسسٽنٽ ڪليڪٽر روهڙي ۽ اسسٽنٽ ڪليڪٽر سکر سيڪريٽري مڪاني خلافت ڪميٽي (سيد محبوب علي شاهه) ۽ مسٽر (شيخ) عبدالمجيد شامل هئا. سپرنٽينڊنگ انجنيئر وري به ڊسٽرڪٽ مئجسٽريٽ جي ٻڌل شرطن جو يقين ڏياريو ۽ سيڪريٽري خلافت ڪميٽي (سيد محبوب علي شاهه) ۽ مسٽر(شيخ) عبدالمجيد قبول ڪيو ته گورنمينٽ جا شرط واجبي آهن.
ان کانپوءِ مشين بدستور کوٽڻ جو ڪم ڪري رهي آهي ۽ ڪو به ناانصافي جو واقعو نه ٿيو آهي. ”اخبار“ ٽائمز آف انڊيا مورخ 14 جون ۾ جيڪا رپورٽ شايع ٿي اهي اها خاص طرح ٻن ڳالهين ڪري بي بنياد آهي هڪ ته مسجد ڊاهڻ جو ڪو به حڪم نه ڏنو ويو هو ٻيو ته ڪليڪٽر وفد سان نهايت بدسلوڪي سان پيش آيو سا بلڪل غلط ڳالهه آهي. جيئن ته ڪليڪٽر جيڪي شرط ظاهر ڪيا سي خلافت ڪميٽي قبول ڪيا هئا.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 144، 3 جولائي 1930ع، ص 2.
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ضلع خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ
دلچسپ تقريرون ڪيون ويون ۽ ٺهراءَ پاس ڪيا ويا.
22-23 مارچ ميهڙ خلافت ميدان ۾ ضلع خلافت ڪانفرنس ٿي گذري. پنج، ڇهه سئو خلق ٻئي ڏهاڙي حاضر هئي حاضرين مان هيٺيان قابل ذڪر آهن.
1. مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب بلبلان خلافت.
2. مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ السلام
3. مولوي حافظ غلام فريد صاحب.
4. مولوي محمد ابراهيم صاحب
5. حاجي عبدالقادر صاحب.
6. حاجي محمد عرس خان
7. مولانا چشتي صاحب
8. رئيس محمد رضا خان.
9. ملڪ تاج الدين خان
10. سيد حاجي علي احمد شاهن.
11. مخدوم روهڙيءَ وارو.
12. رئيس ولي محمد خان (ايڊيٽر شمشيراسلام)
ڪانفرنس جو پريذيڊنٽ مولانا چشتي صاحب کي چونڊيو ويو موجوده وقت جي سموري ضروري ۽ مذهبي ملڪي مسئلن تي ڪافي روشني وڌي وئي. حاضرين کي تعليم، تجارت، اتفاق حب الوطني اخلاق لاءِ هدايت ڪئي وئي. پريذيڊنٽ کانسواءِ مولوي غلام فريد صاحب، مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب پڻ تقريرون ڪيون. پنج ٺهراءَ پاس ٿيا.
1. هندستان جي ڪامل آزاديءَ لاءِ مسلمان وطني تحريڪن ۾ شامل ٿين. ديس جي مالي حالت سڌارڻ لاءِ ديسي ڪپڙي جو استعمال ڪرڻ ۽ ولايتي ڪپڙي کان حدالامڪان پرهيز ڪن.
2. شاردا ائڪٽ کي مذهب ۽ پرنسل لا ۾ مداخلت ٺهرائي وئي ۽ ائڪٽ کي اخلاقي، معاشرتي نقصان ڄاتو ويو.
3. مسلمان بمبئي سرڪار جي بئريج وارين مسجدن بنسبت پڌري ڪيل اعلان تي ويساهه سرهائي ۽ اطمينان ظاهر ڪري نٿا سگهن. سرڪار اطمينان نه ڏياريو ته تحريڪ حفاظت مساجد شروع ڪئي ويندي.
4. مولوين ۽ پيرن کي اپيل ڪئي وئي ته غير شرعي رسمن خلاف جهاد ڪن.
الوحيد، جلد نائون، نمبر 70، 30 مارچ 1930ع، ص 3.
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Sind Villagers and Gandhi’s Disobedience Movement
ميرپورخاص جي هندو ۽ محمدن جي اٽڪل هڪ هزار ماڻهن جي گڏيل ميٽنگ ۾ محسوس ڪيو ته گانڌي ۽ سندس پوئلڳن حڪومت خلاف هلچل خونريزيءَ کي دعوت ڏئي رهي آهي ۽ پرسڪون ماحول کي بگاڙي رهي آهي. ان لاءِ هلچل سان اسان جو ڪو به تعلق نه آهي. هن لاءِ عوام کي صلاح ڏني وئي ته هلچل جي مخالفت شروع ڪن ته جيئن پرسڪون ماحول جو بقاءُ برقرار رهي.
D.G. 29/11/1930 P-5
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خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ جو (اجلاس اول)
زير صدارت سيٺ حاجي مير محمد صاحب ايم ايل سي
26 نومبر 1931ع ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس ميهڙ خلافت ميدان تي نهايت عاليشان نموني ۾ ٿي گذريو. بنڊل وڏيرو محمد رضا خان جي اهتمام سان خوب جهنڊين سان سينگاريو ويو هو. ڪانفرنس ۾ شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد صاحب ايم ايل سي، مولانا الحاج محمد عبدالڪريم چشتي، سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه سنائي پريزيڊنٽ ڊسٽرڪٽ لوڪلبورڊ ڪراچي، شيخ حافظ عبدالرحيم ولد گيهي مل نو مسلم جلباڻي وارو، مولانا غلام فريد صاحب، مولانا محمد سليمان، مولانا حاجي فتح محمد ناظم انجمن اصلاح المسلمين ضلع لاڙڪاڻه، مولانا ابوالحسن، شفيع محمد خيرپوري، مولانا مخدوم غلام عثمان روهڙي، مولانا محمد اڪمل، مولانا محمد ابراهيم صوفي، وڏيرو غلام صديق خان تنيه، مولانا قادري احمد فاضل ديوبندي ۽ ٻيا علماءَ خلافت ڪم ڪندڙ گهڻي تعداد ۾ شريڪ هئا. سيد محمد ابرار صاحب آگرا (يو پي) کان تار ڪئي ته تنگ وقت ڪري پاڻ اچي نٿو سگهان ۽ اهڙيءَ طرح سيد صدرالدين شاهه ۽ مولانا برڪت علي به اچي نه سگهيا ۽ مولانا محمود ميان صاحب ٻاٽ شريف وارن جو به خط آيو جو ناسازي طبع ڪري پاڻ اچي نهس گهيا. ماڻهو سون جي تعداد ۾ آيا هئا. اجلاس جي شروعات ۾ پهريائين مولانا قادري احمد صاحب فاضل ديوبند قرآن شريف جي قرات سهڻي ۽ مٺي آواز سان پڙهي. ان بعد سيد علي اڪبر شاهه صدر استقباليه ڪميٽي پنهنجو خطبه، پڙهيو ۽ معزز مهمانن جي مرحبا ڪئي پوءِ حاجي بابا سيٺ مير محمد ايم ايل سي جو نالو صدارت لاءِ تجويز ڪيو جنهن جي تائيد مولانا محمد سليمان ڪئي ۽ اتفاق راءِ سان سيٺ صاحب پريذيڊنٽ چونڊيو ويو صدر صاحب پنهنجي گلابي سنڌيءَ ۾ هڪ معنيٰ خيز ۽ پراثر صدارتي تقرير ڪئي، جنهن کي نهايت عزت ۽ ڌيان سان سڀني ٻڌو. ان کانپوءِ جناب شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد ايم ايل سي همت آفرين ۽ جاذب انداز سان هڪ روح پرور تقرير ڪئي ان بعد هيٺيان ٺهراءَ بالاتفاق پاس ٿيا.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 1: هيءَ ڪانفرنس سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي عرض ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ سنڌ مالي جاچ ڪميٽي آئينده حڪومت جي خرچ جي تخفيف وغيره جي سوال کي اڇلي يڪطرفي رپورٽ پيش ڪئي آهي، جنهن مان سرڪار جي نيت سنڌ جي جدائيءَ ۾ رنڊڪ وجهڻ جي صاف ظاهر آهي، تنهن کي مدنظر رکندي هر هنڌ جلسا ڪري سرڪار کي اطلاع ڏين ته جيڪڏهن پرڳڻن جي حڪومت رائج ڪرڻ سان گڏ سنڌ کي جدا حڪومت نه ڏني وئي ته اسان جائز طريقي سان حڪومت جي ان نامناسب ڪارروائي کي ناممڪن بڻائينداسون.
وڌيڪ هيءَ ڪانفرنس سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي درخواست ٿي ڪري ته انهيءَ مقصد جي حصول لاء هر ڳوٺ ۾ آزاد سنڌ جماعتون ۽ خلافت ڪميٽيون قائم ڪن ۽ والنٽيئر ڀرتي ڪرڻ شروع ڪن جي ضرورت جي وقت مناسب قربانين لاءِ تيار رهن.
هن ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ۾ جناب سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب فصيح ۽ مدلل تقرير ڪئي جنهن بعد ٺهراءُ يڪ آواز الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان پاس ٿيو.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 2: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي پرزور استدعا ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ اناج جا اگهه بلڪل گهٽ ٿي ويا اهن ۽ ڏينهون ڏينهن گهٽجي رهيا آهن ۽ ڍل جو رقب ساڳيو آهي جو وڏن مهانگن اگهن وقت ٻڌو ويو هو ۽ گذريل چئن پنجن سالن ۾ لڳو لڳ سنڌ جي زميندارن تي جدا جدا قسمن جون مصيبتون نازل ٿيون آهن تنهن صورت ۾ زمين جون ڍلون پنجاهه سيڪڙو ضرور گهٽايون وڃن ۽ زميندارن ۽ آبادگارن کي وڌيڪ برباديءَ کان بچايو وڃي جي نهايت تڪليف ۾ آهن.
محرڪ: وڏيرو غلام صديق خان تنيه
موئد: مولوي غلام فريد صاحب.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 3: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته جنهن صورت ۾ هن سال برسات ڪا نه پئي ۽ کير مکڻ جا اگهه به گهٽجي ويا آهن تنهنڪري هن سال سرڪار بيان ۾ مال جي لاءِ پن چري معاف ڪري.
صدر حاجي طرفان پيش ٿيو ۽ اتفاق راءِ سان پاس ٿيو.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 4: ته هيءَ ڪانفرنس بمبئي ڪائونسل اسيمبلي ۽ ڪائونسل آف اسٽيٽ کي اپيل ٿي ڪري بجيٽ جي کوٽ جي پورائي لاءِ نيون ڍلون ۽ ٽڪيسون رعيت تي نه مڙهيون وڃن ملڪ ان کوٽ پوري ڪرڻ لاءِ وڏن آفيسرن جا پگهار گهٽايا وڃن.
(ب) هيءَ ڪانفرنس خصوصن بمبئي ڪائونسل کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته ورثي جو بل ڪنهن به طرح پاس نه ڪيو وڃي نه ته سڄي پبلڪ جون ڍليون بلڪل مجروح ٿينديون ۽ سڀني ايم ايل سي صاحب کي عرض ٿي ڪري ته بڪمشت ٿي هن بل جي مخالفت ڪن جو سخت نقصانڪار آهي.
هيءُ ٺهراءُ صدر حاجي جي طرفان يپش ٿيو ۽ منظور ٿيو.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 5: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته آئينده جوڙجڪ حڪومت ۾ هارين ويچارن کي به ووٽ جو حق ڏنو وڃي جو شهرن ۾ ڀنگين کي به ووٽ جو حق آهي. هي هاري ويچارا ته اڻ سڌي طرح گهڻو ئي پيدائش جو حصو سرڪار کي ڍل طور پهچائين ٿا.
محرڪ سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب،
موئد: شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايل ايل سي
پهرين ڏينهن جو اجلاس نهايت ڪاميابيءَ سان ختم ٿيو.
ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس
(اجلاس دوم)
زير صدارت مولانا محمد عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي 27 نومبر ڪانفرنس جو ٻيو اجلاس ٿيو. جيڪي حاضر هئا تن ۾ مولانا الحاج چشتي، سيد غلام مرتضيٰ شاهه صاحب، جناب پير الاهي بخش، محمد هاشم مبلغ اسلام جمع بلبلان خلافت مولانا حاجي فتح محمد صاحب، مولانا محمد سليمان واعظم الاسلام، مولانا غلام فريد، شيخ عبدالرحيم جلباڻي، مولانا ابوالحسن، شفيع محمد، مولانا محمد ابراهيم ۽ ٻيا سڀئي بزرگ ۽ علماءَ موجود هئا.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 6: هيءَ ڪانفرنس مگسي بلوچن سان اظهار همدردي ڪري ٿي جن جا سردار نظر بند ڪيا ويا آهن ۽ ٻين تڪليفن ڪري شهدادڪوٽ ۽ ٻين هنڌن ۾ سردي ۽ نهايت بي ڪسيءَ جي حالت ۾ پيا آهن.
هيءَ ڪانفرنس سرڪار کي استدعا ٿي ڪري ته انهن جي واجبي مطالبات تي غور ٿئي ۽ جاچ ڪري ڪميشن مقرر ڪئي وڃي ۽ انهن جي تڪليفن جو تدارڪ جلداز جلد ڪيو وڃي. ان ٺهراءَ جي تائيد مولانا ابوالحسن شفيع محمد ڪئي.
ٺهراءُ نمبر 7: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ڪشمور جي مسلمانن جي مطالبات جي تائيد ٿي ڪري ۽ پنجاب جي احرار جيڪا جدوجهد ڪسمير جي مظلوم مسلمانن جي حمايت لاءِ شروع ڪئي آهي ان تي تحسين ٿي ڪري ۽ 17 هزار مسلمان قرباني ڪري قيد ٿيا آهن تن کي مبارڪباد ٿي ڏئي ۽ سنڌ جي مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته احرار پنجاب کي ان ڪم ۾ هر طرح جي امداد ڏين.
محرڪ مولانا غلام فريد
موئد: وڏيرو محمد رضا خان
ٺهراءُ نمبر 8: هيءَ ڪانفرنس ٺهراءُ ٿي ڪري ته قرآن شريف ڇپائڻ ۽ وڪري ڪرڻ ۾ غير مسلمانن لاءِ قانون بندش وڌي وڃي. هيءَ ڪانفرنس مسلمانن کي اپيل ٿي ڪري ته غير مسلمانن کان قرآن شريف خريد نه ڪن پر مسلمان دڪاندارن کان خريد ڪن.
محرڪ: مولانا حافظ محمد هاشم
موئد: مولانا محمد سلمان
الوحيد، جلد ڏهون، نمبر 274، 2 ڊسمبر 1931ع، ص 2.
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ميهڙ خلافت ڪاميٽيءَ جي ڪارروائي
شيخ حاجي عبدالمجيد ۽ پيرالاهي بخش جون تقريرون
ڪي اهم ٺهراءَ پاس
(موڪليل)
ميهڙ خلافت ڪانفرنس جو ساليانو ارڙهون اجلاس 14 اپريل 1938ع تي ڇنڇر ڏينهن خلافت ميدان تي گرميءَ هئڻ سبب عيگاهه ۾ ٿيو، جنهن ۾ شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب ايم ايل اي جناب پيرالاهي بخش روينيو وزير صاحب، سيد حاجي محمد شاهه صاحب ميرپورماٿيلو، مولانا مولوي عبدالڪريم صاحب چشتي، مولانا مولوي محمد هاشم صاحب (رڪ)، مولوي عبدالڪريم صاحب (بٺوي) صدر خلافت ضلع دادو ۽ لاڙڪاڻو مولوي محمد سليمان صاحب واعظ الاسلام ٿرڙي محبت ۽ ٻيا علماءَ ڪرام جلسا ۾ شريڪ هئا. مولوين تقريرون ڪيون.
وري 17 اپريل تي 9 بجي جلسو شروع ٿيو. سيد حاجي محمد شاهه صاحب صدارت ڪئي.
ٺهراءَ:
هي خلافت ميهڙ جو جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي زوردار اپيل ٿو ڪري ته سنڌ جي مسلمانن جي حقن جي پوري طرح حفاظت ڪري اسان مسلمانن جي دلين کي اطمينان بخشي.
هي جلسو سنڌ گورنمينٽ کي ذهن نشين ٿو ڪري ته براج جي پاڻي جي گهٽتائي جي عام پبلڪ ۾ سخت پرڪار آهي تنهن هوندي به واٽر ڪورسن جا منهن تمام سوڙها ۽ هيٺاهين تان ڪيا ويا آهن جنهنڪري آباديءَ کي سخت نقصان ٿو رسي ۽ مٿين زمين کي پاڻي پهچي نٿو سگهي جنهنڪري پاڻي جي دانهن جو داد ڪري پاڻي اهڙو ڏنو وڃي جو فصل جي پوري آزادي ڏني ٿئي.
هي جلسو سنڌ اسيمبليءَ جي مسلم ميمبرن تي زور ٿو آڻي ته اسيمبليءَ ۾ شريعت بل پاس ڪرائين (ٻيو) انتقال ايراضيءَ جو ٺهراءُ (ٽيون) قرض بل پاس ڪرائي اسان مسلمانن جو ديني ۽ دينوي بچاءَ ڪري پنهنجي نمائندگي جو فرض ادا ڪن.
هن ٺهراءَ جي تائيد ۾ جناب شيخ عبدالمجيد صاحب هڪ زبردست تقرير ڪندي مسلمانن کي اطمينان ڏياريو ته جيڪڏهن اسيمبلي ۾ مسلمان ميمبر زندهه آهن ته انشاءَ الله تعاليٰ اهي بل جلد پاس ڪرايا ويندا جي مسلم قوم جي بچاءَ لاءِ نهايت ضروري آهن سندس تائيد مولوي عبدالحي صاحب ڪئي.
(4) هي جلسو گورنمينٽ برطانيا کان پرزور مطالبو ٿو ڪري ته فلسطين يهود نواز پاليسي کي تبديلي ڪري ۽ مسلم عربن جي مطالبات کي تسليم ڪري.
(5) هي جلسو ٺهراءَ ٿو ڪري ته درياهه ڀر ۾ جو ربيع جي فصل جي آبادي لاءِ پاڻي مليو آهي سو بلڪل اڻپورو آهي ۽ پوري وقت تي نٿو ملي ۽ دادو ڪئنال جو بند ڪيو ٿو وڃي سو وڌ ۾ وڌ هڪ هفتو بند ڪيو وڃي ۽ واهه کلڻ بعد پاڻي ڏنو وڃي نه ته فصل پورو نه ٿيندو تنهنڪري سنڌ سرڪار ۽ انجنيئري وزير صاحب کي هن طرف توجهه ڪرڻ گهرجي.
(6) هي جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي يقين سان ذهن نشين ٿو ڪرائي ته غريبن تان رشوت ۽ رسائي ۽ لاپي جو آزار ڪجهه به گهٽ نه ٿيو اهي جيڪي هن وقت تائين سرڪار ان بابت تحرڪ ورتو آهي اهو بيڪار ثابت ٿيو آهي. تنهنڪري اهڙو تحرڪ ورتو وڃي جو اثر وارو ثابت ٿئي ۽ اسان غريبن تائين مٿيان آزار لهن. ص 3. باقي ص 5 تي.
(7) هي جلسو سنڌ سرڪار کي اپيل ٿو ڪري ته لواريءَ واري مصنوعي حج کي قانونن بند ڪرائي ملسمانن جي دلين کي اطمينان بخشي نه ته حج جي موقعي تي وري به مسلمان گذريل سال کان وڌيڪ گهڻي انداز ۾ قربانيءَ جي ميدان ۾ شريڪ ٿي مذهبي حق ادا ڪندا.
(8) هي انهن مجاهدن کي مبارڪباد پيش ٿو ڪري جن قربانيءَ جي جذبي سببان وڃي لواريءَ جي حج روڪڻ لاءِ جيلن ۽ قربانين جون سختيون سهي سنڌ جي مسلمانن جو منهن مٿي ڪيو.
(9) هي خلافت جو جلسو گورنمينٽ سنڌ کي استدعا ٿو ڪري ته جن قوتن جي سبب ظاهري آهي جيئن ته ظاهري اوزار سان مقتول يا ڀت پيل يا باهه سڙيل يا پاڻي ٻڏل وڻ ڪريل وغيره اهڙن مقتولن کي چيريو نه وڃي ۽ جن عورتن مقتولن جي پوسٽ مارٽم جي ضرورت هجي تن جو پوسٽ مارٽم ليڊي ڊاڪٽرياڻيون ڪن نه ته ٻي صورت ۾ اسان مسلمان پنهنجي بي عزتي ٿا سمجهون.
(10) هي جلسو وس وارن صاحبن کان زوردار گهر ٿو ڪري ته ناڪن جو آزار غريبن تان لاهي جس کٽن. ان کانپوءِ آنربل پير الاهي بخش روينيو وزير صاحب رشوت رسائي ۽ لابي جي بند ڪرڻ لاءِ ماڻهن کي زوردار اپيل ڪئي ته مٿئين آزاريندڙ ڳالهين جي بند ڪرائڻ ۾ سرڪار کي مدد ڪرائين. انهيءَ تقرير جو پبلڪ تي ڏاڍو اثر پيدا ٿيندو. ان کانپوءِ جلسا دعا خيري ۽ الله اڪبر جي نعرن سان ختم ٿيو.
الوحيد، جلد سترهون، نمبر 94، 29 اپريل 1938ع، ص 5.
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آڪٽوبر 1938ع ۾ حاجي عبدالله هارون، مسٽر گزدر، جمال ميان، راجا محمود آباد ۽ مولوي حقاني سنڌ مسلم ليگ کي مضبوط بڻائڻ جي خيال سان پوري سنڌ جو دورو ڪيو. ان وقت الهه بخش خان سنڌ جو وزيراعليٰ هو.
الوحيد، 16 آڪٽوبر 1938ع، ص 149، جلد 2.
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ميرپورماٿيلي ۾ هندو مسلم اتحاد لاءِ جلسا
15 نومبر 1940ع جامع مسجد ميرپورماٿيو زير صدارت سيد محمد عالم شاهه ٿيو. مولانا خير محمد صاحب پتافي تقرير ڪندي هندو مسلم جي اتحاد تي زور ڏنو. سنڌ ۾ ٽي مولوي شهيد ٿيا هئا.
الوحيد، نمبر 254، 20 نومبر 1940ع، ص 5.
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ٺٽي ۾ امير خاني مسجد جي باري ۾ مسلمانن کي نوٽيس
ڪليڪٽر صاحب ڪراچيءَ وٽان مسجد اميرخانيءَ جي متعلق ڪيل هندن تي فرياد م ڄاڻايل شاهدن تي نوٽيس تعميل ٿي رهيا آهن. جنهن ۾ ڄاڻايو ويو آهي ته اهو پلاٽ گورنمينٽ جو آهي ۽ واسطيدار مسلمان 18 نومبر 1941ع جي مختيارڪار ٺٽه وٽ ثبوت پيش ڪن.
تعجب آهي ته 17 سيپٽمبر 1941ع تي هندن تي قلم 295 ايڪٽ هيٺ پوليس ۾ فرياد داخل ڪرايو ويو هو ته هندن مسجد جي بي حرمتي ڪئي آهي ۽ محراب به ختم ڪري ڇڏيو اٿن سو ته چالان ڪو نه ٿيو پر اٽلندو دعويٰ ڪئي پئي وڃي ته اهو پلاٽ گورنمينٽ جو آهي.
الوحيد، سال ويهون، نمبر 248، 7 نومبر 1941ع، ص 3.